Twentieth Century. The History of the World 1901 to 2000 Viking

Twentieth Century

J. M. ROBERTS

Twentieth Century THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD, 1 9 0 1 to 2 0 0 0

VIKING

Published by the Penguin Group Penguin Putnam Inc., 375 Hudson Street, New York, New York 10014, U.S.A. Penguin Books Ltd, 27 Wrights Lane, London W8 5TZ, England Penguin Books Australia Ltd, Ringwood, Victoria, Australia Penguin Books Canada Ltd, 10 Alcorn Avenue, Toronto, Ontario, Canada M4V 3BZ Penguin Books (N.Z.) Ltd, 182-190 Wairau Road, Auckland 10, New Zealand Penguin Books Ltd, Registered Offices: Harmondsworth, Middlesex, England First American edition Published in 1999 by Viking Penguin, a member of Penguin Putnam Inc. 1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2 Copyright © J. M. Roberts, 1999 All rights reserved Roberts, J. M. (John Morris), 1928Twentieth century : the history of the world, 1901 to 2000 / J. M. Roberts p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-670-88456-1 1. History, Modern—20th century. I. Title. II. Title: 20th century D421.R54 1999 909.82—dc2i 99-41833 This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the above publisher of this book.

. . . The General added a very wise remark. 'Look here, you're always wanting to get things done,' he said to his companion reproachfully. 'And I admire you for it. But you ought to try thinking in historical terms for once.' - Robert Musil, The Man without Qualities

Contents

List of Maps Foreword

BOOK I

xiii xv

THE WORLD OF 1 9 O I : INHERITANCES

By Way of Introduction

Our century - The weight of the past - The different pasts of 1901 - The 'civilized' world - Culture and hegemony - 'One-half of the human species' - Ideas with a future - The scientific legacy - Movers and shakers

Structures

Human numbers - The world's wealth - Commerce States and governments - Monarchy - Non-western government - Islamic empires - The United States of America - Latin America - The international order: power and great powers - Potential for change

The White Man's World

Empire and imperialism - The European empires Idealism, interests and imagination - Settlers and natives — Imperialism and international relations: the 'Scramble for Africa' - Asian and Pacific empire - The imperial United States - The South African war

Shapes of Things to Come Long-term demography - The divisions of humanity A century of growing wealth - An industrializing world -

CONTENTS

New technology — Medical science — Communication — Mass communication - Changing mentalities Acceleration and integration

BOOK 2 5

T H E LAST Y E A R S O F T H E E U R O P E A N A S C E N D A N C Y European Exceptionalism

141

Europeans - Privilege and unrest - Socialism - Mass politics and nationalism - Constitutional governments The German empire - Dynasticism - Religion in European life — Tensions and strains — Women in Europe

Europe as a System of Power

175

International order - Alliances and entanglements The dissatisfied and dangerous - The appearance of security - New alignments - Deepening divisions Young Turks - Russia's changing stance - Agadir and after - The Balkan wars

Challenges and Challengers in the Making

207

Change and perceptions of change in Asia - The new Japan - The end of the Chinese empire - The European empires in the Far East - Indo-China and Indonesia India under the Raj - India enters the twentieth century Egypt and the end of Ottoman Africa — Ottoman empire east of Suez - New actors in the imperial drama

The Great War and the Beginning of the Twentiethcentury Revolution 238 The last crisis - The end of an age - The Great War The changing world - 1917 - Revolutionary war Triumphs of nationality - The Ottoman collapse The end of the first German war

BOOK 3 9

THE END OF THE OLD W O R L D O R D E R A Revolutionary Peace The basis of settlement - The League - The

271

CONTENTS international economy - Economic disorder in Europe - Democracy and nationality - Revolution and counter-revolution - The new Germany International communism - The new Russian empire - A new autocracy - A world divided

Years of Illusion

304

A last flourish of empire - Kemal Atatürk - Iran New currents in Europe's politics - An authoritarian wave - New uncertainties - The optimistic years Locarno and after - An eastern enigma - The United States

BOOK 4 II

WORLD REVOLUTION

An Emerging Global History

339

The world depression - Asia in the era of European civil war - The sequel to the Chinese revolution Japan - The peace settlements and Asia - Chinese communism - Japanese dynamism - Civil war in China - The turning tide in India - The United States Latin America

The Path to World War

378

The approach to the abyss - The Manchurian crisis The China 'incident' - Indo-China and Indonesia between the wars - The German problem - Adolf Hitler - The German revolution - The crumbling balance of power - Ideology's contamination of international affairs - Towards a new German war: the Spanish Civil War - Hitler moves beyond the German lands

The Second World War From Blitzkrieg to Barbarossa - German Europe World war - The conflation of wars - Global conflict 1941-5 - The meaning of victory

410

CONTENTS

BOOK 5

A NEW WORLD

Appearance and Reality

435

Europe: amid the ruins - The framework of recovery Reconstruction - Great power realities - Friction The Truman doctrine and the Marshall Plan

The Cold War Unrolls

457

Roots of conflict - The Berlin crisis and NATO New nations: the beginnings of decolonization Indian independence - The last throes of the Chinese revolution - Imperial realities in 1945 - Indo-China The running sore of the Ottoman Succession - Cold and hot war in Asia: Korea - Stalin's legacy - A divided Europe in a dividing world

East Asia Reshaped

494

After empire - The Indian sub-continent - The 'Third World' - Indonesia - The new China - China's re-emergence as a world power - The great steersman Resurgent Japan

Africa and the Near East: Old and New Problems

52.1

Past history, new facts - Pre-independence Africa The independence process in Black Africa South Africa and Rhodesia - Disappointment and disillusion - Arab and Jew - The Egyptian revolution and after — Algerian independence

BOOK 6

SHIFTING

FOUNDATIONS

Changing Minds New ways of seeing the world - The management of the natural world — Power — Communications and information technology - The life sciences - Medical science - Space and the public imagination - Promise and misgiving - Facing new issues

553

CONTENTS

New Economic and Social Worlds

584

In the long run - Europe's 'golden age' - Eastern Europe — World contrasts — Changing lifestyles — The oil crisis and after - Structural changes - Cultural consequences in a wealthier world - Globalization

Authority and Its New Challengers

613

A liberating century - Dissolving certainty - Religion in the later twentieth century - Government, democracy and nationalism - Challenges to the state - Women - The Pill - New waves - Women in the non-western world - Youth

BOOK 7

A CHANGING WORLD BALANCE

The Cold War at Its Height

647

After Stalin - The second Berlin crisis - Latin America enters world politics - Cuba - The aftermath in Latin America - The changing USSR - The changing United States

Vietnam and After

672

The American entanglement - The changing Asian context - Oil and the Israel problem - The Iranian revolution - Islam in international affairs - An uneasy Latin America

The Reshaping of Europe

695

Seeds of unity - The division of Europe - National interests - Ostpolitik - The path to Helsinki The British crisis

BOOK 8

THE END OF AN ERA

A World in Evolution The last years of Chairman Mao - New patterns Japan: the new world power - The Indian democracy Africa's enduring problems

719

CONTENTS

Crumbling Certainties

739

Seeds of doubt - American misgivings Disordered Islam - The last phase of Cold War Changing eastern Europe - Polish revolution - The crumbling of the Soviet system - A new Germany

Post Cold War Realities

765

The Gulf War - Persisting dangers - The end of the Soviet Union - A new Russia - New European security problems - The end of Yugoslavia - Nationality and ethnicity in the new Europe - European integration Qualified re-orientation: the United Kingdom Changes in China - Tiananmen

Fin-de-siècle

799

Problems of peacekeeping - Europe after Maastricht A common currency - Enlarging Europe - A troubled Far East - The Indian sub-continent - The United States at the end of the century - Pax Americana

Retrospect

829

Historical importance - The great upheavals The mythology of human happiness - Mastery of the material world - The first world civilization - Today's political world - Conclusion

Appendix: The Exploration of Space Index

Xll

857 861

List of Maps

European and American empires, 1901 Africa before the First World War The Far East, 1901—14 The First World War in Europe Territorial changes resulting from the First World War Hitler's Europe, 1938-45 The Second World War Cold War Europe The Cold War World

40 84 208 240 272 380 412 436 458

Decolonized Asia, 1999 Africa in 1999 South and Central America in 1999 The CIS in 1999 Energy consumption worldwide, 1998

49^ 522 648 766 830

Xlll

Foreword

'There are great and obvious objections to contemporary history,' Macaulay once said, thinking of the events of his own lifetime.1 He is not the only historian to have sensed them, even if the history of the form begins with the great work of Thucydides. It will always remain true that the closer we get to our own times, the harder it is to see what is the history that really matters. There is such a torrent of events — and we are so bombarded with information about them - that it is difficult to judge what is really important and what will seem trivial in ioo years' time. We lack perspective; we are not far enough away from the things we are looking at to see them in proportion to one another. This is even more true when people look at what has happened in their own lifetimes, and is therefore one of the special difficulties of the contemporary historian, as historians of their own or very recent times are often called. There are others, too. Often evidence about why things happened is not available until many years after the event, though for a variety of reasons we now know a great deal about why most events took the turn they did in the twentieth century, and certainly more than people knew about their own times in earlier centuries, even if gaps remain. In fact, the boot is nowadays often on the other foot: there is just too much evidence to handle. The hardest task of the contemporary historian is, therefore, to discriminate. That must appear all too clearly in the pages that follow. In them, I have tried to set out what seems to me to have been most historically important, what affected the largest numbers of 1

Q. in G.O. Trevelyan, The Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay (Oxford, 1961), 1, pp.442-3.

FOREWORD

human beings (whether directly or by creating new circ*mstances in which they had to live their lives) in this century, and to do so in a reasonably short book. The size of that task means that this can only be a reconsideration of facts established by others and not a work of original research. I hope, though, that it embodies considered and careful reflection. Inevitably, the hardest decisions have been over the question of what to leave out. The book is intended to be a history of the world in a given period, yet not only can it not be factually complete, it must leave some history out altogether. It does not pretend to provide complete or even cover, any more than a guidebook pretends to give information about every part of the region it describes in uniform or equal measure. Take, for instance, the history of the Islamic republic of the Comoros Islands, which is by no means a long one. In 1975 the islands emerged from French colonial rule and became a sovereign independent state, a member of the United Nations on the same footing as all other members. In the twenty-three years since independence there are said to have been no fewer than seventeen coups d'état (by no means all successful), three of its four presidents have died in office (one by assassination), and French forces have twice returned to stabilize things. This is evidently a history mouvementé even by the standards of many post-colonial countries. Small though the republic is, moreover (its population is less than 700,000), it has had to face a problem of attempted secession (by one island that appealed to be returned to French jurisdiction unsuccessfully; France declined) and has experienced in local forms many of the most challenging historical trends of recent times dependence on a narrow range of agricultural exports, rapid population growth, decolonization, modernization, Islamism. Its history, therefore, is not only turbulent and complex, but, in a certain light, exemplary and revealing of currents transcending its shores. Yet the Comoros Islands are not mentioned on any later page of this book. They do not impinge enough on its concerns, and in this resemble, I am afraid, many communities whose history has had to be set aside here, not as beneath the consideration of history (every human creation or phenomenon has its own history that demands and is worthy of proper study) but because their story neither illuminates nor contributes to the general themes of this particular book. XVI

FOREWORD

There is no principle of democracy to ensure equal treatment for states and nations in historical narrative, nor even for tragedies and disasters; they can only be touched upon as they relate to a world history whose nature in this book has to be very general. This is not an encyclopedia, and neither the name of every sovereign state that has existed in this century, nor that of every international institution it has spawned, nor those of all the persons who for a time captured the headlines of the international press, nor every event that has been brought to our notice by the mass media can be mentioned in it. This book is based on a personal selection of topics, though not one, I hope, which is capricious or indefensible. (The same might be said of the spelling and transliteration of proper names which follow; I have made my own judgement about what were likely to be the most easily recognized versions to employ and the result is not consistency. 'Peking', for example, is used in the earlier pages of the book, since that name was normally employed in western writing in the first half of the century, but 'Beijing' as a more familiar choice for the more recent period.) In deciding how to set out the story, the most dangerous trap, potentially, was that of familiarity. All history is approached by the reader with certain expectations. I am very much aware of the pull of certain notorious dates. Some exercise an almost hypnotic effect, and shape our preconceptions without our being aware of it. As I began, there loomed ahead certain traditional and symbolic turning points - 1914, 1939, 1945, for instance - which could not be ignored. Yet these dates could easily be matched by others, once one slightly adjusted the perspective: 1904, 1905, 1917, 1931 were important, too. Arguments for saying so appear in what follows, but those dates themselves reflect the fact that some of the greatest historical themes of our century emerge because decisive historical action has in this century moved from the stage of European history to a wider stage, to, indeed, world history in the true sense. Some people saw this only a few years after the century began. That process leads to a conclusion that requires more than a mere coincidental assemblage of separate and distinct histories of different parts of the world. Within my formal and arbitrary dating, I have tried above all to trace that world history, what is general, what pulls the story together. xvn

FOREWORD

When I was born my parents may well not yet have heard the name of Hitler and we were only twenty-six years away from the Boer war, of which I heard a lot from them (as my children, I fear, forty years later, heard all too much from me about my adolescent memories of the Second World War). Our century has been so truly revolutionary that, as I thought about the structure of the book, I decided I had to begin by sketching the outlines of a forgotten world, one that is now no more, yet of which many of us through our parents and grandparents have some lingering and possibly very misleading impressions. After thus surveying the scene in 1901, my next step, I decided, should be to look ahead, to try to set out a summary view of some of the long-running forces for change that spanned the century or very large parts of it, and which are obscured when they are broken up into the shorter episodes that the history of public events imposes. After these glances at forces of inertia and movement visible at the outset, I felt I could embark on the narrative; this takes up most of the rest of the book. The canvas is a broad one and in organizing it I have had to court the danger of repetition. Many topics appear, disappear and then reappear in more than one context. They have had to be looked at from more than one point of view. At the end of the book, I have tried to look back on this century and to set out my view of its meaning and shape. This is, of course, the most personal and speculative part of all in what follows. Nevertheless, the outcome, I hope, will be a serviceable approach to nearly 100 years of more rapid, more sweeping, and more important change in human lives and prospects than there has ever been. On some of the themes that embody these changes I have already written elsewhere. In talking about them again, I have not hesitated to reappropriate words I have already used when they seem to be the right ones. To some important aspects of human life, I have been unable to give the attention and space that some readers will undoubtedly feel is their intrinsic due. There is little, for instance, about art or music in what follows. There is more than one reason for this. It is partly because the sheer individuation that has overtaken and characterized them in this century even within a single tradition - the western has shattered the frameworks within which they could formerly be meaningfully treated. It is partly, too, because of my ignorance of XVlll

FOREWORD

other cultures. It is partly because a world history cannot relate such matters to its overriding themes as can the histories of particular cultures, civilizations, or countries, partly because the numbers of human beings they decisively affect seem in the world context too few to spend space on them. Where 'mass' or 'popular' art forms are concerned, although their global importance may be more easily recognizable, I confess that I again remain too ignorant to proceed. Future historians of the twentieth century will no doubt do better. I am fairly confident, nonetheless, that the arts have shown no such implications for change in human life as those of, say, the unravelling of DNA, or the tapping of the energy of the atomic nucleus — and neither of those get a lot of space in what follows. My wife read much of the typescript of this book in earlier versions, and I wish to thank her for labour going well beyond the normal boundaries of marital obligation. For all the other benefits I owe to her, both for their own sake and for the help they gave me in writing, this is not the place to thank her nor have I the space; I think, though, that she knows they are constantly present to me. Many friends and colleagues, too, have helped me in many ways, some so long ago and so fundamentally that I cannot hope to list them. Professor John Carey, Sir Martin Gilbert, Mr John Gooding, Professor Jack Gray, Dr C.A. Groco*ck, Mr Mark Roberts, Professor Tsuchichi and Dr Jonathan Wright, though, were all kind enough to answer specific questions I put to them and some of them also scrutinized passages for me; I thank them all most warmly, as I do Lord Wright and Sir James Craig, who came to my rescue in a particular emergency at a very late stage. I owe special thanks to Dr Clare Griffiths, who much improved the quality of my references, and to Professor Tim Blanning, who read the whole text to its great benefit. I must particularly thank also Mr John B. Rhinelander for a stimulating conversation as we sailed down the Bosphorus a few years ago, and for his encouraging letters, and Professor H. W. Arndt for a most interesting communication. My editor at Penguin, Mr Simon Winder, has never failed to be helpful in his comments on drafts I showed him and in easing the processes of publication. To the University of Bristol I am much indebted for the access to its library that I have been granted. A special word of thanks, too, is due to an old friend and sometime XIX

FOREWORD

undergraduate pupil, Mr Duncan Campbell-Smith, for urging that Penguin should publish this book. Finally, I must thank Mrs Jill Webber, who grappled valiantly and swiftly with the heavy tasks of typing and retyping sometimes very messy drafts. Neither she, though, nor anyone else save I, should be blamed for any of the shortcomings of what follows. Like others of my books, this is intended for the intelligent layman and laywoman. When I began, I had hoped it would attract them by being shorter than it has turned out to be. It has been well said by one of the masters of my craft that 'if historians cannot reach that audience there is not a great deal of significance in what they say to each other. History only matters to non-historians.'2 I believe that, too, and cannot put it more pithily. J. M. R. Timwood, June 1999

Professor Norman Hampson, in his essay, 'The "Lessons" of the French Revolution', in The Impact of the French Revolution on European Consciousness, ed. H.T. Mason and W. Doyle (Gloucester, 1989), p.188.

BOOK I

THE W O R L D OF 1 9 0 1 : INHERITANCES

By Way of Introduction

OUR C E N T U R Y Until quite recent times, peoples in different parts of the world looked at, thought about and organized the past in many different ways, and many (Muslims, for example) still do. Some have broken it up into the comings and goings of dynasties; others have thought of it in astronomical periods; yet others have picked great events, imaginary or historical, as markers. All such systems are arbitrary, as is the one more widely adopted than any other, that based on the Christian calendar and what came to be accepted as the date of birth of Christ. Since the Middle Ages, the two big divisions that that provides, BC and AD, have then been further subdivided into centuries of ioo years (and, by some, relabelled BCE and CE). This is like measuring an endless piece of string with a ruler — you pick a point for your own reasons and start there, measuring it off in metres or any other units you like. But the string is not naturally divided into metres or anything else. A metre is just a distance between two chosen points on a continuing line, and so, in relation to time, is a century. We should not be too impressed by a unit which happens to run from a year whose number ends in 01 to one which has a number ending in oo, for it is only a convenience. We give the centuries so defined special names according to where they come in relation to the supposed date of the birth of Christ and speak of the 'fifth century BC', for example, or of the 'twelfth century AD'. The twentieth century is properly the name for ioo years which began on i January 1901 and will end when 31 December 2000 gives way to New Year's Day 2001. We sometimes talk of 'centuries' more loosely, to stress that many 3

TWENTIETH

CENTURY

things that happened between a couple of days ioo years apart, or others close to them, seem to hang together comprehensibly and to give a special character to those years, as opposed to those which come before or after them, whether or not they exactly amount to ioo years of time. We have got used to speaking of some centuries in a kind of historical shorthand, as if they had identifying traits or qualities of their own. We even use them adjectivally, talking about (for instance) 'the eighteenth-century mind' or 'nineteenth-century morality'. This is to denote those eras which, for certain purposes and in some perspectives, may be described as having a special character. Such shorthand always implies many qualifications, but it is often useful in a pedagogic or expository way; I recall introducing undergraduates to a period of European and general history demarcated in the Oxford syllabus as 1715-1789 by getting them to write essays on the question 'When did the eighteenth century begin?' Professional historians sometimes make such qualifications explicit and specify 'long' and 'short' centuries (many books on the twentieth century begin not with 1901 but with 1914) in order to get away from the arbitrariness they associate with the formal dating, but this too is only a way of driving home the point that within certain spans of time events appear to have a unity and coherence which makes them good topics for study. Even if we welcome the notion of a 'century', though, and use it rather than a vaguer word like 'age' or 'era' as an indication of what we are going to talk about, we must be careful. All such language is no more than a very rough and general way of speaking. No pair of dates, however carefully chosen, cuts off any part of history magically and absolutely from what came before it and what came after. Well after 1901 there were millions of people alive who for years, even decades, lived much as their grandparents had done well before that year; today, there are few in that position, even if we all live in ways and among problems and potentials that will not vanish at midnight on 31 December 2000 AD. It is partly for this reason that I have thought it best to treat the history of the twentieth century in a wholly conventional and formal way, as the story of what happened between 31 December 1900 and a date as near to 100 years later as I could manage before sending the typescript to the publisher. 4

BY WAY OF

INTRODUCTION

That Procrustean decision once taken, one can still ask, nonetheless, whether there is something special, something characteristic, which would justify us in finding the twentieth century remarkable and worth examination for its own sake. To answer that question is one purpose of this book. It is not made easier by the banal fact that we have all, writer and readers alike, lived in it and, unless we are still in infancy, we can all remember in some degree our direct experience of it. This will not help us to achieve agreement about what it was and is. Indeed, shared experience is a constant temptation to misunderstanding. Direct experience shapes our valuation and judgement of what matters in it in very different ways. History (what is important about the past) varies according to the position from which you view it. In looking at the record, some will seek guidance in something that seems best to crystallize a general trend, some will scrutinize the immense variety of particulars for something that best typifies or symbolizes that very abundance. Some will look at the past in search of clues for understanding their own present problems and preoccupations. Nothing in the past can be completely described or recorded; if we could do that we should relive history. There has to be selection; whether or not any particular selection is acceptable, it may enable others to select more defensibly. What must never be lost to sight is the fact that all pasts were, once upon a time, presents; all outcomes were, once upon a time, people's futures. History is made by people confronting predicaments, and those people were always individuals, always liable to escape from the big generalizations that have to be part of any general history. We are liable to judge them wrongly unless we try to keep in mind the limits to their own perception of what those predicaments were, and what they could and could not know at any given moment. Hindsight is always tempting us to forget this. Hindsight, too, poses a special difficulty for what historians call contemporary history (itself not always a very helpful or immediately meaningful term; for a long time members of the French historical profession were quite content to define it as what had happened since the French Revolution of 1789 - which they saw as the culmination, of course, of 'modern' history). The history of yesterday, or of the day before yesterday, is the hardest history of all to get right because 5

TWENTIETH

CENTURY

we know too much about it. Some think we know all about it, or at least about what matters most in it; once more, we come back to the fact that we have all experienced some of it. Yet the very impressiveness of some of the events we have witnessed threatens historical judgement. Canonical accounts of great events are quickly and all too easily established. The vividness of remembered experience imposes blinkers and mufflers, cutting out signals we need to see and hear, all the more dangerously because it so often does so without our being aware of it. It is not surprising that Americans who inherited a long tradition of isolation wanted to turn their backs on Europe after (they believed) coming to her help to win the Great War, or that Britons who lived through the great events of 1940 and the (at first dark and then victorious) years that followed found it hard later to recognize that their country was in the 1950s only a second-rank power. It is understandable that those who have battled valiantly for very fundamental political rights for women should often overlook the enormous extension in women's practical freedoms brought about more silently by technology and chemistry. But the historian has to try to do better than record his personal impressions. Trying to achieve a reliable impression of what men and women inherited from the past as this century began, and could not shake off, is a possible starting-point.

THE W E I G H T OF THE P A S T It is not hard to imagine life in 1901 if we are thinking of 'developed' countries (an expression that had not then been invented, incidentally). Many of us have talked to people who could easily recall it; there even are, after all, people still alive who were born before that year. This is the first century, too, during the whole of which it has been possible to make pictorial records other than with pencil or brush. We are able to look at the photographs that survive from its earliest years, and even at some flickering and jerky 'moving pictures' of them. Much of the language and idiom of the turn of the century is still perfectly comprehensible to us; we still read books written then with pleasure and profit and, for the most part, understanding. For these and many more reasons, those of us who are fortunate enough to live 6

BY WAY OF

INTRODUCTION

in the developed world are tempted to believe we know what the world was like as this century began. We may even think that we understand those who lived then, wrote its books and managed its affairs as we do not understand any earlier generation. This is an illusion. There are no better grounds to believe that we easily understand the men and women of that age than there are to believe that we understand those who lived in the age of Leonardo da Vinci. We can only begin to approach understanding by recognizing how much they were not like us. Any history of the twentieth century must begin in a world deeply unlike our own. At least in the most 'western', developed societies, we are less like the men and women of 1901, and further distanced in our thinking and behaviour from them than, say, were they from their forebears of a century earlier. The African peasant or Australian aborigine of today may not be quite so remote from the experiences and thinking of their grandparents and great-grandparents, but people who live in the richer, developed or developing countries of the world - and that now means most human beings - perceive, think and feel in ways very different from those in which our own ancestors perceived, thought and felt their world as this century began. My father had only added English to his native Welsh a few years before this century began, when the first powered flight by a man in a 'heavier-than-air' machine had not yet been made; less than seventy years later, he could look at a television set and watch men bobbing about on the surface of the moon. Not that there is any need to search the heavens for markers of change. In the cities and towns of those developed countries the photographic evidence is there to tell us that the world looked very different then as soon as one stepped outside one's front door. Nor was it only visually remote from our experience. A New Yorker, Londoner, Berliner or Parisian of 1901 would have awoken each morning to a world which smelt of horses rather than motor-cars, in which side-streets were still full of stable-yards, in which more straw than paper littered the streets (no plastic did, of course), in which milk, coal, beer and a hundred and one other necessities were delivered by horse-drawn carts and drays, and in which many more of his contemporaries would know how to ride or manage a horse than to drive a car. Outside those 'up-to-date' cities stretched a world that 7

TWENTIETH

CENTURY

was unlike our own in much more striking ways, too, impossible to summarize in a phrase. Most of those who lived in it were shorter and slighter than their descendants today.1 They also went without formal schooling and expected much less of life than we do today. Outside a few countries, few men and women expected long lives, or that their lives would be very different from those of their grandparents. Nowhere was more than elementary medication available to treat disease; rest, nourishing food and good nursing were the main advantages available to the rich when they were ill. Aspirin had only been invented a couple of years before2 and, short of complete anaesthesia or morphine, pain had to be endured. Social classes could be identified at sight by the clothes they wore: drab, worn, ill-fitting for the mass, elaborate, carefully crafted and maintained for even the modestly well-off. One could go on listing such apparent differences and, of course, to do so would hardly touch many more significant ways in which the world of 1901 is now hard even to imagine, let alone understand. The eighteenth-century idea of an ancien regime may be helpful. When the phrase was first coined it could be translated roughly as 'the old way of running things', or 'the former way of carrying on'. It has always since carried an implicit comparison: what has happened in the past is being contrasted with what has happened since. One only talks about the ancien regime when it is no more. Societies cannot be aware of having an ancien regime until something has actually changed. Then, people will have a fair chance of understanding what you mean because an ancien regime signifies a time when people behaved and thought differently from the way they behaved and thought in later times. In that sense, there was an ancien regime in 1901 and, indeed, there was more than one. People behaved and thought then in ways different from ourselves — not wholly differently, perhaps, but very differently. Most states in the world of 1901, for example, were governed by monarchs - emperors, kings and queens, 1

There were, of course, important national differences: I recall the enthusiasm with which an elderly French friend once told me of her admiration and excitement at the appearance of the first American soldiers in Paris in 1917 because of their magnificent physique. 2 In 1897.

BY WAY OF

INTRODUCTION

princes, khans, shahs, sultans, rajahs and many more titles singled them out. That was the way things were when Queen Victoria, the oldest head of state in the world, died only a few days after the twentieth century began, and at her funeral two emperors and three other sovereigns, nine crown princes and heirs apparent, and forty princes and grand-dukes walked behind her coffin in respect. It is unlikely (though historians should never predict) that any future royal funerals will ever replicate such a display of the prevailing mythology about the way the world was run.3 The death of the old queen was for many of her subjects something of a psychological shock. Something, it was remarked, passed with her even if to some (mainly in high society) a change in the social atmosphere of the English court and aristocracy would have been all that was noticeable. In retrospect, though, Victoria's funeral came to seem a symbol of much more, perhaps the end of an era in the history of her country. The monarchs who attended her funeral went home afterwards to continue to reign; one of them, her grandson, the emperor of Germany, in whose arms she had lain on her deathbed, would still be on his throne in 1918. In spite of the sensation of a great change, nothing actually changed in 1901 which had any significant effect on the lives of those who had been her subjects. That the old queen was no longer on the throne did not alter the way they went about their work, thought about their families, worshipped and prayed, sought pleasure and suffered, nor did it improve or worsen their real incomes and standards of living. Although all those things were to change very radically in due course and sometimes quite rapidly, it was only in a somewhat superficial and misleading way that it could it be said that a British ancien régime came to an end with Victoria, far less that an age ended. Queen Victoria was not the only head of state to die soon after this century began. Nine months later, the president of the United States of America was murdered. That did not mean any fundamental change either. Yet something of an immediately recognizable difference was 3

An even more vivid evocation of a world that is gone, though, because of its far more medieval trappings, was the funeral procession, fifteen years later, of Franz Joseph, emperor of Austria and king of Hungary, and it, too, can be seen because recorded on film.

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made to his country's history by his removal, because his constitutional role was so different from that of the old queen. Under the terms of the American Constitution, McKinley was at once succeeded in office by his vice-president, Theodore Roosevelt - 'that damned cowboy' as one enraged politician called him. Roosevelt was a man who liked to stir things up, and he used the powers of the presidency more vigorously to promote certain policies he favoured than his predecessor had done. That made a difference to American politics and policy, as the accession of Edward VII did not to those of the United Kingdom. Even so, Roosevelt's arrival in the White House was in no sense revolutionary, even if it somewhat changed the tone of American political life. Americans went on being American, just as Queen Victoria's subjects — who included not only Britons, but Indians, Fijians, Chinese, Matabele, Ashanti, Hottentots and many, many others - did not change their deeply rooted customs and went on being what they were. To the lives of all such people much greater change would come in due course from great wars, migrations and such technological innovations as the 'horseless carriages' and 'automobiles' of which early examples were beginning to trundle about the streets of a few cities even in Asia and Africa in 1901. Even if changes in personnel make important differences to history in some circ*mstances and at some historical junctures, they only rarely make a difference so complete that one can say that some worlds are now no more, that they have truly passed into history as an ancien regime. The death of Adolf Hitler himself when it came at last was only incidental to the much greater historical transformation implied in the smashing of German military power. Yet changes truly revolutionary in their scope have occurred all round the world throughout the twentieth century. They are the main subject matter of its history. They are what have made this century one like no other century in the entire history of mankind, whether they are easily pinned down to a specific moment or — like most of the most important - prolonged over years or decades. Their gradual, incremental onset often makes them hard to recognize even in retrospect. To try to understand how almost unimaginably different was the world of 1901 from that of our own day is the first step towards measuring those transformations. 10

BY WAY OF

INTRODUCTION

THE D I F F E R E N T P A S T S OF I 9 O I One of the most important ways in which the world was different in 1901 was in the ways its societies saw the past, and the ways that shaped their perception of their present. Historians face an infinite number of past worlds. Few experiences except the most elemental are shared by all men and women in all parts of the world, even if there are more shared today than in 1901 (thanks to some of the biggest changes the century has brought about). Societies still have highly differentiated pasts, but they have shared shaping experiences to a greater degree in this century than ever in earlier times. The ancien regime of 1901 which has now disappeared was not the same thing in Europe as in the United States, nor was that of the Chinese the same as that of the peoples of India. It would only be a mild exaggeration to say that all those and many other societies in 1901 had in common as going concerns was that they were doomed to disappear within the next 100 years. The simplicities of rural North America, the still untouched traditional ways of Tibet, the life of the Berlin tenement-dweller all these, and many more, have vanished beyond recall, except by historians and nostalgic novelists. No earlier century has ever brought about such complete, often swift and accelerating, change to humanity as has this one, nor change that has left it sharing so much common experience. Just as today, what most people thought in 1901 was largely shaped by what they took for granted. That it was so unlike what we now take for granted may now be seen an obvious enough point, but perhaps it is still worth a moment's further consideration. Of the hundreds of millions of human beings that lived in Asia when the century began, for example, few except European expatriates ever thought about the continent where they lived as 'Asia'. That there was an entity corresponding to the word 'Asia' was a European idea, adopted only by a minority of Asians, not yet an idea most of them would have grasped. The slogan 'Asia for the Asians' had only just been coined by the Japanese in the 1890s; within 'Asia', that word was hardly known outside Japan, which had adopted European 11

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geographical nomenclature along with much else.4 Of the inhabitants of the Indian sub-continent few ever thought of India as a whole, either, or as a geographical reality, let alone a social or political one; only a tiny minority of Indians had the idea that India might one day become the name of a country. Similarly, it was unlikely that many native-born Africans except those who were white would have had any notion that there existed an entity called 'Africa', the name given to the whole continent first by Europeans (who, of course, thereby also created the category 'African'). Europeans and North Americans, on the other hand, tended to be much more aware of the continents in which they lived. They had named them, too, after all. Nationhood or nationality was another European idea, even if there were nonEuropean peoples - Han Chinese or Japanese for example - with strongly developed senses of their own ethnic and cultural distinction. Given such contrasts, as well as others in the distribution of power and wealth, in habit and behaviour, our closeness in time to the men and women of 1901 can too easily deceive us; they took for granted much that we do not and could not conceive much that is commonplace to us. They felt the weight of pasts peculiar to them, and which are not ours, though parts of the landscape they laid out can still look familiar to us. They saw past time with the eyes of the nineteenth century in which they had been born (and they had experienced, of course, many different nineteenth centuries, according to where they lived). The only futures that shape people's lives are imaginary ones that can stir them to action. For the most part, it is the past, real or mythological, which does most to shape — sometimes overwhelmingly - a present. Our ancestors on 1 January 1901 were heirs to hundreds of vastly different inheritances, varying in their detail according to when and where they were born: the world on the first day of the twentieth century was, as it is now, a complication of hundreds of millions of individual contexts set by hundreds of millions of pasts. Some of the 4

'Asia' - the name, originally of a province of the Roman empire - appeared first in Japan, it seems, in the seventeenth century in a book (which was not published until 1882), and also appears, written phonetically, on one of the earliest world maps produced in Japan, in 1786, along with the other European designations of sub-divisions of the globe's land-masses, Africa, the Americas, and Europe itself.

BY WAY OF

INTRODUCTION

contexts thus formed were much more influential than others. It is not easy to grasp just what the world's peoples could in fact choose to assimilate or reject in the past history that confronted them. Once away from the microscopic level, which can never be studied in its entirety, where each man and woman confronts his or her own destiny, it is nonetheless possible to make a start at a high level of generalization by recognizing the distinct pasts which belong to a few large collectivities. These provide the peaks and great mountain ranges of the historical landscape. One can distinguish, for instance, a number of historical cultures and civilizations that made up the world of 1901. They were as diverse in their essence as in their superficial appearance. In the Kalahari desert or in New Guinea there lived Stone Age peoples still untouched by civilization at a moment when Europeans were planning railways to span Africa from Cape to Cairo and link Berlin and Baghdad, or dreaming of a future in which air travel (by hydrogenfilled 'dirigibles' which were already beginning to appear in the skies of some countries) would be possible between the world's capital cities. Within the world historically shaped by Christianity, Russians were then just beginning to undergo the experience of industrialization that had come to western Europe from fifty to 100 years earlier, but were still following the pre-Christian Julian calendar which had been abandoned centuries earlier in western Europe. Buddhist Tibet was a country that only a handful of Europeans had yet even visited. Muslim Arabs from the Persian Gulf had only recently been forced to curtail a huge trade in slaves from east Africa; foot-binding was still normal for women in upper-class Chinese households. The Ottoman sultan, ruler of many peoples, Europeans among them, still maintained an official harem. Many more such oddities then existed which have long since ceased to be. They reflected age-old differentiation and global variety as this century began. Our own world, of course, is also a very varied and highly differentiated place, but in the next 100 years such exotic variety was to be much reduced, if only at the level of superficial appearances and material circ*mstance.5 Huge mental and moral differences remain 5

Though some important changes came quite soon. Foot-binding was officially abolished in China in 190z, and in 1909 the Ottoman harem was officially dissolved.

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between peoples, but nowadays we sometimes find them surprising, as our predecessors would not have done in 1901.6 Such differences can suddenly erupt to complicate and sometimes poison our affairs after superficial similarities have misled us. People accepted in 1901 more readily than we always do that a shared humanity should not be trusted very far as a guide to behaviour, and said so more frequently than we are brave enough to do. Whether or not intuition and experience seem to bear this out, it may at any rate be quickly agreed that as this century began the superficial differences between human societies around the world would at least have been even more obvious than they would be today. A traveller now punctuates his travel by sitting in identical airport 'lounges', takes similar taxis on emerging from them to travel along roads marked, wherever he or she may be, by traffic-lights sending the same messages as elsewhere and policed by public officials ostensibly intended to enforce similar driving behaviour, and does so in order to reach 'international hotels' aspiring to provide just what has been left behind in the last one. Fundamental and important differences in such trivial circ*mstances and even in the way people behaved were more apparent in daily life when this century began. Perhaps, too, they were more firmly anchored in identifiable public institutions than they are today; but this is harder to be sure about, and is perhaps better left for reflexion as the story unrolls. Different cultures and countries, we know, still differ profoundly about the way people should be treated; thoughts about the individual's proper relations with authority, social and economic behaviour in, say, Great Britain and Saudi Arabia, India and Australia, or France and Japan, can still clash even though more people in all countries now talk as if they believed in universal human rights than was the case in 1901.7 6

Numerous persons in western countries were much startled in 1989 to discover that there were many Muslims who believed that blasphemy might properly be punished by death. 7 Nearly a half-century after a declaration of human rights was adopted by the United Nations in December 1948 it was strongly and publicly criticized as inadequate (because presenting a partial, culturally determined view of rights) by a non-western politician, the Malaysian prime minister, Dr Mahathir Mohamed, at a meeting of Asian foreign ministers in July 1997.

BY WAY OF

INTRODUCTION

Nonetheless, the past weighs a little less obviously on most of the world than once it did. The inheritances that people drew upon in their thinking and behaviour in 1901 often expressed the weight of centuries of virtually unquestioned authority. This was obvious in the way religions could then still be thought of as major categorizations of humanity. Most human beings still lived in the rich, complicated settings of ancient faiths - the main ones were Hindu, Buddhist, Confucian, Christian and Islamic - and adhered to them in practice, though what they believed is harder to say. It seems likely, though, that most human beings then still believed in some sort of supernatural world, and often in a two-tier model of a present, material sphere and another in which dwelt a god or gods, exercising real power and uttering authoritative commands. Within acceptance of some such theistic framework, though, different zones of religious observance had long somewhat overlapped and run untidily in and out of one another. Though people within its sphere still often used the word, Christendom was not so clearly defined in 1901 as it had been five or six centuries earlier. Its divisions had grown sharper and more plentiful in the last two or three centuries, too. Even in 1799, a German writer had been able to say that Christendom was no longer the same as Europe:8 by 1901, the word indicated less a sphere of a particular faith than the world occupied by European stocks, who were assumed to be Christian. All round the world, too, Europeans had made converts to their historic religion (conversion rather than settlement had made South and Central America part of the Christian world), and even where they had not been very successful (as in India, or China), they had left many institutional and physical marks of Christianity in the form of churches, colleges, schools and hospitals. Europe itself, the Americas and the white settler lands of Australasia and South Africa, though, still thought of themselves as, above all, the heartlands of a Christian world. That notion would undergo radical change in the next 100 years, in which Christianity became predominantly a religion of non-European peoples. Of the two other great monotheistic religions, Judaism was the best 8

Novalis, whose significantly entitled essay 'Christendom or Europe' {Die Christenheit oder Europa) was written in that year, did not publish it in his own lifetime, though it circulated for some years in manuscript.

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defined. It was also the most widespread; its adherents could be found worldwide, though their numbers were not very great. In 1901 most of the world's Jews lived in the relatively small part of Europe made up by the Russian Pale (which included much of what is now Poland) and adjacent central and east Europe. Islam, the other faith of believers in the God of Abraham shared by Jews and Christians, was (as it remains) as far flung as either Judaism or Christianity and had the allegiance of hundreds of millions. Unlike Christendom, the world of Islam had not been defined by historic institutions like state or church: it was and is essentially what Muslims do and the way they live. They are united by a common attitude to God, this world and the next. Islam's footing in Europe had been dwindling in recent times; by 1901 Muslim minorities remained only in places that had been for two or three centuries parts of the Ottoman Turkish empire. They were few, too, in the Americas. The heartlands of Islam were the Arabic-speaking lands of the Near and Middle East.9 But from them the Faith had spread, at first by conquest, west into Africa and Mediterranean Europe, east and north into Central Asia, India and as far as China. Then, in the nineteenth century, large Muslim communities had grown up in Bengal, Indonesia and Malaysia, to which Islam had been carried by Arab merchants favoured by the current and winds of the Indian Ocean. The outcome was a world of great social variety and numerous splinter groups and sects. The classical Arabic of the Koran is taught to many peoples with very different native languages, and even in the Arab 9

These terms are so often used in what follows that they had better be explained here. I am not sure when the term 'Middle East' first appeared (some attribute it to the American writer Admiral Mahan), but it was in the early years of this century, well after peoples were used to distinguishing the 'Near East' (which meant the lands from Egypt to the Straits of Constantinople which were under Ottoman rule) and 'Far East' (which was a zone whose core was China). 'Middle East' came into use to cover some of the countries in between. It consisted at first of those forming the approach to India from the west: Persia, Afghanistan and (somewhat oddly) Tibet. By the 1920s, though, 'Middle East' experts in the British colonial office were also expected to deal with what had been Ottoman lands in the 'Near East' and it later became normal to confine it to these lands, as will be done in this book. It does not seem necessary to specify regional groupings further east other than in the case of the Persian Gulf (as in 'the Gulf region', or 'the Gulf states').

BY WAY OF

INTRODUCTION

lands to some who only speak very colloquial and regional forms of Arabic.10 In China and India, Islam encountered the more ancient cultural zones of Hinduism, Buddhism and Confucian civilization. The last still dominated China at the beginning of this century and lay also at the roots of Japanese culture, though in both countries it lived beside Buddhism, a more transcendentally orientated body of belief and practice, but associating more easily with Confucianism or Hinduism than the monotheistic beliefs of Islam. Buddhism sprawled across two distinct cultural zones in south and south-east Asia, the sphere culturally dominated by the Hindu influences emanating from the Indian sub-continent, and the Sinic sphere of the Confucian heritage.

THE ' C I V I L I Z E D '

WORLD

At any particular moment, human beings share visions of their world with others with whom they also share many other ideals and material realities. To categorize the world by major religious traditions was more helpful in 1901 than it would be today, but even then it was by no means the only way in which intelligent and informed observers might view it. Another distinction could be and was already drawn between what we might call the world of 'western', Europe-originated, cultures, and all the rest. In 1901 the inhabitants of one large part of the world could, had they wished to do so, have looked back on two, perhaps three, centuries of remarkable change. They were the Europeans or offshoots of European stocks in other continents. Among them, those who thought about the past at all would probably have said that it presented a picture of change for the better - that is, progress. European history since the Middle Ages was understood by many to look very much like a continuing advance to evidently worthwhile goals questioned by few. Whether the criteria were intellectual and scientific, or material and economic (even if they were moral

In this respect, though like Christianity a missionary religion, Islam was different from it in not providing for a long time its sacred texts printed in local languages.

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and aesthetic, some said, so persuasive was the gospel of progress), a look at the past assured them that they were set on a progressive course and further advance seemed to lie ahead. What is more, it looked as if they and their cousins in lands settled by Europeans beyond the sea were the only peoples who could plausibly make such a claim. The leaders of what could already be called the 'western' world showed as the century began much the sort of confidence in the continuing success of their culture that the Chinese mandarin élite had shown in theirs a century earlier. Long before, their civilization had reached that degree of self-consciousness, of the possession of a particular and characteristic style, that always goes with an awareness of the distinctive inferiorities of other sections of mankind. The past, they were sure, proved them right. Only a few did not agree, and if those dissenters numbered in their ranks men of acknowledged standing and powerful minds, who argued that the civilization in which they lived had yet to reveal its self-destructive potential and sensed it to be drifting away from its moorings in religion and moral absolutes on the tides of materialism, democracy and barbarity, even they were clear that the civilization to which they belonged had been uniquely dynamic as a force in world history, and uniquely effective in shaping it. Most 'western' peoples, if they thought about such things at all, felt the future was full of promise; the past gave them grounds for confidence. At the beginning of this century, for example, most of the nonwestern world had only recently, often somewhat grudgingly, begun to accept that slavery would have to disappear. Long taken for granted in every civilization the world had ever known, slavery had first been denounced in Europe and then abolished by Europeans and nations of European origin overseas in their own possessions in the nineteenth century. The formal landmark of the completion of the process may be reckoned to be the emancipation of slaves in Brazil in 1888. By then, colonial governments and the British Royal Navy were pressing hard on the operations of Arab slave-traders in the African continent and the Indian Ocean; abolition was being imposed on the rest of the world by European force and diplomacy deployed in the good cause. Sharply contrasted attitudes towards slavery still existed in 1901 18

BY WAY OF

INTRODUCTION

between the Europe-derived civilization and the rest of the world.11 Like other such contrasts, this encouraged persons of European descent to view the rest of the world's inhabitants as somewhat backward, obviously needing the beneficent intervention of 'white' peoples in their affairs if they were to be liberated from sometimes evil and always encumbering tradition and released to follow the progressive road of true civilization, that of the white, formally Christian, peoples. After all, even if only after 300 years of large-scale and profitable slave trading across the Atlantic, European civilization and its derivatives had already a century earlier provided the only examples of countries ever to have eradicated slavery for themselves. To such large perspectives we can conveniently return later; it is enough to note here that in 1901 the different ways in which other parts of the world related to the expanding vigour of western civilization made it easy to see that world not only as one of different traditions or religions, but also as one of different levels of civilization. One was that of the white peoples of western countries: Europe itself and the lands which European stocks dominated overseas. This was the 'civilized' world, in contemporary parlance, occasionally also called 'western', in spite of the confusion arising when that adjective was applied to countries scattered geographically around the globe. A second, accounting for most of the rest of the world, was that of the group of societies notably and increasingly influenced and shaped by that civilized world; Japan was an outstanding example, but there were others, some of them parts of European empires. They tended to display, in varying degree, some degree of modernization, by which was meant 'Europeanization' or 'westernization' of their native institutions. A third group of peoples still lived virtually unchanged by western influences. They were remarkably few in number and, in the eyes of western contemporaries, their cultures and behaviour were 11

And went on doing so. It was only in 1962 that the crown prince of Saudi Arabia, on forming his government, while asserting that Saudi Arabia had been gradually working for years to eliminate slavery, acknowledged publicly that the time was now 'propitious' to complete its abolition in that country. See The Annual Register 1962 (London, 1963), p.298. (This annual reference work is cited in what follows as AR, with the year that it covers, not that of publication. This citation, for example, would in shortened form read AR 1962.)

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almost without qualification 'backward' (even if, like Ethiopia, they had centuries of Christian history behind them). For many reasons, some good, some bad, we no longer like such talk. We especially tend to shun the term 'civilized world'.12 Yet the phrase was widely used and immediately comprehensible in most European languages to educated people at the beginning of the twentieth century. The phrase reflected a unique moment in world history, the culmination of a unique development, when one civilization among several had clearly emerged as the driving force of history in almost every part of the globe. To define the civilized world as the world where European stocks were established in significant numbers was not very precise, but it was undoubtedly how many people saw it in 1901. People who confidently used the phrase could not easily see that there was much else deserving of the name of civilization in the world. When they looked for it, they tended to see among heathen, backward, benighted peoples only a few striving to join the civilized. The rest were the savage 'others' of the rest of the world, defining themselves by what they were not. A superior attitude towards them was not new; what were taken to be demonstrations of the inherent merits of their own ideas and values had for centuries nerved Europeans to fresh assaults on the world and thrown up fresh barriers to their understanding of it. Progressive and liberal values had come to provide new arguments for superiority to reinforce those originally stemming from religion. By 1901, Europeans had lost most of the respect they had once had for other civilizations. Their own seemed obviously superior to what they saw as the unintelligible barbarities to be found elsewhere. The advocacy of individual rights, a free press, a widening suffrage qualification, the protection of women, children (and even animals) from exploitation all showed it, they thought. So, many would still have said, did missionary Christianity. Such causes and ideals were to go on being promoted and pursued down to our own day by Europeans and Americans in alien lands, often wholly unconscious that they might be disruptive or inappropriate. This contributed to another of the special characteristics of our century, a more complete 12

Though a British prime minister found it coming naturally to his lips in a radio interview broadcast by the BBC on 7 February 1998.

BY WAY OF

INTRODUCTION

and successful universalization of values than any so far achieved in human history.

C U L T U R E AND

HEGEMONY

In one way or another, most of the globe marched to European tunes and often under European flags in 1901 and responded to initiatives whose ultimate sources were European. This is more than metaphor. The flags and tunes were usually representations of a great fact, the occupation of most of the world's land-surface by the colonial empires and new nations of white people which had emerged from them. But such physical occupation was only one expression of hegemony. It had its economic and cultural components, too, and it operated as much through influence as overt control. There was observable worldwide a crucial distinction between the shaping, manipulative, sometimes aggressive forces stemming from countries which came to be called 'western' or 'westernized' and the peoples upon which they played. The latter were by no means always worse off as a result; they were sometimes clearly beneficiaries. They were, though, always equally clearly underdogs, members of societies that had always, in greater or lesser degree, to adapt to the alien ways of the 'civilized' world. Some of them adapted willingly, once subjected to the attractive force of the West's progressive ideals; sometimes the adaptation came about more subtly, when new expectations were aroused by alien teaching and example. Sometimes the alien western ways were simply imposed by force. Sometimes there were hints from those who experienced this that even if they were better than traditional ways, they were not necessarily the unquestionable good they were usually believed to be.13 The result even by 1901 was a world that could be envisaged 13

'We do not expect the European world to make us happier,' wrote in 1902 an Indonesian lady of aristocratic birth, one of the several wives of an Indonesian prince, who nonetheless opposed not only Muslim confinement of women in marriage, education and work, but also the colonial regime of the Dutch. She is quoted by Kumari Jayawardena, Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World (London, 1986), p.143.

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culturally in yet another way, not quite corresponding to the categories of civilized, civilizing and uncivilized. To put it somewhat simply, it could be seen as a set of concentric circles reflecting power as well as culture. The innermost was old Europe itself (of which Russia and some of the new nations of the Balkans might or might not be thought parts, according to the strictness of the criteria applied). The countries of this region had during three centuries come to take control of and consume a larger share of the world's goods than numbers alone would have justified. Their peoples had shown increasing energy and skill in manipulating their environment and the other peoples with whom they shared it. Their civilization was all the time getting richer still; industrialization had confirmed its self-feeding capacity to open up and create new resources and the power generated by new wealth in its turn made possible the further appropriation of the wealth of other parts of the world. The profits of Congo rubber, Burmese teak or Indian cotton were for a long time not much to benefit those countries, whereas poor Europeans were long favoured by low prices for raw materials. The European peasant could buy cheap manufactured clothes and tools while contemporaries in Africa and India had still to live with, as it were, the technology of the Middle Ages. Wealth was shared in large measure and power to some extent by the second circle where peoples of European origin exercised hegemony, that of the lands of European settlement overseas. The United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and the countries of South America did not all stand on the same footing towards the Old World from which they were sprung, but shared important similarities, especially in their ideas and institutions, and in the ethnic origins of the dominant majorities of their populations. Of course, these were not all that had shaped them. They all had their distinctive origins and histories; they all had faced special environmental challenges and unique conjunctions of circ*mstances. But though different frontiers had reshaped their institutions in different ways, they provided certain shared responses to challenges; these lands were still all formally Christian (no one settled new lands in the name of atheism until the twentieth century), all regulated their affairs by European systems of law, and all had access to the mother cultures of Europe which gave them their languages. 22

BY WAY OF

INTRODUCTION

These two zones together made up what has already been identified as the 'civilized world'; philanthropists and progressives long continued to be sure that its values should be offered, advocated and imposed as widely as were its medicine and sanitation. But there were native 'progressives' in many parts of the world who also often saw modernization and westernization as inseparable, tending benevolently towards the destruction of superstition and the bringing of such blessings as rational exploitation of resources, the provision of formal education and the suppression of bad customs. Only the blatantly reactionary and conservative overtly resisted the values of western civilization in favour of indigenous ones. That western values were often better is, of course, true. Unfortunately, the assumption that this was so usually went with a large obliviousness to side-effects they might have and to any merits of native institutions where they were introduced. Alien peoples formed the third and outer concentric circle of this western (or Eurocentric) view of the world. Many of them were subject peoples, directly ruled by white-skinned superiors. Among them, it was usually believed, enlightened administrators toiled to bring the blessings of railways, western education, hospitals, law and order where local native institutions had clearly failed (it was taken as evidence of their inadequacy that they went down before the challenge and competition of a superior civilization embodied in empire). Beyond the subject peoples, though, lay others, alien but formally independent. They too were by no means untouched, and were sometimes shaped decisively, by western power. Sometimes their values and institutions were corroded by contact with it - as was the case in the Chinese and Ottoman empires - and this might lead to direct or indirect political interference (such as the capitulations first made with the Ottoman sultan in the sixteenth century to give protection to European merchants and their goods, or the intrusion of European officials to manage the customs services of China) and the weakening of traditional authority. Sometimes they were stimulated by such contacts, though Japan is the only example of a major nation clearly benefiting from this before the end of the nineteenth century.14 To some countries, 14

The special extra-territorial protection assured to Americans and Europeans in Japan by what were called the 'unequal' treaties earlier in the century was already abolished in the 1890s; this was not so elsewhere in Asia.

2-3

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western values were transferred on the powerful wings of aspiration and envy. What was virtually impossible to achieve was immunity to western culture. The busy, bustling energy of the white trader itself made successful isolation rare and it did not need direct rule by white men to make western supremacy very visible. Geographical remoteness had been the best security and that had almost disappeared by the beginning of the century: even Tibet was to be invaded by the British in 1904. Ethiopia provided a solitary example of successful independence in Africa, having survived both British and Italian invasion in the nineteenth century; it had a special moral advantage in having been at least nominally a Christian country, albeit intermittently, for some fourteen centuries (its uniqueness should not be over-idealized: when it finally went under to European power in the 1930s, it was still a country of chattel slavery, feudal power and a substantial economic dependence on drug-trading). Christianity had always been one of the most important agencies bringing European civilization to the rest of the world, because of the virtually limitless interest in all sides of human behaviour it had come to take in the course of nearly 2,000 years. The territorial spread overseas of the organized churches and the growth in their numbers of official adherents in the nineteenth century had made that the greatest age of Christian expansion since apostolic times. Much of this was the result of a renewed wave of evangelical activity; new Catholic missionary and teaching orders proliferated after 1800, and new societies for the support of overseas missions then appeared in Protestant countries.15 Yet the paradoxical outcome was that a creed supposedly for all sorts and conditions of men had come to look more European than ever. In most of the receiving countries, Christianity was long seen as just one more aspect of white civilization, rather than as a spiritual message which might use a local idiom. A trivial example of the grounds for such a view was the excitement and concern missionaries often showed over dress. Whereas the Jesuits in the seventeenth century had discreetly adopted the costume of their hosts, the literati of China, their nineteenth-century Catholic and 15

The Orthodox churches had shown notably less commitment to overseas missionary work.

BY WAY OF I N T R O D U C T I O N

Protestant successors had set to work with zeal to put Bantus and Solomon Islanders into European garments of outlandish and even freakish unsuitability. In this way as in others, Christianity brought with it more than a religious creed. Often, that included benign practices and material benefits: food in time of famine, agricultural techniques, hospitals and schools. Yet even such benefits could be disruptive. More ironically, missionaries at times prompted criticism of colonial regimes that protected and favoured them, doing so, sometimes consciously, sometimes unwittingly, by exposing gaps between the performance and the pretension of western civilization. Thus through their work too, the ambiguous effects of a progressive culture came to operate.

' O N E - H A L F OF T H E HUMAN

SPECIES'16

It may seem to strain language somewhat in pursuit of a pedantic and formal point to say that the world can also be envisaged as divided in two halves by sex. Whatever the exact figures, and whether women did or did not then make up slightly over half the world's population, as they do today, it is nonetheless reasonable to say that their half of the human race was in 1901 for the most part in thrall to the other half. This was true round the world, in vastly differing degree and in many ways, but at every level of society. Overwhelmingly, and worldwide, human communities and cultures were at that time so engineered as to give immense advantages to men. Different societies have for a long time had different ways of treating women (it is odd that we so often put the point that way: we have rarely thought of societies as 'treating' the male sex in particular ways) and most of them for most of history have left their major decisions, including those about women, to be taken by men. Most countries have had their social and legal institutions biased towards men's interests, and have drawn their values from male-centred assumptions. This has not always meant they did not also have particular arrangements of 16

A phrase used by William Godwin, 1798, in speaking of his wife, Mary Wollstonecraft, author of A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (179z), and defender of that 'one-half. ¿5

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positive benefit to women. Even those advantages, though, where they existed in 1901, have to be understood against a general background of overwhelming comparative disabilities standing in the way of most of the sex. Virtually nowhere could women be said to enjoy as much freedom or so high a legal status as men. The French Revolution in its immense political fecundity had produced a 'Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the Citizen', but it was in the nineteenth century, in the wake of questioning that had already begun, that the first cracks had appeared in these structures and the assumptions that sustained them. They showed first in Europe and the United States. Eighteen forty-eight should be remembered not only for the revolutions of that year, but for the first Women's Rights Convention, summoned in the USA and traditionally seen as the foundation act of the world movement for women's suffrage. By 1914, two European countries (Finland and Norway) with New Zealand, the Commonwealth of Australia and eleven of the forty-eight United States had given women the vote. Some people had by then begun to speak of the 'liberation' of women from other sorts of traditional deprivations and constraints, too. Yet though what was called 'the woman question' had been posed in the nineteenth century in Europe and would soon be posed elsewhere, old practices and attitudes were still solidly entrenched worldwide as the century ended. By then just a few Hindu women had graduated from Indian universities, but virtually no Indian Muslim women had done so. Indeed, as the century began, Islamic society around the world showed no inclination to accept what might be thought to be the lessons of modernization in dealing with their womenfolk. Elsewhere, if the schooling of girls was firmly launched in Japan, even primary education had hardly touched their Chinese sisters; the first school in the country for girls opened in Shanghai in 1897, and within a couple of years it had closed again. In the previous half-century, though, the area of debate over women's place in western societies had widened considerably, helped by general humanitarian concern and by pressure for individual rights and self-realization. In 1899 a congress had been held in London to consider the problem of what was called the 'white slave' trade, the international traffic in women for purposes of prostitution; in many countries the question of sexual exploitation of women was raised by 26

BY WAY OF

INTRODUCTION

people whose primary concerns might not be those of the women's movements themselves, but sprang from general moral and social principles and the claim of justice and equality before the law. The claims of women to education, to employment, to control of their own property, to moral independence, even to wear more comfortable clothes, were by then familiar and inflammatory themes for debate in western countries. Ibsen's play A Doll's House was interpreted as a trumpet-call for the liberation of women, though the author had intended only a plea for the individual in an unsatisfying marriage. The bringing forward of such issues at all reveals a real revolution already under way. By 1901, the words 'feminism' and 'feminist' had come from France to be well-established in English in association with the promotion of women's rights. The issues at stake awoke complex emotions, for they were linked to deep-seated ideas about the family and sexuality. They troubled and excited some men and women even more deeply than fears of social revolution or political democracy (a German 'League to Combat Women's Emancipation' was to be founded in 1912). People were right to see the question as one of large dimensions. In early feminism there was the seed of something of explosive content. Some men and women could see that even in 1901. Very few of them, though, were to be found outside the western world, and even within it the first feminists still formed a predominantly middle-class movement.

I D E A S WITH A F U T U R E The men and women of 1901 were the children of nineteenth-century parents, but it must be repeated that this meant different things in different places. In some parts of the world, the nineteenth century had merely maintained the prevailing assumptions of a more remote past. In some western countries, though, much of the material and mental reality which had made it possible to see the world as it could be seen in 1901 had only been put in place during the previous five or six decades. The nineteenth century had, indeed, been one of unprecedented historical change in every part of the world, a great creative and destructive era obliterating many old landmarks and 27

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throwing out much mental furniture. But this had been much more marked in the European-made world than elsewhere. Attitudes had changed more there than elsewhere. The globe's physical unification had virtually been achieved in those years by men of European stock. Western geographical knowledge was almost complete; in 1847 Antarctica had been revealed to be a continent, even if the North and South poles were not to be reached by human beings until the early years of this century. But such knowledge, though soon available worldwide, was not used in the same way universally. By 1901, though, almost no part of the globe had been left undisturbed by western missionaries, explorers or soldiers. That meant that almost the whole of it had by then been mapped and penetrated by modernizing forces springing originally from Europe. Communication across the globe had been revolutionized from the same source. The first steamship had crossed the Atlantic in 1819; in the next eighty years transcontinental railroads spanned North America and Siberia and the Suez Canal had been cut. Already by 1880 there were few areas far from the reach of the telegraph or a railroad. Twenty years later, cables crossed the floors of all the oceans, telephony was, if not universally familiar, at least well known in some countries, and radio-telephony was already emerging from the chrysalis of experiment. These innovations did not have the same disturbing force everywhere, but everywhere they were fundamentally disturbing to the status quo. To all intents and purposes the globe had become open to all humanity, and human beings were communicating and moving about in greater numbers than ever before. Technological progress helps to explain why there began after 1850 or so the greatest age of human migration that there had ever been in a comparable time-span, an age of wandering of peoples such as had not been seen for millennia, and on a much greater scale than ever before. None of this meant that in 1901 any general ideas at all were shared by the majority of human beings. There were plenty of general ideas about, it is true, and they were often widely held among substantial segments of the world's population. That was a part of the reality of a world divided into still very distinguishable zones of civilization. 28

BY WAY OF

INTRODUCTION

But there were very few, if any, except those shared by minorities and dominant cultural élites, that crossed all cultural boundaries. Much less than today did different peoples share a common culture. One general idea held by numerous people in western countries, but almost nowhere else except by tiny numbers, was historically speaking very new; the twentieth century was almost certainly the first which opened with many people believing that what they might expect from life was change, rather than a continuation of things as they had been. Of course, mankind had long been used to the idea of sudden disaster; even in the nineteenth century there were many places where it was hardly a strange idea that a conqueror or raider might arrive, slaughter men in great numbers and carry off the harvest and the women.17 Recurrent famine was still normal in many countries. But such local disasters were expected to be followed in due course by something of a resumption of old ways (unless, of course, a complete extinction of those who suffered them made that impossible). The warp and weft of daily life and the way people thought about it hardly changed much in predominantly agricultural and pastoral societies and the acceptance of occasional disaster was part of that. In trying to express the weight of such facts, only the impressionistic truth of a sketch can be hoped for, not a scientific blueprint. This is not only because of the sheer scale of what we are trying to discuss, and its infinitely regressive detail, but because of inherent special difficulties in writing about the history of ideas. Just as greatly as sometimes more greatly than - by material facts, general history is shaped by ideas. They shape it, nonetheless, in ways very hard to talk about, and at many different levels, some almost concealed from us. Traditionally, the 'history of ideas' emphasizes the rational and articulate (by no means always the same thing), and concerns itself especially with the thoughts of self-selected members of literate élites, intellectuals, writers and orators. This approach shades off sometimes to include ideas embodied in institutions - in law, for example - and those that are, in a currently fashionable term, 'structural'; the general notions that set terms to particular debates. They, in turn, bring us 17

After a recession of these traditional dangers, they were, of course, to become familiar again in some African countries in the last quarter of the twentieth century.

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to the edge of the vast, amorphous topic of generally and widely shared ideas and notions, often expressed as much in the behaviour as in the explicit utterance of large numbers of men and women. Such familiar features of the mental landscape can be summed up as 'the inherited conglomerate', to borrow a phrase from a different context.18 It is impossible to say very much that is helpful about them, inherited or still in evolution, though their presence is easily recognized.

THE S C I E N T I F I C L E G A C Y Perhaps, though, it can be agreed that any attempt to say anything about states of mind and the influences shaping them in the twentieth century must give a dominant place to the intellectual and mythological importance of science. This is, or should be, as evident as, for instance, the dominance we can recognize being exercised by religion, or even magic, to shape history through culture in the past. Science is a ubiquitous, inescapable presence in modern history and it has moulded this century as no earlier one. Its influence now pervades most of the world and determines human behaviour as never before. It is as important to the cultural history of our age as to the material, and it is often woefully under-estimated, unrecognized or misunderstood. We have to recognize, in order to understand it, that its success is rooted in earlier centuries. Science was the most important part of the many creative legacies already in place in western societies as this century began. Although the long view is once again the best one, to look back in detail to the roots of this phenomenon is not necessary, any more than it is necessary to look at the ultimate origins of the great religions or the invention of agriculture, important as they are. It is sufficient to recognize that one of the features that came to characterize western civilization was the emergence in it three or four centuries ago of the new form of knowledge that is science. This knowledge was built on investigation of the natural world and was always linked to aspirations to take more control of that world by understanding it. In the nine18 It was used by the Australian scholar Gilbert Murray in a lecture of that title, reprinted in his book Greek Studies.

BY WAY OF I N T R O D U C T I O N

teenth century science came to acquire an intellectual primacy over most other forms of knowledge to which human beings had looked before that time. The word 'scientist' came into use to identify someone who explored the positive and measurable, gradually acquiring more and more knowledge whose significance was cumulative. Whether immediately of practical utility or not, what scientists, virtually all of them 'western', did in the nineteenth century was more than ever seen as a contribution to the further understanding of nature and as tending, in the end, to make her more manageable by humanity, even by laymen. This lies behind the deepest change of all to which science was to contribute in this century, and the most difficult to trace as a specific process. Besides immeasurably enlarging our practised ability to control and exploit nature, it has helped to bring about an equally immeasurable expansion in countries all round the world of ordinary people's notions of what is possible. This most revolutionary change in the human mind was almost entirely the work of the twentieth century, and came about indirectly, largely through what was done by technology to show the difference science could make to human life. That is a topic of which much more will have to be said. But it was also important that science changed, first in the western world, and eventually in other cultures, the thinking of educated men and women. This had already begun long before 1901. In the nineteenth century, ideas about the natural world were put forward which set out the basis for twentieth-century thinking about many questions of human life and behaviour, just as Copernicus and Newton in their day had set out ideas which came to dominate for centuries men's visions of the way the world worked. One of the few moments when such a change can be specifically seen to emerge came in 1859. An English naturalist, Charles Darwin, then published his most famous book, usually remembered by its short title: The Origin of Species.19 It drew on work done by other men, and the word with which Darwin's name was always thereafter to be associated, 19

Fully, On the Origin of Species by means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the struggle for Life. The word 'Races', it may be helpful to point out, was not used here in reference to human variety. The entire first edition of 1,2.50 copies sold out on the day of publication and a second edition followed in i860.

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'evolution', was already familiar when he wrote (he did not use it in his own book until its fifth edition, ten years after first publication). Nevertheless, he set out, in a country and at a time which were especially propitious for excited debate on many associated topics, the most effective single statement of an evolutionary hypothesis in biology that there has ever been.20 In essence, Darwin said that living things were what they were, and had the physical forms they had, because their forerunners had evolved from other and simpler forms, and that the process of such evolution was likely to have been very accidental, being determined by the selection imposed by climatic, botanical and geographical circ*mstance. The impact of this idea was all the greater when Darwin went on to emphasize that the evolutionary process embraced The Descent of Man, the title he gave to another book in 1871. He had been much impressed by the account given by Thomas Malthus at the beginning of the century of humanity's recurrent competition for finite resources (food, above all), and he put forward the view that the 'natural selection' which he had identified as the culling and conserving device which drove forward biological evolution worked through the presence or absence in plants and animals of qualities which favoured or disabled their possessors in potentially hostile environments. This part of his teaching was vastly influential beyond the world of formal biology but all too soon was also often hideously misrepresented and misunderstood. In vulgarized form it was taken to imply something called the 'survival of the fittest' — a phrase Darwin did not use - and by the beginning of the twentieth century this notion was familiar enough to be widely misconstrued. It was, for example, widely taken to indicate a supposed superiority of white peoples over those of other colours. Yet great though even such a perverted impact might be, it was only secondary. Like other secondary impacts of his ideas it was almost certainly dwarfed in Darwin's own day and later by the almost casual blow he had given to the biblical account of creation, which had served Christianity as a central myth for 1,000 years. The ecclesiastical authorities that upheld or imposed this 20

The first bibliography of books and articles on 'Darwinism' was published in Berlin in 1872.. Though incomplete, it enumerated 315 authors writing in all the major European languages.

BY WAY OF I N T R O D U C T I O N

account were bound to suffer with it. Far-reaching as this was, though, even this does not reveal Darwin's true importance; other scientists in other disciplines — geology, for instance — had already begun to undermine scriptural accounts of creation. Darwin's ultimate importance was scientific. He transformed biology as fundamentally as Newton had transformed cosmology. He provided the hypothesis that since his day has dominated and provided the ground plan of what are now called the 'life sciences'. The other achievement of nineteenth-century science that had by 1901 already crucially changed views of the way the natural world worked had come in the physical sciences. It was collective; no single name dominates this story as Darwin's has dominated that of the sciences of life, though the work on electromagnetism done in the 1870s by James Clerk Maxwell, the first professor of experimental physics at the university of Cambridge, can be seen as the opening of the process. He made possible a cumulative supersession of physical theories that had served science well since the days of Newton. The classical view of the universe as essentially a system of lumps of matter, indestructible in essence and obeying a few well-observed laws, though capable of arrangement and rearrangement in various combinations, had now to be modified to allow for the existence of electromagnetic fields, thanks to Maxwell. The further investigations which solved the theoretical problems this raised were advanced by other nineteenth-century pioneers; in the 1880s Hertz provided experimental confirmation of some of Clerk Maxwell's ideas by discovering electro-magnetic waves, then came Röntgen who discovered X-rays, Becquerel who discovered radioactivity, Thomson who identified the electron, the Curies who isolated radium and, in the twentieth century, Rutherford who carried out the investigation of the atom's structure.21 The physical world began to look different. The particles that were now shown to make up atoms (they began to look like tiny solar systems rather than solids) turned out to behave in a way that blurred the distinction between matter and electromagnetic fields. Moreover, the arrangements of such particles were not fixed, for in 21

The first paper by Rutherford whose title included the word 'radiation' was presented in 1899, to the Royal Society of Canada.

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nature one arrangement might give way to another and thus elements could change into other elements. Rutherford, in particular, showed that atoms could be 'split' because of their structure. Matter, therefore, could be manipulated at a fundamental level (though when as late as 1935 Rutherford said that nuclear physics would have no practical implications, no one rushed to contradict him). The story of physics has to be taken just a little further and into the new century, for a new theoretical framework to replace the Newtonian order and take account of new experimental evidence was not achieved until the 1920s. By 1905 Max Planck and Albert Einstein had shown that Newtonian laws of motion could not explain a fact by then incontestable: energy transactions in the material world took place not in an even flow but in discrete jumps - quanta, as they came to be termed. Planck showed that radiant heat (from, for example, the sun) was not, as Newtonian physics required, emitted continuously and argued that this was true of all energy transactions; Einstein argued that light was propagated not continuously but in particles. Yet though Newton's views might be challenged by such new facts, there was still nothing to put in their place. Einstein, after his work on quanta, published in 1905 the work for which he was to be most famed; though hardly widely understood, his statement of the theory of relativity demonstrated that the traditional distinctions of space and time, and mass and energy, could not be consistently maintained. He directed attention beyond Newton's three-dimensional physics to a 'space-time continuum' in which the interplay of space, time and motion could be properly understood. Soon this was corroborated by observation of astronomical facts for which Newtonian cosmology could not properly account, but Einstein's could. One strange and unanticipated consequence of the work on which relativity theory was based was a new formulation of the relations of mass and energy. The importance and accuracy of this theoretical formulation was not to be clear until much more nuclear physics had been done; it would then be apparent that the relationships observed when mass energy was converted into heat energy in the breaking up of nuclei also corresponded to this formula. While these advances were absorbed, attempts to rewrite nuclear physics continued, and only in 1926 did a major theoretical break34

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INTRODUCTION

through finally provide a mathematical framework for Planck's observations. So sweeping was the achievement of Schrödinger and Heisenberg, the two mathematicians mainly responsible, that it seemed for a time as if quantum mechanics might be of virtually limitless explanatory power in the sciences. The behaviour of particles in the atom others had observed could now be accounted for. Quantum mechanics seemed to have inaugurated a new age of physics, and there, for the moment, the story can be left. It remains hard for laymen and at the time was hard for many scientists, too, to grapple with such ideas. In other fields, too, nineteenth-century science had great achievements to its credit — Mendeleyev's formulation of a 'periodic table' of elements, and the establishment (above all by Pasteur) of the germ theory of disease — whose implications would not yet be discerned. But in sixty years or so after 1870, a great turning point in the history of the physical sciences was passed, the most important since the seventeenth-century discoveries which had culminated in the dazzling achievements of Newton, and this, for all its confinement at first to a limited, scientifically literate world, was to be as revolutionary in its effect as had been Darwin's work. For all its mathematical complexity, Newton's universe had seemed essentially and in principle simple. In part, it owed its sweeping success in achieving domination over the western imagination and thought to the fact that laymen could grasp a few fundamental laws. The discoveries of twentieth-century science, though, were to remain bafflingly obscure. Laymen could not easily understand them even in outline. The whole familiar notion of general laws, indeed, tended to be replaced by the view that statements about what was statistically probable were the best which could be hoped for in the way of general views about nature. Science was to move away from the model of laws and systems so influential in the nineteenth century. Paradoxically, twentieth-century humanity was to be more aware of the importance of science than its predecessors and to show more faith than ever before in it, without any such hope of widespread understanding of it such as past generations had indulged.

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M O V E R S AND S H A K E R S Only tiny minorities of Indians, Chinese and even Japanese would have been aware of the vigour of western science as the century began, or shared the idea that change was an inevitable feature of human history. Yet substantial numbers of people, overwhelmingly in Europe, North America and the white settler nations, already then took it for granted that the world was a dynamic place, and that change would be an inevitable feature of the future. For some of them already, this acceptance was quite conscious; it could be and was deduced by them from the evidence of what science and technology had already done to their lives and those of their immediate predecessors. The texture of day-to-day existence had been measurably and notably dramatically improved in many specifics since their grandparents' day; for example, they could expect longer lives. The moderately well-off, those most likely to reflect upon such things, could feel that their circ*mstances were more comfortable than a few years before, too, and they enjoyed great advantages of communication over their predecessors. They were tempted, often, to the complacent assumption that the benefits they enjoyed would be more and more widely shared (which they were indeed to turn out to be), and that this must be ultimately beneficial to mankind (which was by no means to be so unambiguously the case in the next ioo years). The presence of this attitude was one of the cultural facts differentiating the 'western' world from the rest as this century began. It may well have been the most important. While many societies and cultures had throughout history from time to time thrown up minorities which believed in, announced, or prepared for coming change in the form of supernatural and apocalyptic events, and while millenarian sects had often briefly prospered, their influence had been marginal. Perhaps it was only in the eighteenth century that more than a significant few in Europe and North America had begun to sense that a new historical trend, different from the past, might lie ahead and that it would or ought to be brought on as quickly as possible by conscious human effort. In their eyes, the future had at last begun to look different benevolent, and, above all, progressive. This was one of the most 36

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INTRODUCTION

important legacies of what is called the Enlightenment. In the nineteenth century, it encouraged specific demands for reform and improvement; the anti-slavery movement was only one conspicuous example, and hundreds of other particular goals were identified and agitated by reformers in Europe and North America as the century went on. They all helped to reinforce the assumption that historical change was normal, and that it was likely to be progressive. By 1901 even a very few people in some parts of the non-western world were beginning to share such ideas. This may be regarded as the ultimate triumph down to that date of the civilization that had spread its aspirations and hopes, as well as its manipulative strengths, all round the world in the nineteenth century. It was an extraordinary achievement, and one whose origins and most of whose apparent strengths could still 100 years ago be traced directly to their European sources. Some of its expressions were unintended, ambiguous, such as those that followed the spread of European languages. They brought with them European concepts and opened to educated men and women in non-European countries the heritage not only of Christian civilization, but of secular and 'enlightened' European culture, too. Even the simple urge to imitate (such as was expressed in the adoption of European dress or, much more importantly, in the conclusion already drawn by many who sought to resist European hegemony, that it was necessary to adopt European ways to do so successfully) spread this cultural contamination. Almost everywhere, radicals and reformers advocated Europeanization. The example of the Russian Peter the Great was a commonplace on the lips of non-Europeans who sought to modernize at the turn of the century as the ideas of 1776, 1789 and 1848 got to work in Asia and Africa. This extraordinary one-way effect is too often overlooked or undervalued. The balance sheet of cultural influence was to be overwhelmingly one-sided. While the teaching of Marx has been a force throughout twentieth-century Asia, the last non-European whose words had any comparable influence in shaping the west was Jesus Christ. The world gave back to Europe occasional fashions, but no idea or institution of comparable effect to those Europe gave to the world. An Englishman coined the phrase 'movers and shakers' two-thirds 37

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or so of the way through the nineteenth century. He had musicians in mind, and could not have expected that his words would find new life and wider reference in common parlance over a century later, when his own name had been forgotten except by specialists.22 It could already have been taken up, though, had they wished it, by thoughtful Europeans of his day, to apply to themselves. Their continent was at the beginning of this century still providing most of the dynamic of world history, just as it had done for three centuries or so since it launched modern history. The revolutionary repercussions of what went on in Europe had continued to roll round the globe and would still do so. Willingly and unwittingly, Europeans had forced the rest of humanity out of self-absorption and towards participation for the first time in a world history. The history of the twentieth century has therefore to be approached with (what is sometimes deplored) a 'Eurocentric' stance. In many ways, the world actually was centred on Europe when the twentieth century began. Much of that century's story is of how and why that ceased to be true before it ended.

The poet Arthur Edgar William O'Shaughnessy, who wrote (in 'The Musicmakers'): 'Yet we are the movers and shakers of the world forever, it seems'.

2 Structures

HUMAN N U M B E R S Whether we choose to see the world in terms of political, cultural, economic or any other divisions of the human race, we come in the end to numbers. Changes in the way population is distributed are the bedrock of general history. In each of the vast majority of the thousands of years recorded by human history the number of people alive has gone up: long-term growth is the predominant characteristic of global demography. Once the huge implications of the invention and spread of agricultural systems over most of the world had begun to operate (around the beginning of the Christian era), the process was almost continuous though for a long time a slow one. There were fluctuations in the rate and even sudden temporary setbacks lasting some years, such as the fourteenth-century 'Black Death' that brought about a steep fall in the population of northern and western Europe shortly after a comparable onslaught in China. Usually, though, a few generations were enough to repair even such grave demographic damage, and for growth to be resumed.1 Over the last millennium there began a steepening and, lately, sharp rise in the rate ofthat growth. It appears first patchily and gradually in Sung China and late medieval Europe and then more rapidly and universally. In the last three or four 1

An important topic that cannot be examined here, but for an introduction see W. H. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples (New York, 1976). This is perhaps also the place to draw attention to the essay by the same author in The Oxford History of the Twentieth Century (Oxford, 1998), an unrivalled starting-point for the consideration of twentieth-century population history, though it appeared after this book was written.

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The First World War in Europe

THE G R E A T

WAR

If she did not, though, the German generals were ready to fight at Austria's side the war they had long thought necessary against Russia. After almost a month, on 23 July the Austrians presented a humiliating ultimatum to Serbia which demanded action against South Slav terrorism on a scale amounting to detailed intervention in Serbia's internal government. Russia advised the Serbs not to resist; Great Britain had offered to act as a go-between. Serbia accepted almost all of the terms. Without waiting, though, for further clarification, the Dual Monarchy, determined now to crush Serbia once and for all, declared war on her on 28 July. German encouragement to the Austrians had produced this outcome. Yet it was still not clear who would join in the war or what would follow. German military planning had always taken it for granted that if Germany went to war with Russia, the Franco-Russian alliance would operate sooner or later. The German generals had drawn from this assumption the logical conclusion that if Germany had to fight on two fronts, it would be desirable to overthrow France before Russia's slow mobilization could provide effective help to her ally. In the east, space and Russia's administrative and material backwardness would for a time favour Germany. The man who was chief of the German general staff from 1891 to 1905, Schlieffen, had planned, therefore, an immediate sweep into France with the aim of defeating her even more quickly than in 1870. But this required a huge outflanking movement through Belgium, whose neutrality was under international guarantee. This raised the possibility of a British intervention to defend Belgian neutrality. The 'Schlieffen Plan' accepted this danger, and with it the German general staff had therefore accepted the risk of a widening of the war. The plan and its strategy had never come before (let alone been considered by) civilian ministers. Once the Austrians had declared war on Serbia, Russian mobilization began. It was at first deliberately restrained; only those armies which might be needed to intervene against the Dual Monarchy were to be put on a war footing. Even with this self-imposed handicap, though, it was too much for Berlin, from which came a menacing message to the Russian foreign minister: this had the effect only of stiffening Russian resolve. Full Russian mobilization was resumed. German mobilization was ordered on 31 July and on the following 241

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day Germany declared war on Russia - at a moment when her ally Austria-Hungary was not at war with Russia, but only with Serbia. The German government asked France for a declaration of neutrality. The reply was considered insufficiently provocative; an alleged French air raid on Nuremberg was therefore said to justify a German declaration of war on France on 3 August. Germany was now at war - on her own initiative - with two great powers, Austria-Hungary still with none. Great Britain at once warned Germany that naval operations in the Channel against France would not be permitted, but that was all. Though many thought that the country should go further in standing up to Germany, many did not and the French, expecting more of the entente, were dismayed. A German ultimatum to Belgium on 3 August, demanding unobstructed passage for her armies across that country, resolved the British government's difficulty. On the following day, it demanded that Belgian neutrality, of which Great Britain was a guarantor, be respected by Germany. This was ignored and a British declaration of war on Germany followed on 4 August. Thus Germany acquired a third great power as an antagonist. Austria—Hungary still had none at war with her. Tragic though this sequence of events was, it was rich in paradoxes. The Franco-Russian alliance had never come into effect after all; the Germans had declared war on France before it could do so. The British on 4 August still had no obligations under treaty to France or Russia, whatever may be thought to have been their moral commitment to the first. The Anglo-French military conversations had only been given reality by German military planning, which offered the British government a chance to enter the war without serious division and at the head (in so far as these things are ever possible) of a united public opinion, in defence of international law and the rights of small nations. These were grounds wholly irrelevant to the antagonisms that so often in the past had seemed to bedevil the possibility of friendship between England and Germany, and were in no way connected with formal alliances. Finally, the central issue of so much worried diplomacy in the last decade and more, Austro-Russian rivalry, had almost dropped out of sight as the final crisis unrolled. It was not until 6 August that a declaration of war on Russia at last came from Vienna. Six days later the British and French went to war against the Dual Monarchy too. 242

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THE END OF AN AGE The Great War had been made in Berlin and was to be the first of two twentieth-century wars about German power in Europe. The huge damage done by these two German wars contributed decisively to the ending of Europe's political, economic and military supremacy.2 Each of them began over what was essentially a European question, and the first always had a predominantly European flavour; though it sucked into itself other conflicts and jumbled together many issues, Europe was the heart of it. In the end, self-inflicted damage would deprive her of her world hegemony. This was still not completely accomplished when the Great War ended and would become undeniable only in 1945, at the end of a Second World War that was, so far as Europe was concerned, the second German war. Considered in that longer perspective, to speak of the years from 1914 to 1945, as a whole, as a European 'civil war' is not a bad metaphor, provided we bear in mind that it is no more than that. The containment of internal disorder is the fundamental presupposition of government: Europe had never achieved that and could not therefore have a true civil war. Nor had she ever for long been wholly free from war. Even during the long peace between her great powers before 1914 there had been plenty of intermittent fighting in the Balkans. But the continent was the source and seat of a civilization that could be envisaged as a unity. Whether through simple ignorance and prejudice, or in the case of more educated Europeans, through awareness of cultural realities, Europeans thought they had more in common with other Europeans (and with European peoples overseas) than with black, brown or yellow peoples. Europe's member states were tied together, too, in a measure of economic interdependence. Such facts (all of which were to vanish by 1945) make the metaphor of civil war both vivid and acceptable. Their disappearance signifies the self-destruction of a civilization and the coming of a revolution in world affairs. That revolution, taking more than thirty years to be completed, 2

Of course, other names can be, and have been, given to the first German war. It might be called the Third Balkan war, or counted as yet another of the long series of wars of the Ottoman succession.

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closed the historical era in which European history had been an identifiable and autonomous subject, and that is why, though only a few guessed it at the time, 1914 remains a marker in world history. What began then was to change the destinies of peoples far away from the European battlefields where the war was to be fought most bloodily. It would sweep away the European system of power that had been the basis of international order in 1901, a gigantic historical change. The whole process was ragged and untidy, revolutionary not merely in its transformations of politics and society, but in the upheavals in ideas and even personal behaviour that it brought about, too. Paradoxically, while the twentieth century has been notable for wider and wider, and more and more enthusiastic adoption of European ideas, institutions and standards in the non-European parts of the world, at the same time it deprived Europeans of confidence in much which lay at the very roots of their civilization. In these huge transformations, some of whose origins lie very deep indeed, what came to be called the 'Great War' was a major catalyst. It was the bloodiest, most intensely fought, and most costly struggle that had ever taken place. These uniquenesses explain its other striking features, its unprecedented psychological and cultural effects, as well as its name.

THE G R E A T WAR Those uniquenesses and effects were not totally unanticipated, even if only very few people had glimpsed any of them. Yet it is still striking and puzzling to read of the enthusiasm that accompanied the declarations of war in so many European capitals. Criticisms of what rulers had or had not done and warnings of what was to come were drowned in the cheering of the crowds that engulfed the newly mobilized reservists as they marched to their railway stations to entrain for the front. Hindsight is again a handicap to understanding. Sheer ignorance of what was to come was the deepest of the negative forces at work. But there were others, some much more positive in their effect. Europe had, after all, been prepared for war by the first age of mass education and literacy, by the first mass newspapers, and by 244

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decades of the propagation of ideals of patriotism. When it started, the Great War, which was to reveal itself as the most democratic in history in its nature, may well also have been the most popular ever. Nor was it only a matter of popular delusion. In every country there were members of the ruling classes and directing élites who welcomed the prospect of final solutions to old problems, and who responded to the 'strange temper in the air' noted by the British minister Winston Churchill.3 A German politician, even from the sad vantage-point of 1918, recalled the first weeks of the war as 'great and unforgettable'; the moment was for him a 'ringing opening chord for an immortal song of sacrifice, loyalty and heroism'.4 Such sentiment swept across political divisions, engulfing left and right alike. One socialist minister resigned from the British government, but the Serbian and Russian parliamentary socialist parties were the only ones to vote against the war credits asked for by their governments. Even before that, in 1913, the German socialists had been unable to prevent the passing by the Reichstag of a huge increase in the military budget, while their French comrades had not been able to stop an extension of the obligatory period of military service. The news of Russian mobilization swept away the last hesitations and restraints on the patriotism of the German SPD; the old myth of the Teuton—Slav cultural confrontation was too strong for the international ties of the working class to hold (and, anyway, Marxist doctrine provided sophistries that could justify a war against the tsar). 5 The socialists, too, usually shared the assumption that another short, sharp struggle of a familiar type lay ahead. In its scale and the way it was fought, though, the war begun in 1914 was to be different from anything anyone had experienced before. It lasted over four years. This itself was unusual and unexpected, but not without precedent. There had been even longer wars in earlier centuries. Yet they had not been wars of such continuous and such 3 4

W. S. Churchill, The World Crisis, I (London, 1923), p.188. Walter Rathenau, q. in James Joli, Three Intellectuals in Politics (New York, i960),

p.90. 5 'The overthrow of Tsarist Russia, the elimination of the Russian empire, is . . . one of the first conditions of the German proletariat's ultimate triumph,' Engels had written in 1875. See Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels. Collected Works, Vol. 24 (London, 1989), p.103.

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intense fighting. The longest of them had been wars of relatively short campaigns with long pauses while armies rested and drew breath and the Franco-Prussian war of 1870-71, the last between European great powers, had lasted only a few months. The South African war had been drawn out for two and a half years, but its closing fifteen months or so, though expensive, were of low-intensity guerrilla and anti-guerrilla operations. Only the American Civil War had remotely prefigured the Great War, in which millions of men faced one another day after day, year after year, striving to grind their enemies into submission. Nor was this new intensity of conflict confined to land. From the start the struggle at sea was fierce and became fiercer as «ach side tried to starve the other by blockade. The air, too, became a true place of battle, though it was not the first time aeroplanes had been used in war. Early in 1911 an American pilot had made a reconnaissance flight over a besieged Mexico City and later that year aircraft appeared over the battlefield in Tripoli when they were used by the Italians to drop bombs. Balloons had first been employed for observation over a century before, by the French in the Revolutionary wars, but in 1914 for the first time the skies became a zone of combat.6 Almost at once, aircraft were being used for reconnaissance and to carry war to targets behind the enemy's lines. A few clear-sighted people had seen that this might happen, but the scale and rapidity of the change was striking. In 1914 the major combatants each had a little over 100 aeroplanes at their disposal; by the end of the war these puny forces had become huge. The British Royal Flying Corps had been set up only in 1912; its successor, the Royal Air Force, had over 20,000 machines in 1918. This was only one sign of the new importance of technology in war. In the nineteenth century railways had moved and supplied bigger armies than ever before. Huge numbers now intensified logistical 6

C. F. Snowden Gamble, The Air Weapon (Oxford, 1931), p.138. It appears that the first aerial combat took place in 1914 over the Chinese port of Tsingtao, when pistol shots were exchanged between Japanese aircraft and the only German machine in the area. Air operations over Tsingtao subsequently included also the first nightbombing. For further details, see C. B. Burdick, The Japanese Siege of Tsingtau. World War I in Asia (Hamden, Conn., 1976), pp.132, 160-61.

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needs. Traction on the battlefield itself was transformed. A few steam tractors had lumbered about the veldt dragging supply-wagons and guns for the British army in the South African war. By 1914 robust petrol-driven engines were available in quantity and four years later, trucks and tractors were as important as horses to the soldiers in the field. As for weapons, they improved terrifyingly in four years, though ordinary firearms had already been brought to high perfection by 1914. The ordinary British infantryman then already had a rifle with which he could hit a man-sized target at ranges of up to half a mile, its sights graduated up to 2,000 yards. But by then, too, infantry in most armies were already supported by machine-gunsfiring600 rounds a minute* field guns firing three or four times a minute at ranges of 10,000 yards or so, heavier guns which enlarged the battlefield by bombarding targets six or seven miles away, and a few monsters capable of even greater range. Such refinements (if that is the word) led to another revolutionary change of scale: slaughter more terrible than ever expected. No one has ever exactly computed the numbers of killed and wounded, but in proportion to the numbers of total populations and combatants they were colossal; once more, they had been anticipated only in the American Civil War. For four years, about 5,000 men died on average every day, most from wounds inflicted by shellfire. In only one paradoxical way could this balance sheet be read with anything but horror; for the first time since reliable records were available, most of the military casualties of the war were being caused by direct enemy action. In all previous wars the worst killer had been not the other side, but disease. Large numbers of men, cramped together in makeshift conditions, with temporary sanitation, probably contaminated water supplies and little fresh food, had always presented ideal conditions for epidemics of dysentery, cholera, smallpox, typhus. Sickness had killed three times more British soldiers than the Boers had done between 1899 and 1902. Armies had better health records in the Great War, not just because the treatment of sickness itself had improved, but because more was known about prevention, and because industrial societies could feed, supply and maintain huge numbers in the field better than their predecessors. This did not help civilians much, it is true. Even outside the battle zones, they suffered heavily. Poorer 247

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feeding and disease became more common as the war went on and each side tried to starve the other into surrender. Children and old people were notably less able to stand up to under-nourishment and sickness than the armies, composed for the most part of men in the prime of life. Where, too, conditions were more primitive and the resources of modern societies were not available to support the armies, the old wartime killers were at work as for centuries past. Serbia, the country over which, ostensibly, Europe went to war, in the end lost a quarter of her 1914 population, the highest proportionate loss of any participant. Just as the war soon outran all expectations in its duration and intensity, so it did in its geographical spread. Japan and the Ottoman empire joined in soon after the outbreak; the former on the side of the Allies or, as they were sometimes called, the 'Entente' (France, Great Britain, Belgium, Serbia and Russia) and Turkey on that of the Central Powers (Germany and Austria—Hungary). The years 1915 and 1916 brought anxious searchings for new allies. Italy did not join her Triple Alliance partners but in 1915 plumped for the Allied side in return for promises of Austrian and Ottoman territory. Other efforts were made to pick up new supporters with post-dated cheques to be cashed after a victorious peace; on that basis Bulgaria joined the Central Powers in September 1915 and Romania the Allies in the following year. Greece followed Romania in 1917. Portugal's government had talked of entering the war in 1914, but internal political troubles supervened. She was finally faced with a German declaration of war in 1916, after her government had requisitioned German ships then in Portuguese harbours. In Europe, only Spain, Switzerland, the Netherlands and the Scandinavian countries remained neutral throughout the struggle. Thus, the issues of Franco-German and Austro-Russian rivalry came to be mixed up in other struggles. In south-eastern Europe the Balkan nations were fighting again over the Ottoman succession in Europe. The British, some argued, had used the excuse of the violation of Belgian neutrality to fight a war they had long desired against German naval and commercial power. Many Italians believed they were fighting the last war of the Risorgimento and a crusade to evict Austria from the unredeemed soil inhabited by those of Italian descent or speech; others thought there would be spoils going and that Italy 248

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should have a share of them. Outside Europe, the British, French, Russians and Arabs all came in the end to be engaged in a war of Ottoman partition in the Near East while the Japanese seized an opportunity to take another, smaller-scale, but cheap and highly profitable step in the assertion of their power over China. Even the Chinese republican government joined in the war, though in the hope rather than the certainty of a profitable outcome. Finally, in 1917 when the United States became an 'associated power' of the Allies, the war truly became worldwide. The war had quickly shown every sign of bogging down in an unexpected stalemate, once the German sweep into northern France failed to achieve the lightning victory that had been its aim. It could be argued that with that failure Germany had lost the war, for she had disposed of neither France nor Russia, and now had to face an unanticipated enemy in Great Britain. She nonetheless held all but a tiny scrap of Belgium, and much French territory besides; victory for the Allies would have to mean at least the recovery of those areas. In the east, the Central Powers had stopped the initial Russian offensives. Thereafter, though more noticeably in the west than the east, the battlefields settled down to siege warfare on an unprecedented scale. Military operations were dominated by two facts. One was the huge killing-power of modern weapons; small-arms fire and barbed wire could by themselves stop any infantry attack not preceded by pulverizing bombardment. When human targets were not visible, they were nonetheless open to destruction by the formidable power of modern artillery. Huge casualty lists showed it. By the end of 1915 the French army alone had lost 300,000 dead; a seven-month battle before Verdun in the following year added another 315,000 to this total. In the same battle 280,000 Germans died. While it was going on, another prolonged struggle further north, on the Somme, produced a bloodletting that has never been exactly computed. Yet it is clear that it cost the British 420,000 casualties, the Germans about the same, and the French about half that number, while the first day of that battle, 1 July 1916, remains the most tragic in the history of the British army. At that time still a wholly volunteer force, it suffered in a few hours 60,000 casualties, of whom more than a third were killed. However weary of war their peoples were by the end of 1916, 249

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though, the combatant nations amply demonstrated a capacity far greater than had been imagined not merely to kill and incapacitate their enemies but to conscript and organize their peoples to endure. Alone among the European great powers, the United Kingdom had not had a conscript army before the outbreak of the war, but in 1916 her government imposed conscription (outside Ireland, where it was not applied until April 1918), a step which had a revolutionary impact on the British political system and national psychology. The armies of all the great powers had larger needs of material, too, than ever before. Boots, uniforms, mess tins, water bottles, barbed wire, timber for building, picks, spades and shovels, cooking utensils, sandbags and sacks - all were needed on a scale unimaginable a few years earlier. Though millions of animals — horses, mules, carrier pigeons and even dogs - were employed by the armies, trucks and tractors swallowed fuel as avidly as the larger animals swallowed vast quantities of fodder. Of weapons and ammunition, there seemed never to be enough. The demand was enormous: in 1914 the establishment of a British infantry battalion provided it with two machine-guns; a few years later it had over fifty, and that meant, of course, an enormous and wholly unanticipated increase in the use of small arms ammunition. As for artillery, this used shells at a rate that in the first year of war left supplies far behind. When enough became available, colossal bombardments took place; that before the battle of the Somme was delivered for seven days by nearly 2,000 guns on a ten-mile front, and the cannonade was heard on Hampstead Heath, 300 miles away. Even this, though, was surpassed by the fire of 6,000 guns on a forty-mile front that opened the final German offensive in 1918. Economic organization on the scale needed to supply such extravagance made nonsense of the once-cherished belief that long wars were economically unendurable, though there had been little planning for it. On the eve of war, Germany had still been exporting grain; she had no food regulations or plans for the management of industry. 'Even our ammunition was not planned for a large-scale war,' said one German politician of the country with the most admired military leadership in Europe.7 Two years later, whole industrial societies were 7

Friedrich Naumann, quoted in Henry Cord Meyer, Mitteleuropa Thought and Action 1815-1945 (The Hague, 1955), p.123. 250

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engaged against one another, their lives organized for war virtually from top to bottom. The international solidarity of the working class might never have been dreamed of; unions and socialist parties could not resist the mobilization of war-making power by the state. Nor, though, did the common interest of the ruling classes in holding revolution at bay assert itself. Inability to batter one another into submission on the battlefields thus led diplomats to seek new allies and generals to seek new fronts. Turkish participation in the war had enormously enlarged the potential theatre of strategic operations. The Allies in 1915 mounted an attack at the Dardanelles in the hope, not to be realized, of knocking the Ottoman empire out of the war and opening up communication with Russia through the Black Sea. The same search for a way round the deadlock in France later produced a Balkan front at Salonika to replace that which had collapsed when Serbia was overrun in the first weeks of 1916, and in the same year Romanian entry to the war on the Allied side held out for a moment the prospect of a successful invasion of Transylvania, but then gave way to defeat at the hands of the Central Powers, who occupied Bucharest and were henceforth able to tap new resources of wheat and oil. Colonial possessions, too, meant there was fighting all round the globe, even if much of it was on a small scale. Most of the German colonies could be picked up fairly easily, thanks to the British command of the seas, though those in East Africa required lengthy campaigning. The most important and considerable extra-European operations, though, were in the east and to the south of the Ottoman empire. The Russians threatened it in the Caucasus and Armenia. A British and Indian army landed at Basra in 1914 to safeguard oil supplies from Persia (the Royal Navy's new capital ships were by now all being built with oil-fuelled engines), while another force advanced from the Suez Canal towards Palestine. In the deserts of Hejaz, the beginnings of an Arab revolt against Ottoman rule appeared to provide some of the few colourful episodes with which journalism could relieve the brutal squalor of the war in Europe.

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THE C H A N G I N G W O R L D The mills, factories, mines and furnaces of Europe worked as never before. So did those of the United States and Japan, the former (until it entered the war) accessible to the Allies but not to the Central Powers, thanks to British naval supremacy. This helped to bring about one of the earliest of the many distortions and disruptions of the pre-war world trading system as old economic relationships between countries were transformed. The United States ceased to be a debtor nation as the Allies sold their transatlantic investments to pay for what they needed and became debtors in their turn. British exports halved in value during the war, and German overseas exports all but evaporated, but Indian industry received the fillip it had long required and that of Japan and China prospered. The war brought boom years to the ranches and farms of Argentina and the British dominions. The repercussions of the vast increase in demand rolled through society in other ways, too. They led everywhere in Europe in some measure to greater government attempts to achieve control of materials, production and conscription of labour, to a transformation of the ideas and reality of women's employment, to the introduction of new health and welfare services to support the industrial worker and the soldiers' families. As for the movement of manpower, the Allies brought hundreds of thousands of soldiers to Europe and the Near East from the British dominions, India and the French colonies, while other British imperial forces fought the Germans in their colonies. The South African government also had to suppress a rebellion against the Crown in 1914; they were careful to use Afrikaner, not British, troops to do so. The consciousness of what the war had cost them in blood helped to mature a sense of nationality in Canada, Australia and New Zealand. Technical advances continued to make war more remorseless and terrible. This was not only because of the scale of slaughter and maiming they permitted nor even because of new horrors such as poison gas, 8 flame-throwers and tanks, all of which made their appear8

Poison gas was first used on the eastern front by the German army at the end of 1914; it was available in huge quantities to both sides by 1918.

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ance on the battlefield as the soldiers strove to find a way out of the deadlock of barbed-wire and machine-guns. It was also because the fact that whole societies were engaged in warfare made all their members targets for warlike operations. In this sense, the assumptions of civilized warfare that civilians might only accidentally or in areas of guerrilla warfare be submitted to the full force of conflict was fatally undermined. Increasing desperation brought the launch of what was later called 'total' war. Previously unimaginable attacks on the morale, health and efficiency of civilian workers and voters were now possible, and became desirable or necessary, according to your point of view. When such attacks were denounced, the denunciations themselves became blows in propaganda campaigns aimed at civilian and neutral audiences. The possibilities presented by mass literacy and the recently created cinema industry supplemented and overtook such old standbys as pulpit and school in this kind of warfare. To British charges that the Germans who carried out primitive bombing raids on London were 'baby-killers', Germans looking at the rising figures of infant mortality could retort that so were the sailors who sustained the British blockade. At the end of 1916, after failing to win the summer's battles in France, with Russia still in the field against them in the east, and after strategic defeat (in spite of inflicting heavier losses on the British than those sustained by the German fleet) in the greatest naval action of the war,9 the German High Command concluded that Germany would lose the war because of the British blockade, if something were not done quickly. Famine in the Balkans might be ignored, but there were people starving in the suburbs of Vienna, German city-dwellers were hard pressed and food riots and strikes were becoming more frequent. German infant mortality was rising towards a level 50 per cent higher than that of the previous year. The French had by then suffered 3,350,000 casualties in the field, and the British over a million; on the other side, German casualties were nearly 2.5 million. There was no reason to suppose that the German army, still divided between east and west in the war on two fronts the Schlieffen plan had been meant to avoid, would be any more likely to achieve a knockout than had 9

The battle of Jutland, 31 May - 1 June 1916.

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been the British and French, though it was more favourably placed to fight on the defensive than they, given the lie of the land and the extent of its occupancy of enemy territory. Unwilling to risk again the German battle fleet whose building had done so much to poison pre-war feeling between the Germans and British, the German High Command now decided to employ in a new way the submarine, a weapon whose possibilities had hardly been glimpsed in 1914.10 Given that attacks could be made without warning and on unarmed vessels, a submarine offensive might be launched not only at Allied shipping but also against that of neutrals who were supplying the Allies, with the aim of starving Great Britain out of the war. Unrestricted submarine warfare had first been attempted as early as 1915, but few submarines were then available and they did not do much damage. There had been a great outcry when a British liner was torpedoed that year, with the loss of 1,200 lives, 128 of them Americans. The campaign had then been called off by the Germans in the interests of diplomatic relations with the greatest of the neutral countries. But in October 1916, more desperate counsels prevailed. Against the wishes of Bethmann-Hollweg, the German chancellor, a resolution of the finance committee of the Reichstag approved the introduction of unrestricted submarine warfare whenever the High Command thought it fit.

1917 The actual decision was forced on the chancellor in January 1917 by the High Command. It was likely to bring about a truly revolutionary transformation of the war, by causing the entry into it of the United States. The German generals knew this to be almost certain, but gambled on bringing Great Britain to her knees - and thus forcing France to give in — before American numbers could be decisive. For a couple of months it looked as if they might be right. American opinion, favouring neither one side nor the other in 1914, had come 10

Though the first successful attack by submarine on a surface vessel had been made as long ago as 1777.

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a long way since then, though. Allied propaganda and purchases had helped; so did the borrowing of money by the combatant powers, the Allies taking the overwhelming majority of the loans made.11 The early German submarine campaign of 1915 had a notable effect on some Americans' views. President Wilson might suspect (and certainly did not approve) the war aims of both sides, but he was clear that what he called 'Prussian militarism' presented greater risks to a civilized post-war world than a British or French victory (though that made many of his countrymen suspicious that he might lead them into war). Nonetheless, Wilson campaigned to be re-elected in 1916 with the slogan 'He kept us out of war' in what was arguably the first American presidential election since i860 to be of world historical importance. He was helped to victory by southern and western voters attracted by a broadly Progressive programme, and almost at once invited the belligerent powers to set out terms for a peace that they would see as satisfactory. When this proved fruitless, Wilson's next step would be to formulate 'Fourteen Points' on which a 'peace between equals' could be established with American cooperation. By then, though, the United States was at war. On 31 January the American government was informed by Germany that from the following day unrestricted submarine warfare — the sinking at sight of all merchant vessels within a zone around the British Isles and in the Mediterranean — would begin. Diplomatic relations were at once broken off by Washington. The German decision was a direct threat to American interests and the safety of her citizens. When it was also revealed to the American government by British signals interception that Germany had been hoping secretly to negotiate an alliance with Mexico and Japan against the United States, the hostility aroused by the submarines was confirmed. Soon, a number of American ships were sunk without warning. On 6 April 1917 the United States declared war on Germany. The Allies could now be sure of eventual victory, if they could hold on long enough for the as yet unformed American armies to reach France. The impossibility of breaking the European deadlock by means 11

By Easter 1917 Allied governments had borrowed $2,000,000,000 in the United States, as against only $27,000,000 borrowed by the Central Powers.

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short of total war had sucked the New World into the quarrels of the Old, almost against its will. For the first time since the Ottoman onslaught of the sixteenth century, Europe now faced a settlement of its fate by non-European power. Immediately, though, the Allies faced a gloomy year; the rest of 1917 was even blacker for Great Britain and France than 1916 had been. Not only did the submarine take months to master (by the adoption of convoy at sea, which did not begin until May 1917), but a terrible series of battles in France (usually lumped under the name of an obliterated Flanders village, Passchendaele) inflicted an ineffaceable scar upon the British national consciousness and cost another 300,000 dead and wounded to gain five miles of mud. Worn out by its heroic efforts the year before, the French army meanwhile was undergoing a series of mutinies. Worst of all for the Allies, the Russian empire collapsed. Both the tsarist monarchy and the regime that followed it were destroyed by war. In the 1905 revolution all the socialist factions had failed and as 1917 began Lenin, the leader of the Bolshevik socialists (then in exile in Switzerland), had said that his generation would not live to see revolution in Russia, much as he, like many another European socialist, had hoped the war would bring one about. By then, though, the tsarist regime was mortally wounded. The German armies were the real makers of a revolution that erupted in February 1917.12 The fighting had in the end broken the hearts of even the long-enduring Russian soldiers. The Russian army had shot its bolt in a final great offensive against the Austrians in 1916. It lacked supplies and weapons to do more, while soldiers' families were starving at home because of the breakdown of Russian transport. The Allies had only been able to help Russia in a small measure through Arctic ports frozen for much of the year, or through Vladivostok, 6,000 miles from the front line and connected to it only by (for the most part) a single-track railway line. Mismanaged conscription had taken skilled workers from Russian industry (and, in any case, much of Russian industry was located in Russian Poland - the major battle zone). Over 12

Until 13 February 1918 the Russian (Julian) calendar was thirteen days behind the western European (Gregorian) calendar inaugurated in 158z. Hence the 'February' revolution (25-Z8 February) occurred, in contemporary Russian style, 10-13 March.

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this disaster ruled an incompetent and corrupt government that, as 1917 opened, still feared constitutionalism and liberalism as much as it feared defeat. By then even its security forces could no longer be depended upon. In February, food riots in Petrograd were followed by mutiny.13 The autocracy was suddenly seen to be powerless. A provisional government of liberals and socialists was formed and the tsar abdicated; a grand-duke nominated to succeed to the throne declined the position and a provisional government of liberals and socialists took power. It assured the western Allies that it would stand by the treaties made by the tsarist regime but could not. It was attempting the impossible, to keep Russia in the war. Russians wanted peace and bread, as Lenin saw. His determination to seize power from the government added to its problems. Presiding over a disintegrating country, administration and army, still facing the unsolved problems of privation in the cities, it was swept away in a second change, a coup d'état carried out by the Bolsheviks, to be remembered as the October Revolution.14 Together with the American entry into the war this marks 1917 as a watershed between eras. Previously, Europe had settled its own affairs; now this was no longer true. The United States would be bound to have a large say in its future and in Russia there had come into being a state committed by the beliefs of its founders to the destruction of the whole pre-war European, and indeed, world order.

R E V O L U T I O N A R Y WAR The Bolsheviks consolidated their success by dissolving (since they did not control it) the only freely-elected representative body based on universal suffrage Russia was ever to know until 1990 and by

St Petersburg had been renamed Petrograd during the war because of the Germanic flavour of the old name. For similar motives the British royal family took the name 'Windsor' and ceased to be known as the house of Saxony-Coburg-Gotha. 14 6-8 November in the then operative Russian style; in the Gregorian style, later adopted by the USSR, the revolution was dated 2.5-27 October.

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bidding for the peasants' loyalties with promises of land and peace.15 This was essential if they were to survive; the backbone of the party that now strove to assert its authority over Russia was the very small industrial working class of a few cities, exercising its power through the Soviets (workers' and soldiers' councils) which were dominated by the Bolsheviks. Only peace could provide a safer and broader foundation. At first the terms demanded by the Germans were thought so objectionable that the Russians broke off negotiation; they had, though, finally to accept an even more punitive outcome, the treaty of Brest-Litovsk, in March 1918. This imposed on them losses of vast tracts of territory which included about a quarter of the population and three-quarters of Russia's coal and metallurgical industries, and an obligation to deliver a million tons of grain a year (it was an indication to the Allies of what a German victory in the war might mean for them). Nonetheless, it gave the new order peace and the time it desperately needed to tackle its internal troubles. It created a new strategic situation, too. The Allies were furious. They had not been against a Russian revolution per se, provided Russia kept in the war, but they saw the Bolsheviks' action as a treacherous defection. At first they misunderstood it as the work of German agents, a by no means implausible view; Lenin had been sent back to Russia with German help in 1917, the Germans provided funds to the Bolsheviks as they undermined the provisional government, and were still doing so in 1918. In August that year, in a supplement to Brest-Litovsk (and the first exercise in secret diplomacy by the communists) the Bolsheviks gave the Germans authorization to crush Allied forces in south Russia if they could not do so themselves. Things were made worse by the revolutionary propaganda soon being directed against their former allies by the new regime. The Russian leaders believed a revolution of the working class was on its way in the advanced capitalist countries. This gave an extra dimension 15

The 'Constituent Assembly' met on 5 January 1918. The Bolshevik delegates (and some others) withdrew from it the same day, the Assembly adjourned in the early hours of 6 January, was prevented by force from meeting again later that day, and was declared dissolved on 7 January by the 'Soviet Central Executive Committee'. Of its original 707 members, only 175 were Bolsheviks. No other election as free was to be held in Russia for seventy years.

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to a series of military 'interventions' in the affairs of Russia mounted by their former allies. Their original purpose had been strategic and non-ideological; they were conceived as a way of stopping the Germans from closing down their eastern front. They were soon interpreted, though, by many people in other countries and by all Bolsheviks as anti-communist crusades. Worse still, Allied forces became entangled in a Russian civil war that seemed likely to destroy the new regime. Even without the doctrinal filter of Marxist theory through which Lenin and his colleagues saw the world, such armed interventions would have been likely to sour relations between Russia and her former allies. To Marxists they seemed to confirm the essential and ineradicable hostility of 'capitalist' states. Myths about intervention were to dog Russian attitudes for the next half-century. They strengthened the case for the new regime's eager recourse to authoritarian government and brutality; fear of the invader as a restorer of the old order and patron of the landlords combined with Russian traditions of autocracy and police terrorism to stifle any liberalization of the regime.

T R I U M P H S OF N A T I O N A L I T Y The Bolsheviks seemed to have been prescient: in its last year, the war's revolutionary potential indeed became plain. It had been foreshadowed almost from the start; the Russians were bidding for the support of the Poles with promises of post-war autonomy even in 1914. German encouragement of disaffected Irishmen and of revolutionary Ukrainians, Jews and Finns - as well as of Lenin's followers - provided further indicators. Increasingly, too, the revolutionary potential of the war showed itself in national, not class, forms. To that extent, the Bolsheviks were badly wrong. It was in exploiting nationalism that the Allies became revolutionaries in Europe too (they had been encouraging rebellion against the Ottoman empire long before this), provoked as they were by the bleak military outlook as 1918 began. It was obvious that they would face a German attack in France in the spring with no help from a Russian army to draw off their enemies to the east, and that it would be a long time before American troops 259

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could arrive in large numbers to help them. But they had their own revolutionary weapon. In a declaration published in January they appealed to the nationalities of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and in April a 'Congress of Oppressed Austrian Nationalities' opened under this benevolent auspice in Rome. This strategy had considerable success, as well as having the advantage of emphasizing further in American eyes the ideological purity of a cause no longer tied to tsardom. When the Allied governments began to talk about reconstructing post-war Europe in a way that would safeguard the interests of nationalities, their utterances about war aims had become more agreeable to Wilson and to 'hyphenated' Americans.16 Subversive propaganda was directed at the Austro-Hungarian armies and encouragement was given to Czechs and South Slavs in exile. As a result, well before the nerve of the German generals gave way, the Dual Monarchy was beginning to dissolve as national sentiment swelled among its subject peoples. The exiled Czechs were the first to benefit. The Italian government in particular was happy to patronize them because any subversion of the Dual Monarchy they might help to bring about was unlikely to queer its pitch over Italia irredenta, unlike changes in the Adriatic and South Slav lands in favour of Serbs or Croats which might do so. Italy's was the first government to recognize a new Czechoslovak national council; the British, French and Americans followed suit during the summer. The Czechs also had the valuable asset of actually having an army to contribute to the Allied cause. This was the 'Czech legion', recruited formerly by the imperial Russian government from among their prisoners of war; in 1918 it was inconveniently placed, it is true, in the middle of Russia, but hopes were entertained that a way might soon be found for it to be brought out along the trans-Siberian railway to Vladivostok and eventual deployment on the western front. Events were soon moving too fast in central Europe for there to be time for this. The long unsuccessful Allied campaign in the Balkans based on Salonika at last began to provide victories. When a last Austrian offensive collapsed in June, the defeat of the Dual Monarchy 16

Some of the latter, that is; German-Americans responded less warmly than PolishAmericans.

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began to come into sight. Efforts were soon made by Vienna to open peace discussions independently of its ally in Berlin. These were rebuffed, but the political structure of the whole area bounded by the Urals, the Baltic and the Danube valley was now in question, as it had not been for centuries. All certainties seemed to be in the melting pot. The Germans had patronized a Polish national army as a weapon against Russia, while the American president had announced even before the American entry to the war that an independent Poland should be a goal in any peacemaking. Multinational empire, already implicitly identified as unjustifiable in the Fourteen Points, was dissolving in the Danube valley under the impact of defeat and revolution, as well as in the former tsarist empire after the Bolshevik seizure of power (though this was to turn out to be only a temporary aberration).

THE O T T O M A N C O L L A P S E Another long familiar issue over which there still hung huge uncertainty as the last year of the war began was that of the oldest of all the empires, the Ottoman. By 1914 it had become predominantly a non-European entity. The empire had entered the war because of Young Turk optimism, the Germans' military and diplomatic influence at Constantinople and the unplanned arrival of a couple of German warships in the Straits in September 1914 which probably tipped the scale in Ottoman official opinion. When these ships took part in a bombardment of some Russian ports the Allies had declared war on the Ottoman government. From this were to flow major upheavals. The Ottoman empire's geographical spread, let alone its military weight, was bound to give it immense strategic significance — not least as an obstacle to Allied communication with Russia through the Black Sea. Once Great Britain was committed she abandoned the last remnants of her historic support for the sultan against Russia. Turning their backs on nearly a century and a half of diplomacy, the British and French joined in secret agreements with Russia that she should have Constantinople and much of eastern Anatolia at the peace. Other allocations of future Ottoman booty followed. French patriots still liked to recall a tradition of a special French role in the Levant, and 261

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this offered them some diplomatic leverage. The cultural presence evinced by a wide use of the French language in the Levant, and a large investment of French capital, were also matters not to be overlooked. In 1914, though, the main military antagonists of the Ottoman empire in the field outside Europe were Russia in the Caucasus and Great Britain in the Sinai desert. Defence of the Suez Canal was the bedrock of British strategic thinking about the Near and Middle East, and it soon became clear that it was not in danger from the Turkish army. But there were soon signs that other, new, strategic factors were entering the equations. One was the beginning in Mesopotamia (later called Iraq) of an interplay of oil and politics in the historical destiny of this area, though it would take decades to mature. Fighting began there at the end of 1914 when an Anglo-Indian expedition landed at Basra. Another was a British decision to seek to use Arab nationalism, or what might pass for it. The attraction of striking at Germany's ally became all the greater as fighting went on bloodily but indecisively in Europe. When the attempt to force the Dardanelles and take Constantinople by combined naval and land operations in 1915 bogged down, some thought that sowing dissidence among Ottoman subjects might be more productive. The duplicities of Russian policy made it impossible to exploit Armenia whose Christian people was left to undergo a calculated attempt to exterminate them by the Young Turk government, an early exercise in what would later be called 'ethnic cleansing'. But there were now Arabs sure that the Turks were alien oppressors, rather than brothers in the faith. There was a limit to what could be offered by the Allies to win new friends in the Near East, and the French had their own fish to fry in Syria. Nevertheless, agreement was eventually reached between Paris and London on spheres of influence in a partitioned Ottoman empire. It left much still undecided for the future, including the future status of Mesopotamia, but settled that there should be an Arab national state, to be set up after the Allies' victory. An Arab nationalist political programme had thus become a reality. Hussein, sherif of Mecca, with whom the British finally came to an agreement in 1916, had at first demanded independence for all the Arab lands up to about eighty miles north of a line from Aleppo to Mosad - in effect, the whole Ottoman empire in Asia outside Turkey 262

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itself and Kurdistan. This had been much too much for the British to take at the gallop. The French had to be consulted and when British and French spheres of influence in a partitioned Ottoman empire were at last agreed, much was still left unsettled about the post-war Arab lands, including the future status of Mesopotamia. Meanwhile, a revolt in the Hejaz had begun in June 1916 with an attack on the Turkish garrison of Medina. It was never meant to be more than a distraction (a 'side-show' was the expression then in vogue) but it prospered as a symbol and became a legend. Soon the British felt they must take the Arabs more seriously; Hussein was recognized as 'king' of the Hejaz. In 1917, British, Australian and Indian forces began to defeat the Ottoman armies and pressed forward into Palestine, taking Jerusalem. In the following year they were to enter Damascus, together with Hussein's forces. Before this, though, other events had further complicated the situation. One was the American entry into the war, following which the Fourteen Points had spoken of the United States favouring 'an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development' for the non-Turks of the Ottoman empire.17 The other was the Bolshevik publication of their predecessors' secret diplomacy early in 1918, which revealed the Anglo-French proposals for spheres of influence and the concessions to Russia that they involved. Another part of those proposals had been that Palestine should be administered internationally; that cut across Arab expectations.18 A still fiercer irritant to Arab feeling, though, had been a third fact: a unilateral British announcement in 1917 that British policy favoured the establishment of a national home in Palestine for the Jewish people. This 'Balfour Declaration' was not strictly incompatible with what had been said to the Arabs (and President Wilson had joined in the good work of obfuscation by qualifying it with proposals to protect Palestinians who were not Jews), yet it is almost inconceivable that it could ever have operated unchallenged. In due course, further British and French 17

Speeches and Documents in American History, ed. R. Birley, IV, 1914-1939 (Oxford, 1942.), p.41. 18 The main texts published by the Bolsheviks were re-published in English in April 1918 by a political movement, the Union of Democratic Control, after first being published in a newspaper, the Manchester Guardian, and so given wide circulation.

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expressions of goodwill towards Arab aspirations followed in 1918. Nonetheless, the declaration can be accounted Zionism's greatest political success down to this time. On the morrow of Turkish defeat, the outlook was thoroughly confused. Once again, the old and protean 'Eastern Question' was taking a new shape.

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The last crucial battles in France were thus fought out against a revolutionary and increasingly portentous world background. Even in 1917, it had been clear to some that the tide was now running against Germany; the question whether she could escape it remained unanswered. In July that year, the Centre (Catholic) party had joined the parties of the Left who were by then in favour of concluding peace as soon as possible. As 1918 began, the general staff were sure they had to win that year in the west if Germany was not to be defeated in 1919 by numbers and superior allied resources.19 Transferring to the western front large numbers of men after the Russian collapse, the Germans launched a last great series of attacks in March 1918. For two months they hammered away, only just failing to break the British and French armies. For the first time (and before the commander of the American expeditionary force wished), American formations were thrown into the struggle, too. By the summer, though, the Allies had managed to bring the German offensives to a halt. The huge gains of ground made by the Germans had not been enough, and they had been made at great cost. When the Allied armies began to move forward victoriously in their turn, the German army began to crumble. The German generals now began to seek an end; they feared defeat in the field would be followed by revolution at home. Finally, both the Central Powers asked for an armistice on the same 19

At the end of the war, for instance, the German army had 45 tanks; the Allies 3,500. For 1919, the prospect was even worse; a few months later, it was being planned that 100 American divisions would be available in France then. See H. H. Herwig, The First World War: Germany and Austria-Hungary, 1914-1918 (London, 1997), P-42.0264

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day, 4 October 1918; significantly and ominously for the Habsburgs they had made their request on the basis of an acceptance of the Fourteen Points as a starting-point for negotiation. A few days later the emperor Charles (who had succeeded the aged Franz Joseph in 1916) announced that the Austrian lands of the monarchy were to be reorganized as a federation. This acknowledgement of the nationalist tide came too late, though. Before October ended the Czechoslovaks had gone beyond demands for recognition of their right to selfdetermination and had proclaimed their independence. They were followed by Slavs who already spoke of themselves as 'Yugoslavs', while a 'German National Council' had appeared in Vienna to promote the cause of the German-speakers of the Habsburg lands. On 1 November an independent Hungarian government had been set up in Budapest. The Allies granted an armistice to the Habsburg monarchy on 3 November, a month after it had asked for one. Three weeks later a 'kingdom of Croats, Slovenes and Serbs' was proclaimed at Zagreb. After deposing their king (who disliked the idea of playing second fiddle to the king of Serbia, the head of the new South Slav monarchy) the Montenegrins joined up to found what was to become Yugoslavia. By then the last Habsburg emperor of the Dual Monarchy had abdicated, and independent Austrian and Hungarian republics were in being. The latter, it was soon clear, was not likely to survive untroubled for long without further modification; at the beginning of December a national assembly of the Romanians of Transylvania was already voting for incorporation in the kingdom of Romania. At the end of October sailors at Kiel had mutinied, refusing to go to sea to fight the Royal Navy; their example spread to other German ports. On 7 November came the proclamation of a republic after a rising in Munich. There had already been demands for the Kaiser's abdication. When it was announced, at last, on 9 November, there came to an end the last of the east European dynastic empires.20 The Hohenzollerns had only just survived their old rivals. A new, republican, German government requested a suspension of fighting;

Although Wilhelm did not sign a document of abdication until 28 November.

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an armistice was rapidly granted and the fighting on the western front came to an end at 11.00 am on n November 1918. Out of former German, Austro-Hungarian and Russian territory there were to emerge in the end three new Baltic republics (Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia), a resurrected Poland, a new republic called Czechoslovakia, an Austrian republic, a much reduced Hungary (still a kingdom, but without a king) and a new South Slav kingdom, but the details of so huge a change took years to settle. That there would be a new map of eastern Europe organized round these new states or something like them was certain well before the peacemakers met, though, and it was not a prospect that pleased everyone. Many people, indeed, bitterly resented it and even those who might have been expected to approve nevertheless would find much to dislike in its detail. Nevertheless, the victory would seem to settle a lot of questions that had been troubling people for much of the previous century and it had brought multinational empire to an end at last in Europe itself. Many of the nationalist demands of the past were satisfied; it was not at once clear that others still remained, and that many fresh ones had been created. It seemed at the very least, for good or evil, a triumph of the principles of national self-determination and representative democracy. The cost of the Great War has never been adequately computed though its scale is clear enough; over 10 million men died as a result of direct military action. As for disease, typhus probably killed another million in the Balkans alone. Nor do even such terrible figures indicate the unprecedented physical and psychic toll in maiming, blinding, the loss to families of fathers, husbands and sons, the spiritual havoc in the destruction of ideals, confidence and goodwill. Europeans looked at their huge cemeteries and the long list of those who were, as the British memorials recorded, 'missing', and were appalled at what they had done.21 The economic damage was immense, too. Starvation ravaged much of Europe in the winter of 1918-19. A year after the war, the continent's manufacturing output was still nearly a quarter 21

The Thiepval memorial in north-western France alone records the names of over 70,000 British and Dominions soldiers killed in battles on the Somme of whom no trace was found, and to whom, therefore, no burial could be given, the Menin Gate memorial the names of 50,000 similarly lost in the Ypres Salient.

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below that of 1914, while Russia's was only a fifth of what it had been. Transport over any distance was in some countries almost non-existent. The complicated, fragile machinery of international exchange had been smashed. At the centre of this chaos lay, exhausted, a Germany that had been the economic dynamo of central Europe. 'We are at the dead season of our fortunes,' wrote a British economist. 'Our power of feeling or caring beyond the immediate questions of our own material well-being is temporarily eclipsed . . . We have been moved already beyond endurance, and need rest. Never in the lifetime of men now living has the universal element in the soul of man burnt so dimly.'22

J. M. Keynes, The Economic pp.278-9.

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of the Peace (London, 1919),

BOOK 3

THE END OF T H E OLD WORLD ORDER

9 A Revolutionary Peace

THE B A S I S OF S E T T L E M E N T The best-known fact about the peace settlement which followed the Great War is that it failed to prevent another and greater war. As a starting-point for understanding it, though, that is liable to mislead; it is another of those perspectives flawed by hindsight and selfrighteousness. Though it was to become the fashion to emphasize the failures of the peace, the men who made it were but human; others' failures at later times, and the recognition of the magnitude of their tasks should by now impose a certain sympathy for them, even if not respect for what they did. They faced the greatest exercise in peacemaking since 1815 and had to reconcile great expectations with stubborn facts, many of them still unrecognized as they began their task. Not least, the peace settlement had to be a world settlement. It not only dealt with territories and peoples outside Europe - earlier peace-makings had done that — but many voices from outside Europe were heard in its making (and there were several that, though they sought to be heard, were excluded). Of twenty-seven states whose representatives signed the main treaty, seventeen were non-European. The United States was the greatest of them; with Japan, Great Britain, France and Italy she formed the group described as the 'principal allied and associated' or victorious powers. For a world settlement, though, it was ominous that no representative attended from the new Russia, the only great power with both European and Asian frontiers. Decision-making was remarkably concentrated: the British and French prime ministers and the American president dominated the negotiations. These took place between them, the victors; the defeated 271

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were subsequently presented with their terms. In the diverging interests of France, aware above all of the appalling danger of any third repetition of German aggression, and of the Anglo-Saxon nations, feeling no such peril, lay a central problem of European security, but many others surrounded and obscured it. Technically, the peace settlement consisted of a set of distinct treaties with Germany, with Bulgaria, the Ottoman empire and the 'succession states' which claimed the divided Dual Monarchy. Of these a resurrected Poland, the enlarged Serbia later called Yugoslavia and an entirely new Czechoslovakia were taken to be on the winning side and were present at the conference as allies. A much-reduced Hungary and old Austria, though, were treated as defeated enemies with whom peace had to be made. All of this posed difficult problems, and it took over a year to draw up and sign the five main treaties. But the main concern of the peace conference was the settlement with Germany embodied in the Treaty of Versailles signed in June 1919.1 This was deliberately punitive. It explicitly stated that the Germans were responsible for the outbreak of war and that turned out to be a source of future resentment and danger. But the Treaty's harshest terms lay not in this moral condemnation, nor did they arise from it, but from the French wish, if it were possible, so to tie Germany down that any third German war was inconceivable. This was the purpose of imposing heavy economic 'reparations', which were to become one of the most deplored parts of the settlement. Not only did they embitter Germans, making the psychological acceptance of defeat even harder, but they were also economic nonsense. Nor were the economic penalties they laid on Germany for years to come supported by effective arrangements to ensure that Germany might not one day try to reverse the decision by force of arms. This angered the French. They did not get much more reassurance than an undertaking that the German bank of the Rhine should be 'demilitarized' and a temporary Allied occupation of certain zones. Germany's territorial losses, it went without saying, included Alsace and Lorraine, which were returned 1 After that of Versailles came four other treaties with the 'defeated': that of St Germain with a new Austrian republic (10 September), of Neuilly with Bulgaria (27 November), of the Trianon with the Kingdom of Hungary (4 June 1920) and of Sèvres with the Ottoman empire (10 August 1920).

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to France. Otherwise, Germany lost most in the east, to Poland. It was a leading characteristic of the peace that it took for granted the validity of the principles of self-determination and nationality. Sixty million people were now to live in states they could call their own. This owed much to the convictions of Woodrow Wilson, but in many places, of course, these principles merely recognized existing facts; Poland and Czechoslovakia had governments of their own even before the peace conference met, and a new South Slav monarchy was already then crystallizing round what had been Serbia and Montenegro. By the end of 1918, these principles had already appeared to triumph over much of the territory of the old Dual Monarchy (and were soon to do so also in the former Baltic provinces of Russia). In that year, Thomas Masaryk, the Czech national leader, had published a book entitled The New Europe which interpreted the war as a struggle of democracy; though this was not an idea for which any of the belligerents of 1914 had gone to war, it was one that the leaders of the Allies had come to advocate as the fighting dragged on, their task much eased when the February revolution rid them of the moral encumbrance of tsarism. Some of the states formed as the Habsburg empire crumbled away were to survive (if with interruptions) for most of the rest of the century. At least at the outset, too, they appeared to represent democratic national entities. The principle of selfdetermination was also followed in tackling certain frontier problems by plebiscite. Yet such beneficent steps actually imposed upon much of Europe the assumptions of an alien ideology. This was particularly clear in the provisions made in the treaties for the protection of national minorities within new states. Nationalist-minded Poles in particular saw no reason why outsiders should insist on special protection for the collective rights of their 3 million Jews and 1 million Germans.2 The principle of nationality itself could not be applied consistently and plebiscites did not always produce helpful solutions. Geographical, historical, cultural and economic realities cut across the divisions they suggested. When political principle prevailed over social and 2

The minority provisions of the peace settlement were soon evidently unenforceable, but continued to breed resentment.

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economic realities - as it did in the destruction of the economic unity of the Danube valley - the results could be bad; when it did not, they could be just as bad because of the aggrieved feelings left behind. What the Italian prime minister termed a 'thorough Balkanization' left over zo million people in eastern and central Europe living as national, cultural and religious minorities embedded resentfully in nations to which they felt no allegiance. More than a third of the population of the new Czechoslovakia consisted of Poles, Russians, Germans, Magyars and Ruthenes; an enlarged Romania soon contained well over a million Magyars, three-quarters of a million Germans and about as many Jews. In some places, the infringement of national principle or aspiration was felt with especial acuteness as an injustice. Germans particularly resented the existence of a 'corridor' connecting Poland with the sea across formerly German lands now in thrall to Slavs, Italy was disappointed of Adriatic spoils promised to her by her allies when they had needed her help, the Austrians (now the citizens of a largely German-speaking republic) were forbidden to unite with Germany, and the old Irish problem (though soon to be thought settled) was not touched by the Treaty. Outside Europe, the most obvious question to be settled was the fate of the German colonies, but that posed few serious difficulties. Old-fashioned colonial aggrandizement was distasteful to the United States; partly for this reason, tutelage for non-European peoples formerly under German or Turkish rule was provided instead. 'Mandates', or trusteeships, were given to the victorious powers to administer these territories and to prepare them for self-government (though the United States declined any).

THE L E A G U E A new 'League of Nations' that authorized those changes was the most imaginative idea to emerge from the settlement, even though in some instances its mandates did little more than provide fig-leaves of respectability for the last flowering of European imperialism. The League was nonetheless far more than the mandate system; it was a great creative idea. It owed much to Wilson's enthusiasm, and he 275

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ensured its Covenant — its constitution — pride of place as the first part of the Versailles Treaty. In that respect at least the settlement transcended the idea of nationalism a little and the dream of a new international order which was not an empire seemed for a moment to achieve some reality. The League also transcended the idea of Europe; it is another sign of the new era that twenty-six of the original forty-two members of the League were from outside Europe.3 It was, in fact, the ultimate expression of the logic of Wilson's ideas about war aims. Uniquely among the victors and ideologists his war had not been subordinated to the goal of defeating Germany and preventing her resurgence but was focused beyond that, on making the world safe for democracy. He sought to build a new world order. Tortuous (and, in the end, a matter of circ*mstance created by others) though America's path to war had been, Wilson in 1918 became the first of her presidents to turn United States foreign policy firmly away from the belief in isolation and interest drawn from Washington's Farewell Address, and to identify the national interest with that of a world based on new principles. He strove to speak and plan for humanity as a whole. His was a grandiose and perhaps an arrogant illusion, but it was also a noble one. Wilson failed, but whether, given time, he could have sustained an American foreign policy grounded in ethical principle is impossible to say; it would have implied - as tensions inside American policy-making were to show again and again in the next eighty years — a national willingness to act to prevent wrong-doing or correct its effects which might never have been forthcoming except in felt emergencies. Wilson, though, was never to have time to find out. Because of domestic political circ*mstance that he had not taken into account and illness that he could not have foreseen, the United States was not to join the League. Disabled by paralysis at the end of 1919, the president lived on in retirement until his death in 1924, with the doubtful consolation of a Nobel peace prize. America's absence was the League's greatest weakness, but there were several others. Perhaps from the outset they made it impossible for the League to satisfy the expectations it had aroused. Perhaps all 3

The British empire provided from the start five members other than the United Kingdom: Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and India.

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such expectations were unrealizable in principle, given the actual state of world political forces. Nonetheless, the League was to have its successes. Several matters were handled by it which might have proved much more explosive without its intervention, above all the question of Upper Silesia, disputed between Poles and Germans. After a settlement in 1922 (greeted by the German Reichstag draping itself in black), the territory remained reasonably peaceful until 1937. The Aaland Islands, disputed between Finland and Sweden in 1921, were also the subject of successful mediation by the League. It did its best in Vilna to reconcile Poles and Lithuanians, but failed (fighting between them spluttered on there until 1927), and it was blatantly divided over the administration of the Saar in 1923. Its authority was flouted, too, as early as 1923 when the Italians bombarded and then occupied the Greek island of Corfu. If exaggerated hopes had been entertained that it might do more, though, it does not mean the League was not of practical benefit as well as an imaginative idea. It was another weakness of the League that the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR)4 was not a member, and was therefore absent from its deliberations, just as she had been from the peace conference. The latter, though, was probably the more important. The political arrangements to shape the next stage of European history were thus made without consulting the new Russia, though in eastern Europe they required the drawing of boundaries in which any Russian government was bound to be vitally interested. The Bolshevik leaders did all they could to provide excuses for their exclusion. They envenomed relations with the major powers by revolutionary propaganda directed at their peoples, believing that the capitalist countries were determined to overthrow them. The British prime minister, Lloyd George, and Wilson were in fact more flexible - even sympathetic than many of their colleagues and electors in their approach to the new Russia, and certainly more willing to give its government the benefit of any doubt than Clemenceau, the French prime minister. Passionately anti-Bolshevik, Clemenceau had many French ex4

The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics officially came into existence under this new name in December 1918, when the 10th All-Russian Congress of Soviets so resolved.

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servicemen and irritated investors in Russian bonds behind him. But however responsibility for the USSR's absence from the making of a new Europe is allocated, the outcome was that the European power which had, potentially, the greatest weight of all in the affairs of the continent, whatever her temporary weakness, was not consulted. Any government of Russia that took account of the country's historic experience and strategic needs would be bound eventually to join those seeking to revise the settlement or overthrow it. Worse still, her rulers detested the social system the peace was meant to protect; they were, after all, self-proclaimed world revolutionaries. The hopes entertained of the peace settlement turned out to be not merely unrealistic, but to be undermined by revisionists and in the end blown away by events. In spite of this, the settlement had many good points; when it failed, it was for reasons that were for the most part beyond the control of the men who made it. In the first place, as Wilson's decisive role showed, the days of European world hegemony were over. Whatever its formal terms, the decisions of 1919 could not settle much of the future of the world outside Europe except in the Near East and Africa, and there only for a few years. Secondly, the old imperial policemen were now too weakened to do their job inside Europe, let alone outside (and some of them had disappeared altogether). The United States had been needed to ensure Germany's defeat. Unhappily, Americans had begun to withdraw into an artificial isolation even before Wilson (already disabled by a stroke) was replaced in 1921 by a Republican and isolationist. As for Bolshevik Russia, her rulers did not wish to help stabilize the continent in the next few years — indeed, they often loudly proclaimed the opposite. The isolationism of one great power and the sterilization of another by ideology thereafter left Europe to its own inadequate devices, and dangerously unstable. When no revolution broke out in Europe, the Soviet rulers turned in on themselves; when Americans were given the chance by Wilson to be involved in Europe's peace-keeping, they refused it. Both decisions are comprehensible, and may even be regarded as inevitable, but they were fertile in bad consequences. One of them, paradoxically, was that colour was lent to the survival of the illusion that European autonomy was still a reality, and could still provide an adequate framework for handling its problems. What 278

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is more, this unhappy illusion was to persist into an era when clear thinking and a firm grasp of realities were needed more than ever.

THE I N T E R N A T I O N A L

ECONOMY

Some of the most taxing difficulties facing the peacemakers of 1919 lay outside their remit, although their decisions would impinge upon them. The economic repercussions of the war had been very different in different parts of the world. European countries had been badly damaged, while many non-European economies had prospered. New ties and relationships between different countries had appeared but much of the network of trading, investing and financial links that had bound Europe together commercially before 1914 was torn to shreds. Broadly speaking, non-Europeans had not done badly out of the war. The young industries of Japan and India received an enormous boost; they had provided clothes, boots, equipment, ammunition and arms for the Russian armies through Vladivostok, ammunition, food and beer for the British fighting in Mesopotamia and Egypt against the Turks. Agricultural production had fallen in Europe as the armies took men from the fields, but farming countries beyond the oceans enjoyed a boom; there was almost limitless demand for meat from South America, Australia and New Zealand and grain from North America to feed the Allied armies. Countries supplying primary products needed by industry also enjoyed boom conditions. Malayan tin and rubber, North American lumber, iron ore and oil from the United States,5 bauxite and nitrates from South America, jute from India all these and a thousand and one other commodities were swallowed in growing quantities as the war dragged on.6 Above all, the United States prospered. Already in 1914 she had 5

In 1914 most of Europe's oil requirements were met from the USA; even at the end of the war, the potential of the Middle East was far from apparent. 6 The sandbag is one of the humbler and less exciting instruments of war, but a growing demand for it makes the point: the British army expected in 1914 it would require 250,000 a month, but by May the following year, with the war not yet twelve months old, it was asking for a monthly supply of 6,000,000.

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been the largest manufacturing power thanks to her huge and growing home market, but the Great War made her a great exporter of manufactures as well as of agricultural produce. Between 1914 and 1916 her exports of munitions during her years of neutrality had risen in value more than thirty-fold, from $40 million to $1,290 million. In theory, as a neutral she had been able to supply buyers on both sides. But since Britannia ruled the waves there was little chance of the Central Powers getting much through the British naval blockade, though there were one or two dashing attempts to run small quantities of goods through it by submarine. The Allies were the main customers of American industry and farmers; Allied spending fuelled an economic boom in the United States. That transformed the whole picture of world trade in a few years. Before 1914, Great Britain, Germany and France had been exporters of capital and the United States had been a capital importer. The war reversed this. The Allies had to pay for the things they bought, and in theory could do so by exporting their own goods, but the Americans had not wanted many of them and, in any case, British and French industry was busy meeting orders from their own governments. Allied bills for arms and commodities bought in the United States had to be settled, therefore, in dollars or some other acceptable currency (which in the end meant gold, since that was what made currencies acceptable in those days). To raise the dollars, the British steadily sold off their large pre-war investments in the United States to Americans. After that, they borrowed money there. It had been hoped that reparations would help the European allies to pay off their wartime debts to the United States, but by the middle of the 1920s their total indebtedness had been much swollen by new borrowing. Thus the United States, which had ceased in the war to be a debtor nation, paying interest on capital it borrowed from abroad, became even more decisively a creditor, exporting its own capital. Gold flowed across the Atlantic to American vaults in quantities no longer reflecting the normal course of trade. The United States had assumed a new economic role in the post-war world, and a puzzling one for those who still thought of 'normality' as a restoration of the pre-war patterns of international trade.

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E C O N O M I C D I S O R D E R IN E U R O P E Europe's plight had thus to be tackled against a new world economic background. Mortal damage had been done to the continent's internal economic order. Everywhere its resources were in some measure stricken or distorted by the war. A great tract of France was physically blighted and ravaged by fighting more intense than any previously seen; the Germans had systematically flooded mines, looted factories for machinery and torn up roads and railway lines, had even ringed the fruit trees in orchards and left them to die. In eastern Europe, devastation was less intense, but there had been less to destroy in the first place. Sowing and harvesting had been interrupted again and again over wide areas, and in many places agricultural production had collapsed. The railways were often in ruins; until they were put right, Europe's grain growers could not feed starving cities even if they could lay their hands on the seed corn and labour to restore production quickly. Europeans were poorer also because they had used up capital that ought to have been ploughed back into investment. Productivity had declined, too, as labour had been taken from farm and factory to serve in the armies. It was calculated that the war cost Europe eight years of growth at pre-war rates. No European state was able to satisfy its basic needs in 1918 as many had done four years earlier. Between 1913 and 1920 the continent's manufacturing output had gone down by almost a quarter. Germany had been Europe's greatest pre-war industrial nation, Great Britain's best customer and a great consumer of the agricultural produce of Russia and the Danube valley. But the terms of the peace, which imposed indemnities on Germany to pay for the damage the war had done, were a severe obstacle (though only one of several) to any restoration of her prosperity. Russia, Germany's greatest potential market, was cut off behind her new distrust of and ideological enmity towards the capitalist world and could no longer play her important pre-war part in the smooth working of the European economy either as a customer for manufactures and capital, or as a supplier of grain. Austria—Hungary in 1914 may have been a political anachronism, but it had given economic unity to much of the Danube valley. The new 281

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democracies had before the war been part of larger economic units that had eased their economic problems, but now old economic ties were not rebuilt at the end of a long period of (in some areas) almost continual fighting, prolonged in some places well after 1918.7 For months after the end of the war, much of central and eastern Europe was actually starving. Among the new units into which it had fallen apart some were so weak economically that they dared not even allow such rolling-stock as was left on their railways to cross frontiers in case it should not come back, so that goods had to be unloaded and reloaded at border stations. The health and resistance of peoples had been undermined by years of shortages and belt-tightening; the soldiers returned to labour markets which could not offer them jobs knowing that their children and old folk were likely to die from disease or malnutrition if they could not obtain work. The saving and rentier classes saw the inflation of the war years suddenly and disastrously steepen and found themselves deprived of much of their wealth. The first attempts of young governments and regimes to grapple with these problems may well have made things worse. New nations strove to protect their infant economies by throwing up tariffs and instituting exchange controls. Bigger and older nations tried to repair their own shattered and enfeebled and almost always distorted industries behind protection. Inflation swept away healthy currencies. Germany, potentially central to European recovery, was saddled with what looked like an indefinite burden of reparation in kind and in cash which, as well as distorting her economy and delaying its recovery, also took away much of the incentive to rebuild the economy, while adding to the problems soon presented by an appalling collapse of her currency. These difficulties were to be gradually overcome with the help of American money, which Americans were willing to lend (though they would not take European goods in return, and had

Czechs and Poles fought over Teschen in 1919, Hungary went to war with Czechoslovakia and was herself invaded by Romanians (who occupied Budapest) that same year, Albanians had to repel Yugoslav incursions, bands of Bulgarians terrorized Macedonia, the Soviet Union went to war with Romania and Poland (1920-21) and invaded the Baltic states and Finland.

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retired behind their own tariff walls). But this implied a dangerous dependence on the continued prosperity of the United States.

D E M O C R A C Y AND

NATIONALITY

To this day the peace settlement of 1919 retains the distinction of being the only one in history made by great powers all of which were democracies. Whatever may be thought of the foresight of those who negotiated it, they were aware as none of their predecessors had been of the dangers of disappointing electors. Allied propaganda before victory and the rhetoric of peace-making made many think that there had been a great triumph of principle. After all, four autocratic, undemocratic, anti-national empires had collapsed, and the fact that so many other institutions of the ancien régime had also disappeared made many people optimistic about the prospects for democratic government, long seen by progressives as the wave of the future, and newly respectful of self-determination. Easily confused with democratic processes, self-determination was the master-idea of the settlement. Liberal optimism also drew strength from the ostentatious purity of Wilson; he had done all he could to make it clear that he saw the role of the United States in the war as essentially different from that of the Allies, being inspired (he irksomely reiterated) by high-minded ideals and his own belief in democracy, a matter of some importance in safeguarding his electoral support at home. Against this background, new states, most of them republican, but all with democratic constitutions and parliamentary arrangements, had appeared all over eastern and central Europe.8 Not all were the creations of the settlement. The independence of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia had been recognized in the treaty of Brest-Litovsk. Two defeated countries, Austria and Germany, had reincarnated themselves as democratic republics, and the roots of independent Poland lay in 8

It is interesting that there were brief attempts to set up new constitutional monarchies (in Finland and Lithuania in 1918) and, of course, the new Hungary, after a brief republican interval, was proclaimed a monarchy in 1920, although its throne was never to be successfully occupied by the man who had been the last Habsburg emperor and king, Charles.

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its leaders' successful exploitation of German offers and the situation created by the Bolshevik revolution during the war. Democracy made new advances in western Europe, too, where two constitutional monarchies, Great Britain and Italy, widened their electorates in the aftermath of the war to include all adult males (this almost trebled the British electorate); some women, too, were given the vote in Great Britain in 1918 (all of them would be in 1928). It at first looked promising, too, when the League took an active interest in the protection of minorities and the victorious Allies had imposed terms in some of the peace treaties that were intended to give their rights security. Finally, there were the plebiscites that settled a number of questions left over from the peace negotiations at Versailles. All this looked like and should have meant a huge extension of democracy and civilized political practice, embodied in representative institutions and legal provisions for the protection of rights. But democracy had to operate in a world in which it had many enemies, old and new. It had not been a widespread form of government before 1914 and many Europeans were soon regretting the passing of the regimes under which they had previously lived; Croatians quickly began to complain about the way Serbs treated them in the new state of the South Slavs, Magyars about their plight in a now Romanian Transylvania. There were many old-fashioned conservative opponents of democracy in the east and central Europe, too. Others, whatever their feelings in the abstract about democracy, lost by it - those who had been in the minority in plebiscites, for example, and now found themselves living under governments they did not like, with official languages they did not naturally speak and neighbours who now behaved unpleasantly towards them, instead of the other way round. Satisfying some nationalists had almost always meant irritating others. Poland might be revived to the delight of patriotic Poles, but a third of the inhabitants of the republic did not speak Polish as their mother tongue. Czechs and Slovaks might agree to live together in a new and democratic country, Czechoslovakia, but the Germans of Bohemia did not want to do so; they would have preferred to go on living under the Habsburgs, or, at least, under government by fellowGermans. South Slavs and Romanians might be pleased to have done

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with Magyar rule, but Hungarians felt bitter over their huge territorial losses in the treaty of the Trianon. There were old and troublesome questions to be settled, too, that had no intrinsic connexion with peacemaking but now re-emerged to plague politics. In 1914, the British government had finally conceded the principle of Home Rule in Ireland. This step (which was to prove to be only the beginning of a process of disaggregating the United Kingdom that was to go on until the end of the century) was nevertheless not to become effective until after the war. Well before that, the patience of some Irish patriots was exhausted. At Easter 1916 they had attempted a rising, which was quickly suppressed, German help for the rebels proving of little avail. In 1919 the nationalist Sinn Fein ('ourselves alone') party refused to take seats it had won electorally in the imperial parliament at Westminster. Instead, it organized its own assembly, proclaimed Ireland's independence and launched a new rebellion against the British. That ended in a British concession of two parliaments to a divided Ireland, one in the Protestant-Unionist north, one in the Catholic-Nationalist south. The nationalists then fell out between themselves over acceptance of the principle of partition. At the end of 1921 an Anglo-Irish treaty set up a new Irish Free State in the south, with Dominion status inside the British empire. There followed civil war between the pro- and anti-partition nationalist factions, assassinations of Irish politicians and a violent repression of Sinn Fein by the new nationalist government. More Irishmen were killed by Irishmen in this struggle than were killed in the 1916 and 1919 rebellions by the British. The partitioners won. Irish politics crystallized for years (in so far as their volatile mix can ever be said to have done so) around the issue of the parliamentary oath of loyalty to the English king still required from Irish members of parliament. It was to remain an obligation until 1933, to the chagrin of many patriotic Irish. Meanwhile, the country's leaders hastened to join the League of Nations, a symbolic assertion of the independence they now exercised as the government of a British Dominion (and, indeed, they established a permanent mission to the League in Geneva before any of the other Dominions did so). It was not only in the defeated states of the peace settlement, then,

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that there was dissatisfaction with the 'democratic' post-war world, and it was soon to appear that in this respect the foundations for optimism about the peace settlement had been much less secure than many believed when it was made. Though democracy survived until 1939 in Ireland and Czechoslovakia, it did not do so in many other countries where it was newly introduced. Within ten years it was clearly in retreat almost everywhere except the United States, France, Great Britain and the smaller countries of Scandinavia and Western Europe. Since the peacemakers had been obliged to do much more than enthrone liberal principles - they had also to safeguard their own national security, pay debts, protect vested interests, and take account of intractable facts of popular sentiment and mood - those principles had been much qualified in practice. Above all, they had left much unsatisfied and even outraged national feeling about (particularly in Germany). Perhaps this could not have been otherwise, but it was a soil in which things other than liberalism could and would grow. Launched as they had been into an unfriendly economic context of poverty, hardship and unemployment,9 the political struggles of young democratic and constitutional institutions could never have had an easy future before them.

R E V O L U T I O N AND

COUNTER-REVOLUTION

Revolution was under way in several countries as the fighting came to an end, and there seemed every likelihood that it would persist in eastern Europe. Politicians there confronted long-standing problems, acute in many countries where there had long been widespread and grinding rural poverty. Some attempted to deal with this in the 1920s and 1930s through land reform and redistribution. Such schemes, though, proved only partial remedies to deep-seated ills and usually created new political difficulties as the details were hammered out, in particular where ethnic minorities stood out among the old landowning classes. True, immediately after the war circ*mstances seemed 9

And, added to them in 1918-19, the additional disaster of a worldwide influenza pandemic which cost between 5 and 10 million lives in Europe (and probably 15 million in India).

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propitious for change (and some thought it inescapable) if the contagion of communist revolution was to be avoided. Romania carried out major land reforms between 1919 and 1921 (beginning with the confiscation of all royal property), Poland and Estonia also passed measures of redistribution in that year, and Finland in 1922. Altogether, over the years from 1920 to 1939, something like 60 million acres of eastern Europe changed hands, a total area rather greater than that of the United Kingdom. The effects varied very much, both on the dispossessed (usually compensated with state bonds) and the peasants who took up new holdings. There were about three-quarters of a million new holdings established in Poland in the end, but such a number indicates that the average size of each was not large, although 6.5 million acres in all were redistributed. Though this brought striking changes to agricultural economies dominated for centuries by very large estates, success varied from country to country. The exact social and economic impact was bound to take time to emerge and still remains hard to assess, because of a worldwide fall in agricultural prices in the 1930s which meant that by 1939 the problem of rural poverty seemed as intractable as ever. Frequently, too, the creation of very small farms led to plunges in agricultural productivity; Romania's was in 1939 only a fifth of that of Switzerland. Most of south-eastern Europe was a region of high population growth with only slow urban and industrial development to soak up its abundant labour supply. As for the political consequences of reform, it led in several countries to the emergence of new peasantbased agrarian parties, predominantly conservative and protectionist. Rural unrest was a disturbing force, another contributor to a Europewide malaise and restlessness which revolutionaries of different stripes could exploit. The communists believed that history had cast them for this role and were happy with what looked a promising situation. Communism, or 'Bolshevism' as it was often called, had indeed appeared to pose an immediate threat to the new Europe even before the peace settlements were made. Internally, most European countries soon had their own revolutionary communist parties. In the post-war years the communists actually effected little that was positive (they were too few to do so), but they awoke great alarm nonetheless. More importantly, they also hindered the emergence of strong progressive 287

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and left-wing parties, committed to constructive change. The fundamental explanation of this goes back to the huge disappointment of 1914. The outbreak of the Great War had shattered the Second International. For years socialists had sworn that the workers whom they claimed to lead would never go to war to uphold the interests of their rulers, but patriotism had triumphed over the illusory solidarity of the international working class. Socialists were bitterly divided by the recriminations that followed. Although the Second International lived on in form after 1914, it never really recovered from the wound it received that year. The success of left-wing movements in 1918-19 was, in part because of this, to prove ephemeral and great opportunities were lost. Those movements registered fatal divisions in what had been preached to its followers and the world as a truly international cause. The Russian Bolsheviks had adopted firm anti-revisionist principles and had stuck to extreme revolutionary positions in the pre-war years. When 1914 came, they had opposed their own country's part in the war (and had been joined by their bitter enemies, the Mensheviks, in the vote against war credits in the Duma). They therefore had much appeal for socialists in other countries disillusioned by the failure of international working-class solidarity as the horrific struggle came to an end. At the end of 1917 they had at once launched a propaganda campaign for a general peace, at a moment of great war-weariness in every combatant country. There was much immediate popular and liberal sympathy for the one country in the world with a socialist government in power (and soon, it seemed, under attack by 'capitalist' enemies). When the formal closure of hostilities did not end economic hardship in central and eastern Europe, and children and old people continued daily to die of hunger and cold, intransigent revolutionaries felt they had fuel for revolution to hand and could prevent the restoration of the old order. Pressed both within and without as the Bolsheviks felt themselves to be, it is hardly surprising that they sought to exploit that situation. If they were in danger of outside attack, nothing could be more logical than to encourage revolution in the ranks of their likely enemies. Moreover, ideology reinforced self-interest; as the Bolshevik leaders looked west from Moscow (to which the government had moved in 1918) they were confident that the revolution in the 288

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capitalist countries predicted by Marx was in fact about to begin in Germany, and they were not alone in this.

THE NEW G E R M A N Y As 1918 drew to a close, German generals and officials believed they had made peace only just in time. They had discerned signs that the country was beginning to break up before the armistice could be agreed. The naval mutinies at the end of October had been followed by a rising in Munich and defections from the government of garrison troops in several north German cities. On 9 November, two days before fighting stopped in the west, the chancellor resigned, to be succeeded in his office by the leader of the Social Democrats. Even before the Kaiser left for exile in Holland later that day, a socialist deputy had enthused a mass meeting outside the Reichstag with the words 'long live the great German republic'.10 When a formal imperial abdication came on 28 November, all the hereditary rulers of the other German states had by then given up their thrones. So the empire Bismarck had made came to an end amid disorder and the threat of revolution and Germany began a new phase of her history as a nation state under a republican government. That government was only accepted by many Germans faute de mieux. 'Either Wilson or Lenin', was supposed to have been the quip of the man who drafted their new constitution.11 The new Germany is remembered as the 'Weimar republic' because Weimar, Goethe's city, was where its constitution was drawn up. It had to contend with grave disadvantages from the outset. In the eyes of violent patriots, the republic was only there at all because Germany had been defeated. They thought its founders had helped to bring about that defeat: there was talk of a 'stab in the back' to the army.12 10

Q. in Craig, p.402. Hugo Preuss, q. in M. Mazower, Dark Continent: Europe's Twentieth Century (London, 1998), p.8. 12 In the music-drama Götterdämmerung, Wagner's hero, Siegfried, is murdered by a spear thrust into his back by his enemy, Hagen. The image was evocative for many German patriots.

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The republic would have to agree peace terms or face invasion and starvation; they were bound to be unpleasant and the regime would be blamed for them. On the other hand, many people wanted the revolution that had attended its birth to go further and accordingly attacked the new order's other flank. 1919 opened with a left-wing rising in Berlin that the republicans called upon the army to crush; the Supreme Command had offered its support to the new government on the very day of the Kaiser's departure in return for an undertaking to oppose 'Bolshevism' and there was at first nothing else which was reliable to which the socialist leaders could turn. They did not win a Reichstag majority in the election of January 1919 and in the next few months there were further risings in the capital and in Bavaria (where a Soviet Republic was briefly established), and a separatist Rhineland Republic supported by France was briefly proclaimed. In due course 1920 brought an attempted right-wing putsch, followed a few days later by a communist rising in the Ruhr. All these attempts were put down, sometimes ferociously, but disorder and political murder (overwhelmingly the work of the Right rather than of the Left) continued well into the new decade.13 Amid all this, Germany's new rulers had to face the awful practical problems of defeat: the demobilization of the troops when no jobs were available, the feeding of the cities while the Allied blockade was still in force, getting business and industry going again, and stabilizing the currency. At the outset, then, the socialist politicians who formed the first, socialist-dominated governments of the new Germany had a poor hand to play. In the circ*mstances they did not do badly. They tried to give Germany a democratic and liberal constitution, though this meant they would be attacked by radicals who wanted, instead, a revolutionary republic based on workers' and soldiers' councils like the Bolshevik Soviets. For a few months the issue had hung in the balance but in the end the much-reduced German army and the 'free corps' raised by former officers were decisive. The international socialist movement had by then consummated its split. Divisions in the German Left had been especially bitter even before a German 13

Political murders included those of the former Reich finance minister Erzberger in 1921, and of the foreign minister Rathenau in the following year.

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Communist party looking to Moscow for leadership was founded. From the start a rival of the old Social Democratic Party, it was bitterly opposed to the socialists and the republic they had created. The Weimar republic had therefore to continue to fight off enemies both on the Right and on the Left. The Allies meanwhile had made things worse for it. Though they at last called off the blockade in July 1919, the peace treaty's insistence that Germany was responsible for the war - Germans strongly disagreed - together with the deprivation of Germany of much of its former territory in the east, the intrusion of garrisons in parts of west Germany, and the decision that for many years Germany was to pay economic 'reparations' for the damage done in the war caused bitter resentment. The country appeared to have been condemned to perpetual poverty by the last while, as Germany was to be permitted only very small armed forces, and no battleships, submarines or weapons of other special types, there seemed no likelihood she would ever regain her former international status. Yet the republic's government had signed the peace treaty: it could not do otherwise.

INTERNATIONAL

COMMUNISM

While a left-wing German revolution still looked possible, a 'Comintern', or Third Socialist International, had been set up in Moscow in March 1919 to provide leadership for the international socialist movement and prevent it rallying again to the old leaders whose lack of revolutionary zeal was blamed for a failure to exploit the opportunities of the war. Lenin made adherence to the Comintern the test of loyalty to the socialist revolution. The Comintern's principles were deliberately rigid, disciplined and uncompromising, in accordance with his view of what an effective revolutionary party should be. In almost every country, this further and more bitterly divided former socialists. Those who now adhered to the Comintern usually took the name communist; others, though sometimes claiming still to be Marxists, remained in the rump socialist parties and movements and competed with the communists for working-class support. Soon, nervous governments in other countries began to see the 291

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Comintern and its agents behind every disturbance (and there were several other than those in Germany; in Hungary a communist government took power in 1919 and survived for some months). The revolutionary threat on the Left appeared all the more alarming because there was so much discontent and misery for communists to exploit. Yet communist policy made radical reform and united resistance to reaction more difficult, because it frightened moderates with its revolutionary rhetoric and reputation for conspiracy. In the east, too, the social threat was also seen as a national threat. Poland was the most anti-Russian by tradition, the most anti-Bolshevik by religion, as well as the largest and most ambitious of the 'new' nations of central and eastern Europe. But all Russia's neighbours felt threatened by any recovery of her power, which now seemed to mean social revolution as well as a renewal of Russian empire. The Baltic states of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia all underwent Bolshevik invasion in 1918—19, but, with German help, drove out the intruders. Finland, which the new Russia had already recognized as independent, nevertheless fell out with her in 1919, and the two states went briefly to war over a territorial dispute. The Comintern quickly came to be a mere instrument of Russian foreign policy. The Bolshevik leaders assumed that the future of world revolution depended upon the preservation of the first socialist state as a citadel of the international working class, and that it must be defended at all costs. In the early years of civil war and slow consolidation of Bolshevik power in Russia this was bound to mean the deliberate incitement of disaffection abroad at a moment when Bolshevik prospects seemed especially promising in eastern and central Europe. The final territorial settlement remained in doubt long after the Versailles treaty and fighting did not finish there until March 1921 when a Polish-Russian war in which, at one time, Warsaw itself had appeared to be about to fall to the Red Army, came to an end. The peace treaty between the USSR and the Polish Republic provided frontiers between the two that would last until 1939. By the time Polish-Russian peace was established, Soviet power had recovered control of many parts of the old Russian empire that had slipped into independence briefly in the confusion of defeat and civil war. Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, for instance, had all 292

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declared their independence in 1918; the end of the Polish war opened the way to dealing with the civil war in southern Russia and the Caucasus, whose briefly independent states were all absorbed into the new USSR in 1922. There followed a normalization of diplomatic links between the Soviet Union and the outside world. Official relations were established between the USSR and Great Britain in 1924 (Italy and France soon followed suit), and there was a noticeable relaxation in east Europe's tensions. This was linked to the Russian government's own sense of emerging from the acute dangers it had faced. It did not much improve its diplomatic manners, and revolutionary propaganda and denunciation of capitalist countries did not cease, but the Bolsheviks could now turn with some confidence to the rebuilding of their own shattered land.

THE NEW R U S S I A N E M P I R E Though Russia's new rulers after 1917 were Marxists and their ideology shaped what they did with their new power, even a Bolshevik state could not be just the outcome of Marxist theorizing. The circ*mstances in which they had to operate mattered just as much as doctrine. They could not wipe the slate clean, willing as they were to try to do so. They had to start with a country that was in Marxist terms not ready for revolution: it was the most backward of all the great powers, still overwhelmingly a rural, peasant society, illiterate and even primitive. The new regime claimed and had to try to govern peoples of many different nations, ethnic stocks and tongues, too; some of them at once broke away, or at least tried to. It was an advantage that the mass of Russians was used to the idea that government was a brutal business. They took autocratic and ruthless responses to its problems for granted. In tsarist days, only powerful individuals had ever expected to have their rights respected (and even then they might find they were not) and such continuities as press censorship and a secret police were accepted as part of the normal state of affairs under the new Soviet order. Though they at first went carefully with non-Bolshevik Russians who sided with the revolution, the winners of 1917 nevertheless 293

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believed that history was on their side and this, in their view, justified using their power to crush opposition to the triumph of their party, which proclaimed itself the vanguard and guide of the industrial proletariat. But the proletariat was itself only a small part of the Russian masses. An immediate step had therefore been taken to win the support of those living in the countryside. A decree passed by the Congress of Soviets the day after the seizure of the Winter Palace declared all land to be the property of the people; over the next few years this led to the transfer of over 500 million acres of land to the poorer peasants, and the wiping out of the estates of the old landowning class, the Church and the royal family. A huge majority of Russians were thus given a stake in keeping the new regime going, even though Bolshevik influence itself was weak outside the towns. Meanwhile, the civil war went on savagely; atrocities mounted up and every day more of the country's precious economic resources were destroyed. Some parts of the old empire had already broken away from the USSR; some (Poland, Finland, the former Baltic provinces) were to be successful in maintaining their independence, others with would-be independent governments (the Ukraine and Armenia, for example) would prove not to be. When it was necessary to confiscate food supplies from the peasants to feed the towns, this led to more resistance to the regime and opposition in the countryside and therefore to even more brutal exercise of Soviet authority. But brutality fitted Lenin's view of what dictatorship meant: 'authority untrammeled by any laws, absolutely unrestricted by any rules whatever, and based directly on force'.14 Even some of those who had first supported the Bolsheviks turned against their harsh rule. At the Baltic naval base of Kronstadt in 1921 a sailors' revolt promoted demands for democratic elections, freedom of speech and the press, and the release of all political prisoners. The rising was mercilessly repressed by the Red Army under Trotsky's direction, the survivors of the battle being swiftly and ruthlessly shot. The Bolsheviks were all the more ruthless in the civil war because it was unpleasant for them to think about what would happen to them if they did not win. A terrible food crisis was another incentive 14

Q. in Mazower, p. 10.

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to terror; the cities had to be fed, if necessary, by force. The Bolsheviks had quickly replaced the old tsarist secret police with one of their own, at first called the Cheka, and the Kronstadt episode showed their mercilessness towards opposition on the Left. This continued: by 1922, not only had anarchist and other left-wing politicians been locked up but the Communist party itself had been purged of about a fifth of its members. It is difficult to believe, though, that it was only the circ*mstances of crisis that explains the regime's readiness to shed blood. There was plenty of sheer indulgence of the possibilities of power: in 1922 Lenin himself said 'the more members of the reactionary bourgeoisie and clergy we manage to shoot the better'.15 Nor did the ruthless spare those who were on their own side. The introduction of a 'New Economic Policy' (NEP, for short) then brought a relaxation in political as well as economic life. The central aim of NEP was to encourage peasant producers to take their goods to market by allowing them to get market prices for them. This relaxation was necessary after stringent measures of 'war communism' (forcible requisitioning of food, savage rationing) had been adopted in the economic crisis which followed Brest-Litovsk. Nearly half Russia's grain-growing areas were then out of production, occupied by the German army or in revolt. Livestock numbers had gone down by over a quarter and cereal deliveries were less than two-fifths of those of 1916. On to this impoverished economy there fell in 1921 a drought in south Russia. More than 5 million are said to have died in the subsequent famine, in which the miserable sufferers fell back on eating straw from roofs, leather harness and sometimes one another. But industrial Russia was in no better shape than the rural economy. In 1921 Russian pig-iron production still ran only at about one-fifth of its 1913 level, that of coal at a tiny 3 per cent or so, while the railways had less than half the locomotives in service with which they had started the war. Communist die-hards disliked NEP, but its liberalization of the economy brought about revival. By 1927 both industrial and agricultural production were nearly back to pre-war levels. In 1928 they achieved 15

Q. in O. Figes, A People's Tragedy. The Russian Revolution 1891-1924 (London, 1996), p.749, where the violence and cruelty of the new regime is amply illustrated. The tsar and his family had already been murdered in July 1918.

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them. Large industry had been nationalized but new private enterprises had emerged under NEP. Clearly at that moment the USSR was much less powerful than had been tsarist Russia in 1914, and much former tsarist territory had been lost. Yet a vast change had in fact begun. The country was again on the road to modernization she had entered upon under the tsars; the revolution had given her a government which, however barbaric in western eyes, clearly enjoyed or knew how to win the support of the people as the tsarist government in its last years had not. Much of the old empire was recovered; even if Russian Poland, Finland and the Baltic provinces were gone, the Ukraine was safe. The universal diffusion of the Communist party's apparatus through the republics of the USSR would contain the nationalist danger in the future. It was a part of the world outlook of the Soviet leaders to be sure that the socialist cause of which they were the vanguard was destined to triumph worldwide. True or false, this was an encouraging belief. They could draw also on old-fashioned patriotism among those who were not communists but who felt that what they were doing was in the best interests of a country whose potential wealth in minerals, timber, agricultural land and sources of power was vast - if it could be tapped. The revolution had triumphed in a backward and povertystricken land (and that did not fit Marxist predictions) but one that had been a great power and might become one again.

A NEW A U T O C R A C Y Yet at this moment, the regime was showing uncertainty in its leadership. In the early years of the new state, Lenin had dominated the government and the Bolshevik party. A brilliant speaker and debater, he seemed more than once to have been proved right by events, and even those who disagreed with his policies respected his indubitable personal devotion to the cause and his ruthlessness in promoting it. From 1921 onwards, though, he was often ill after being wounded by a would-be assassin. This had made it easier for personal rivalries and divisions to develop among his colleagues. Some were already apparent before Lenin died in 1924, but the removal of a man whose 296

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acknowledged ascendancy kept forces within it in a balance of sorts opended a period of uncertainty. There was debate within the Communist party leadership over economic policy; tactics and personal rivalry gave it extra edge. The centralized, autocratic nature of the regime that had emerged from the 1917 revolution went unquestioned, of course. No Bolshevik thought political democracy conceivable or that the use of secret police and the party's dictatorship should or could be abandoned in a world of hostile capitalist states. About the use of the state's power, though, there emerged, broadly speaking, two viewpoints. One emphasized that the revolution depended on the goodwill of the masses, the peasants; they had first been allowed to take the land for themselves, then antagonized by the attempts of 'war communism' to feed the cities at their expense, then conciliated again by NEP and allowed to make profits. The other viewpoint recognized similar facts, but set them in a different perspective. Continuing to conciliate the peasants would slow down industrialization, it was held, which the Soviet Union needed to survive in a hostile world. The party's proper course, argued the supporters of this view, was to rely upon the revolutionary militants of the cities and to exploit the still non-Bolshevized peasants while pressing on with industrialization and the promotion of revolution abroad. The communist leader Trotsky, whom some saw as a possible successor to Lenin, took this view. His view was in fact to prevail — not, though, as a result of open victory in debate, but because a new political leader decided to enforce the industrialization programme. This new leader who emerged triumphantly from the rivalries and contentions was a member of the party bureaucracy, Joseph Stalin. He has been found less attractive intellectually then either Lenin or Trotsky, but he was just as ruthless, and turned out to be of greater historical importance. Two years after the end of the civil war, it has been said, Soviet society lived under his 'virtual rule, without being aware of the ruler's name'.16 As Commissar of Nationalities, Commissar of the Workers' and Peasants' Inspectorate, Member of the Politburo and, finally, General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), he had quietly armed himself with bureaucratic 16

I. Deutscher, Stalin (2nd edn, London, 1967), p . 2 2 8 .

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power. He was now to use it against former colleagues and old Bolsheviks as cold-bloodedly as against his enemies. Stalin was to carry out the real revolution to which the Bolshevik seizure of power had opened the way and would create a new élite on which a new society could be based. Stalin was a Georgian; some people have likened him to an oriental monarch, but the analogy of Russia's own great despots, Ivan the Terrible or Peter the Great, seems more helpful in understanding him. He was cunning and secretive, good at masking his intentions and feelings until the moment came to strike, and then using his power remorselessly and perhaps even with pleasure. Carefully, he outmanoeuvred the one major figure who might have displaced him; in 1927 Trotsky was expelled from the party (later he went into exile, and was assassinated in Mexico in 1940 by an employee of the Soviet secret police). For Stalin, industrialization was the key to the future. The road to it lay forcing the peasant to pay for it just as he had paid for it through taxation in tsarist days. Now he was to be made to supply the industrial workers with grain. After the ending of NEP and the ending of chances of a good profit many farmers tended to consume more of their produce themselves. A violent new departure in Soviet policy was probably detonated by a grain crisis in 1927 that preoccupied the party's fifteenth congress, held in December that year. Besides rounding on Trotsky and others, Stalin dwelt on the danger of imperialist attacks, and the need for 'collectivization' on the land and the development of heavy industry. From 1928 onwards, two 'Five Year Plans' announced and carried out an industrialization programme whose roots lay in what was in effect a war against the peasants, who were to be dragooned into providing food at less than cost to the cities. The party now at last conquered the countryside though by means which in practice, though not in theory or presentation, ignored the Plans. To make the peasants give up their grain, land in all the main grain-growing regions was brought into huge collective farms. There was tenacious resistance, sometimes far from passive. The crushing of it was undertaken by the secret police and army. Millions of poorer peasants - as well as the better-off smallholders, the Kulaks, who were now vigorously denounced - were killed or starved to death in 298

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what was virtually a second civil war while their grain was carried off to feed the industrial cities, where bread rationing was introduced in 1929. Famine, particularly in the Ukraine, followed massacres and mass deportations. In seven years, 5 million families disappeared from European Russia. It seems likely that the huge round-ups of the collectivizations also launched what was to become a very distinctive feature of Soviet society, its development of the old tsarist system of forced labour on an unprecedented scale. In 1929 the term 'labour camps' began to be used, and the mass arrests of the next few years appear to have provided a population of 2.5 million prisoners in labour camps and other special settlements by 1933. This total was to rise even higher. It provided a labour force under the direct management of the security services that carried out huge construction tasks; on the eve of the Second World War whole industrial areas (often in particularly unpleasant environments) depended on slave labour while new industrial cities had been constructed by it, and the security service is said to have been responsible for about a quarter of the building work of the whole Soviet Union. Stalin was soon blaming his henchmen for going too far (a few years later he was to tell a British prime minister that collectivization had been a trial as harsh as the Second World War) and argument continues about what precisely happened and the costs that were incurred. Even official Soviet figures admitted that in every year down to 1940 gross agricultural output was lower than it had been in 1928. The livestock population had been virtually halved as angry peasants slaughtered their animals rather than give them up to the authorities. But the aim of getting food from the land at less than the true cost of production by holding down the peasant's consumption was achieved. Although grain production fell, violence assured that deliveries to the state organs went up in the 1930s, and the towns were fed. The police apparatus kept consumption down to the minimum in them. A fall in real wages pressed heavily on all Soviet citizens, but by 1937, 80 per cent of the industrial output of the USSR came from plant built since 1928. The urban labour force tripled in about the same time. By 1940 (claimed the official statisticians) the 1928 level of steel production of 4.3 million tons had more than tripled while the coal mined mounted 299

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from 35.5 to 165.6 million tons. Industrial production was said to have risen by 852- per cent overall in the same period. Russia was again a great power, and for the first time an industrial one. Whatever the true figures, the achievement was very great.17 The price in material terms had been colossal; for everyone except the party bureaucrats and directing élite, whose privileges increased, consumer goods remained in short supply and housing was woefully inadequate. This was only partially offset by improvements in educational and social services. Above all, industrialization confirmed the authoritarian and, indeed, totalitarian aspect of the regime. Very little space was left for private life in the USSR. Methods of government even more brutal but also more effective than those of the old autocracy make Stalin a somewhat paradoxical claimant to Marxist orthodoxy, which taught that the economic sub-structure of society determined its politics. The Soviet Union he created precisely inverted this; Stalin showed that if the will to use political power was there, the economic substructure might be revolutionized by force. By 1939 there existed a new Soviet society, in which huge numbers had been shifted from agricultural to industrial employment, great strides had been made in overcoming illiteracy, and a new élite within the party had shouldered aside those who had made the Bolshevik revolution. Seventy per cent of the party in that year had joined it since 192.9.

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In 1917, said a historian of the French Revolution, 'Russia - for better or worse - took the place of France as the nation in the vanguard of history'; she became a great mythological symbol and, in many eyes, the bearer and guardian of revolution.18 In the 1920s and 1930s there 17

With the collapse of the Soviet regime, it seems likely that more accurate and refined figures will be available to measure it. There is a helpful condensation of information about various estimates which have been made (taking 1928 at 100, eight different western indexes of figures for 1940 are cited, ranging from 263 at the lowest to 462 at the highest) in S. de Mowbray, Key Facts in Soviet History, I (London, 1990)^.231-3. 18 F. Furet, Interpreting the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1981), p.6.

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were contemporary observers in many countries, by no means all of them communists, who already held up Soviet Russia, of which they had a very rosy picture, as an example of the way in which a society might achieve material progress and a revitalization of its cultural and ethical life. The establishment of the USSR and the dividing of Europe in a new way were preliminaries to the eruption of new ideological divisions in almost every society in the developed world. The single civilized world of 1914, with its shared assumptions at many levels among developed nations, had gone. With it had also gone much of the unanimity of progressive intellectuals in pursuing similar goals. Now, for only the second time in European history, there existed a state that claimed to be opposed to the principles on which every other state was based. Though with hindsight we may now think that there was little likelihood in the 1920s that Soviet armies would spread revolution (they were not yet powerful enough to do so anywhere except, perhaps, in a few immediately contiguous areas), the Soviet government proclaimed its support for revolution everywhere. The reality of the threat this presented may not have been great, but the psychological impact was immense. The rulers of other countries had to live with the knowledge that the USSR regarded them at bottom as irreconcilable, and would try to undermine them whenever possible. Even those who were not communists but who clung to courses that had since the Revolution traditionally been associated with the political Left could now look hopefully to Moscow for support for them. The USSR quickly took up new media opportunities for propaganda. At home, the cinema was put into service as an instrument of political conditioning. Abroad, radio broadcasts were aimed at other countries in which communist aims were set out and offers of help made to those who were seen as oppressed. Much of this propaganda was addressed to the peoples of colonial countries, so that their politics began to be affected, too. For a time, it did not seem as if it had much effect (though it deepened British officials' suspicion of the USSR, worried as they were always ready to be about India and the Arab world). But it was a clear sign of a new fact in world history — the appearance of a centre for the promotion of revolution everywhere. In this way the Russian revolutions of 1917 left a deep mark on the 301

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age. Here lies their largest significance. The February revolution had cleared the way for the Bolshevik coup which in the end created a citadel and chief place of arms (as well as providing many of the leaders and general staff) for world revolution. That there should be such a centre at all was unprecedented, at least since the days when French revolutionaries offered fraternal aid to all peoples seeking to throw off the yoke of tyranny. Russian foreign policy appeared for a time to have shed its old pan-Slavist and vestigial religious overtones. Another new world-historical fact was the provision by the USSR of a mythology to sustain the process of modernization and industrialization in other backward societies as an alternative to the mythology of liberal, capitalist society. It appeared to the borne out by evident success. Of course, both Marxism and liberalism were European creations. Though its immediate disruptive effects were greater in Europe than anywhere else, the Russian revolution was another demonstration that European history was becoming impossible to distinguish from world history. It may nevertheless be the case that the Russian revolution delayed much that would have been likely to come about more quickly without revolution. We cannot know, but had imperial Russia escaped defeat and been among the victorious allies of 1918, with her old rival Austria-Hungary in a state of disintegration and Germany disarmed, she would have been likely within a few years to have assumed the continental predominance which the USSR was to display only in 1945. Her massive potential had been hinted at, after all, even in 1815, in the pre-industrial era of the Holy Alliance. It may be (to take speculation just a little further still) that the failure of the Dardanelles campaign cost Russia a quarter-century of exclusion from the European role it might have expected to play, since failure to overcome virtual isolation from effective material support from her allies entailed the military and economic defeat which made possible the Bolshevik seizure of power. Undoubtedly, too, the revolution slowed down Russia's recovery from the damage done by the war to its economy, for it closed the USSR to foreign investment and so delayed the onset of rapid industrialization until the 1930s. Stalin then put the country back on the road to it with more ruthless energy than the tsarist regime had ever shown and enormously increased Soviet power. Yet 302

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it still remains hard to be sure whether the USSR could have survived on its own the German onslaught that was to come. Certainly there is no indisputable evidence that Soviet development had by 1941 made that certain. Counter-factual history can be fascinating and informative, but it is ultimately unsatisfying because logically without boundaries; perhaps, though, it can justify the speculation that the failure at the Dardanelles settled much of the history of the world in the rest of the century.

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A L A S T F L O U R I S H OF E M P I R E Well before 1939 Europe's troubles were providing plenty of evidence that in other parts of the world her governments could no longer operate as effectively as they had once done and that European history was no longer an autonomous process, to be narrated in purely European terms. Yet one very obvious part of Europe's world domination still seemed intact. One colonial empire, Germany's relatively recent creation, had disappeared in 1919, but the overseas empires of other European powers had not. For a few years some were actually to be bigger than before the Great War: Italy's in the Aegean, for example. Although there were former German colonies to be divided in Africa, the Pacific and the Far East, the process of imperial extension was most marked in the Near and Middle East, in the lands of the old Ottoman empire. There, the British and French had set about remaking the map to suit their own interests even while the war was still going on; Great Britain formally annexed Cyprus, for example, on Guy Fawkes' Day, 1914, thus ending an agreement with Ottoman Turkey for British occupation of the island in 1878. But what were regarded as the Arab Ottoman lands mattered more, and in the process of settling their fate French and British alike involved themselves in complex relations with the Arabs whom they had conjured on to the stage of world politics, while the Arab leaders quarrelled among themselves. Little was clear in the Middle East in 1919 except that the Ottoman empire, the only power that had ever given the region a period of prolonged peace, had disappeared. But, it seemed, so had the vestiges 304

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of Arab unity that had briefly flickered above the surface during the war. The Russian threat in the Middle East had also disappeared (for the moment), so of the great powers in the region only the British and French really mattered, though Italy had sought to be a player, too.1 In spite of much mutual distrust, agreement between them was possible, roughly on the basis that if the British had their way in Iraq (as Mesopotamia came to be called after the war), the French could have theirs in Syria. This arrangement was legitimized when the League of Nations awarded mandates for Arab lands; Palestine, Transjordan and Iraq then went to the British and Syria and the Lebanon to the French. The latter had to install themselves in their mandate by force after a national congress had asked for independence or at least a British or American mandate instead of a French one. They went on to govern high-handedly, evicting the king the Syrians had chosen (Hussein's son). Subsequently there was a full-scale insurrection against them, but the French were still holding their own by sheer force in the 1930s, though there were signs by then that they would have to make concessions to the nationalists. Meanwhile, Syria soon provided yet another instance of the disintegrating power of nationalism when the Kurdish people of the north revolted against the prospect of submergence in an Arab state. Here was another Middle Eastern problem that had not been resolved by the collapse of Ottoman rule and still with a long life before it. The Arabian peninsula was meanwhile racked by a struggle between Hussein and another Arab king with whom the British had negotiated a treaty, and whose followers, to make things still more difficult, were members of a particularly puritanical Islamic sect. Thus sectarian was added to dynastic and tribal conflict between Arabs. Hussein was in due course displaced and in 1932 the new kingdom of Saudi Arabia emerged in the place of the Hejaz. Hussein's sons by this time sat on new thrones in Iraq and Transjordan so this created fresh tensions. In 1928, Transjordan had been recognized as independent by the British, though they kept some military and financial powers there. In Iraq, a rebellion had shown the difficulties that might lie ahead, 1

The United States clearly signalled its unwillingness to be involved in the region when the Senate refused to take up a mandate in Armenia.

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and the British moved as fast as they dared towards ending their mandate, seeking only to secure their strategic interests by preserving an air force presence there with sufficient ground support to defend its bases. In 1932, Iraq entered the League as an independent and fully sovereign state. Palestine proved much more difficult. In 1921 there were anti-Jewish riots by Arabs alarmed over Jewish immigration and Jewish acquisition of Arab land. After this, that unhappy country was never long at peace. More was at stake than merely religious or national feeling. Jewish immigration brought fresh westernizing and modernizing forces, changing economic relationships and imposing new demands on traditional societies. The British mandatory power was soon to be piggy in the middle, caught between the outcry of Arabs if it did not restrict Jewish immigration and the protests of Jews if it did. But Arab governments now had to be taken into account and they occupied lands economically and strategically more than ever important to British security in an age of oil and growing tensions in the Far East. World opinion was becoming involved, too. The question became more inflamed than ever when there came to power in Germany in 1933 a regime that set about persecuting German Jews and destroying the legal and social gains they had been making since the French Revolution. For centuries before the establishment of Ottoman hegemony, the collapse of a paramount power in the Arab lands had often been followed by disorder. What was unclear after the most recent fragmentation was whether disorder would be followed - as earlier periods of anarchy had eventually been - by the establishment of a new hegemony with its own attendant benefits and evils. The British did not want a new empire; after a brief spell of imperial intoxication in the aftermath of victory, they sought only to safeguard their own most fundamental interests in the area, the protection of the Suez Canal and the growing stream of oil from Iraq and Iran. Between 1918 and 1934 a pipeline was built from northern Iraq across Transjordan and Palestine to Haifa. This gave another new twist to the future of these territories. Oil consumption in Europe was not yet so large that there was any general dependence on Middle Eastern supply, nor had the great discoveries yet been made which would again change 306

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the political postion in the later twentieth century. But the Royal Navy had turned over to oil for its ships and car-ownership was growing in the western world. A new factor was thus emerging. The British still believed Suez could be best be secured by keeping a garrison in Egypt, but the Great War had intensified local feeling and armies of occupation are never popular. When the war sent up prices, too, they had been blamed. Egyptian nationalist leaders attempted in 1919 to put their case to the Paris peace conference but were prevented from doing so; a rising against the British was then quickly put down, but the occupying power was already morally on the defensive. The British protectorate was declared at an end in 1922 in the hope of getting ahead of nationalist feeling, but this hardly helped. The new kingdom of Egypt that now came into being had an electoral system which returned parliaments containing nationalist majority after nationalist majority, and it soon became clear that no Egyptian government could survive if it offered safeguards for British interests that any British government would find acceptable. The result was prolonged constitutional crisis and intermittent disorder. In 1936 the British retreated another step and agreed to be content with a right to garrison the Canal Zone for a limited number of years. An end was also made to the jurisdictional privileges of foreigners resident in Egypt. This was a reflexion of a worldwide overstretching of power and resources. British foreign policy was beginning to be preoccupied elsewhere. Changes far from the Middle East were beginning to shape the history of the Arab world, notably through the strains provision for the Far East placed on British naval resources (especially once the Japanese alliance had been allowed to lapse, as it was in 1922)} Another novel factor was Marxist communism. Russian radio broadcasing to the Arab countries encouraged the first Arab communists, though in spite of the worry they caused communism showed no sign of sweeping the Islamic world. The strongest revolutionary influence of the area continued to be Arab nationalism, and its focus had come by 1938 to be Palestine. Arab governments began to interest themselves in the Mandate as riots, murders, Arab terrorist attacks on Jewish 2

See Chapter 11 below.

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settlements and pitched battles disturbed it. By 1939 a British army was pinned down trying to contain an Arab insurrection there. In the previous year a congress had been held in Syria to support the Palestinian Arab cause, and as well as the Arab outcry against the British, Arab resentment of the brutality of the French in Syria was swelling too. Some thought pan-Arabism might in the end even override the divisions of the Hashemite kingdoms.

KEMAL ATATÜRK Turkey was the first nation to obtain a successful revision of the peace settlement imposed on her by defeat. It was to prove, too, to be the longest-lasting revision. A new Turkish nation emerged from the multinational Ottoman empire. Once again, Allied agreements during the war complicate the story. In the course of 1914 and 1916, the Russians, British, French, Greeks and Italians had all agreed on the ways they would share out not only Syrian and Mesopotamian, but also Thracian, Anatolian and Dodecanese booty after victory. The only subsequent change to the fate awaiting the old empire was the elimination of the Russian claim to Constantinople and the Straits when that country collapsed in defeat and revolution. But this was not much. Its back to the wall in the face of invasion by Greeks and Italians in Anatolia, and an invasion of Cilicia by French forces from Syria, the Ottoman government signed the humiliating Treaty of Sèvres in 1920. Large territorial concessions were made to Greece, Armenia was to be an independent state again, while what was left of Anatolia and the tiny European remnant of Turkey was divided into British, French and Italian spheres of influence. To drive home this exercise in blatant imperialism, European financial control was re-established together with the humiliating 'capitulations'. The 'Great Idea', as the Greeks called it, of an imperial Greece which would include western Anatolia did much to reawaken Turkish martial and ethnic feeling. The annexations were not to last, nor was the treaty of Sèvres; it was overturned, largely, by one man's leadership. This was Mustafa Kemal, a former Young Turk. An outstanding soldier, he had been one of the few victorious Ottoman commanders, 308

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first at Gallipoli, then in the Caucasus. In 1919 he still identified himself with the Ottoman regime, establishing himself at Ankara at the end of that year, before Sèvres had decisively discredited the old order. He then launched in the following summer an onslaught on the Greeks, winning the crucial battle on the Sakarya in August. The French and Italians then came to terms with him. Adroitly cooperating with the Bolsheviks in what he and they called 'the common struggle which both peoples have undertaken against the intervention of imperialism',3 he first crushed the Armenians who, after their brief emergence as an independent nation, once again returned to the margins and shadows of history as subjects of the new Turkey and the USSR, and then completed the recovery of Anatolia from its invaders. The British (influenced, among other things, by the opposition of the Dominions to fighting the new war with Kemal that seemed likely to be the price of upholding the Sèvres treaty) decided to negotiate. Accordingly, a second peace treaty with Turkey was signed at Lausanne in 1923. This registered the triumph of Turk nationalism over the decisions taken three years earlier. It was the only part of the peace settlement to be negotiated between equals and not imposed on the defeated, and was also the only one in which Soviet negotiators took part. These facts no doubt help to explain why it was to last better than any of the other peace treaties. The capitulations and financial controls disappeared. The Straits were demilitarized. The reparations imposed at Sèvres were cancelled. Turkey gave up her claims to the Arab lands and the islands of the Aegean, Cyprus, Rhodes and the Dodecanese. Armenia was not mentioned. A massive, internationally supervised exchange of Greek and Turkish populations took place with sad but unsurprising accompanying atrocities which ensured that the hatreds of these peoples for one another would have new memories to brood over.4 The Ottoman empire had by then already come to an end. The sultanate had been abolished on 1 November 1922; the caliphate 3

Words used in the Turco-Soviet treaty of 1921 and quoted by B. Lewis, The Emergence of Modern Turkey, p.28 3. 4 Nearly 400,000 Muslims left Greece to go to Turkey and 1.3 million Christian 'Greeks' went the other way. Many of the latter settled in Macedonia, and in the eyes of patriotic Greeks, completed the long overdue 'hellenization' of that land.

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followed the empire, in 1924. This was the end of Ottoman history. For the first time in five or six centuries the Anatolian Turks were now the majority people within their state borders. The Arab lands had gone, and the 'ethnic cleansing' of the population exchanges and the earlier massacre and deportation of Armenians in 1915 seemed to have removed the dangers of rival nationalisms in the new republic of Turkey, a national state based at Ankara under the dictatorship of Mustafa Kemal. He rapidly proved to be one of the most effective of the century's modernizers. Kemal was to be what Mehemet Ali could not be, the first ruler to transform an Islamic state by modernization. Already in the 1920s his regime was attracting the condemnation of the scholars of the university of Al Azhar in Egypt, the most famous of all centres of Islamic learning. He remains strikingly interesting; until his death in 1938 he showed a determination not to let his revolution congeal and the result was the creation of a country at that date in some ways among the most advanced in the world, let alone the Islamic sphere. Kemal, as he tended to call himself (the name meant 'Perfection' and the National Assembly conferred on him the name of Atatiirk, or 'Father Turk'), had something of the ruthless style of a Peter the Great (though he was not interested in territorial expansion) as well as something of that of an enlightened despot. The abolition of the caliphate began the attack on Muslim theocracy. Turkish law was secularized in a code on a Swiss model, the Muslim calendar abandoned, and in 1928 the constitution was amended to remove the statement that Turkey was an Islamic state. Polygamy was forbidden. Primary education became obligatory and schools ceased to give religious instruction. A Latin script was introduced in 1928, and the written use of Arabic characters for the Turkish language ceased. In 1935 the weekly day of rest, formerly Friday, the Islamic holy day, was moved to Sunday and a new word entered the language: vikend (the period from 1.00 p.m. Saturday to midnight Sunday). Wearing the fez was made a criminal offence; although it was in origin European (it came from Bosnia), it was considered too Muslim. The veil, though, was not forbidden, though Kemal voiced his personal disapproval of it. He was conscious of the radical nature of what he wished to achieve and such symbols mattered to him. They were signs of something 310

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very important, the replacement of an Islamic view of society by a European one. A national past was rewritten in the schoolbooks; it was claimed that Adam had been a Turk. In 1934 Turkish women received the vote; they were encouraged to enter the professions, too. A much greater break with the past was involved in Turkey in giving a new role to women than in Europe. The most obvious problem Kemal left to the future (and in some measure aggravated) was that of Kurdish nationalism. The Kurds, though, were to continue long after his death to be fatally handicapped by their dispersion over the territory of three new nations - Turkey, Syria and Iraq.

IRAN Before 1914, the most important other Islamic country neither under direct imperial rule by Europeans nor by Ottomans had been Persia. It could look back on a long imperial history of its own even if in the nineteenth century its power had evaporated. The British and Russians had then begun interfering in Persian affairs and continued to do so, agreeing in 1907 over respective spheres of influence in the country. When Russian power lapsed with the Bolshevik revolution, British forces continued to operate against them on Persian territory until the end of the war. Local resentment against them was excited when a Persian delegation was not allowed to state its case to the peace conference (though Persia soon became one of the first members of the League). In a confused period the British struggled to find means of maintaining resistance to the Bolsheviks after their withdrawal of their forces; there could be no question of retaining Persia by force, given the over-taxing of British strength. Almost by accident, a British general had already discovered the man who was to do this, Reza Khan, an officer who carried out a coup d'état in 1921. He at once used the Bolsheviks' fear of the British to win a treaty from them conceding all former Russian rights and property in Persia and the withdrawal of Soviet forces. Reza Khan then went on to defeat separatists who had British support. The ruling shah left the country, never to return, and in 1925 Reza Khan was given dictatorial powers by the national assembly. A few months later he was 311

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proclaimed by the old imperial title, Shah of Shahs. He was to rule until 1941 (when British and Soviet forces together turned him off the throne) somewhat in the style of an Iranian Kemal, and with a determination to achieve independence through modernization. In 1928, the capitulations were abolished, an important symbolic step; meanwhile industrialization and the improvement of communications were pressed forward. The abolition of the veil and religious schools showed Reza Shah's secularist aims, though they were not pressed so far as those of Kemal. A close association with Turkey was cultivated. Finally, the Persian strong man won in 1933 the first notable success in a new art, the diplomacy of oil, by cancelling a concession held by the Anglo-Persian Oil Company. The British government took the question to the League of Nations, but there only followed another concession more favourable to Persia. This was Reza Shah's most remarked victory and the best evidence of the new independence of his country. It suggested that a new era had opened in the Gulf, fittingly marked in 1935 by an official change of the name of the state: Persia was renamed Iran.

NEW C U R R E N T S IN E U R O P E ' S P O L I T I C S Initial optimism only intensified dissatisfactions and disappointment felt with constitutional and liberal government in Europe when it seemed to fail, and in some countries signs of failure appeared quite soon. When people sought explanations and scapegoats, there were plenty to choose among, though it was tempting to over-simplify. In truth, the recession of democracy in Europe between two world wars (like its failures in post-colonial Africa thirty or forty years later) was a very diverse and complicated matter, influenced much by circ*mstance and personality, as well as troubled by vastly different historical legacies of weakness, ambition and grievance. Amid the problems confronting liberals were new political forces. Bolshevik communism was not all that was on offer to the radically discontented as an alternative in the 1920s. In Italy, a movement called fascism came to power whose name was to be given also to a number of other and only loosely related radical, anti-liberal and anti-Marxist 312

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movements in other countries. Fascism could draw on support from elements on both sides of the traditional political dichotomy of Left and Right that had come to dominate European politics in the nineteenth century. Constitutional Italy had been badly strained by war. Poorer than the other great powers in 1914, she had then still been a young and uneasy nation, whose rulers were aware that their state rested on some shaky foundations. Her constitutional politics, based on an electorate much restricted by a literacy test, faced a double challenge. Many of the industrial and agricultural masses looked to revolutionary socialism for satisfaction of their needs, and the turbulence of the Italian cities and parts of the countryside had often shown it. As for Catholics, since 1870 the Papacy had never accepted its loss of the Temporal Power and of its former territories to the Kingdom of Italy and the pope had ostentatiously remained a 'prisoner in the Vatican', never leaving it even to visit his own cathedral as bishop of Rome. In 1914 there had been only a partial relaxation of the injunction to the faithful to support the claims of the Holy Father by abstaining from participation in constitutional politics. Then had come the Great War. Italy's share of fighting had been disproportionately heavy and cost her nearly half a million dead; it had often been unsuccessful, and on land all of it had been on her own territory. Inequalities had accentuated social divisions as fighting went on and then peace had brought further and more rapid inflation. The owners of property, agricultural or industrial, and those who could ask higher wages because of a labour shortage, were better insulated against it than the middle-class professionals and those who lived on investment or fixed incomes (especially if their savings were in government bonds, much depreciated by the war). Yet it was they, on the whole, who had provided the most convinced supporters of the unification completed in 1870. They had sustained a constitutional and liberal state while conservative Roman Catholics and revolutionary socialists had long opposed it. They had seen the war Italy entered in 1915 as an extension of the Risorgimento; a muddled, unscientific, but powerful idea focused on the acquisition of Italia irredenta after victory. Peace brought them disappointment and disillusion as nationalist dreams were left unrealized and costs were counted. Moreover, as the immediate post-war economic crisis deepened, the socialists 313

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grew stronger in parliament; that seemed more alarming than ever now that a revolutionary socialist regime existed in Russia. Disappointed and frightened, alienated by left-wing anti-nationalism, many Italians began to turn away from liberal parliamentarianism and to look for new ways out of Italy's disappointments. They were sympathetic to intransigent nationalists (for example, to the poetadventurer d'Annunzio who seized the Adriatic port of Fiume when the peace conference had failed to give it to Italy and then declared war on the Italian government when it failed to support him) and to violent anti-Marxism at home. The second was always likely to be attractive in a Roman Catholic country, but new leadership against Marxism was to come by no means only from the traditionally conservative Church. Benito Mussolini had been a nationalist journalist and an extreme socialist until the war turned him into a fierce advocate of Italian intervention. After serving in the army he formed in 1919 a new political movement based on the fascio di combattimento, which can be roughly translated as 'union for combat'.5 It sought power by any means, including violence. Groups of its young thugs were let loose at first on socialists and working-class organizations, then against elected authorities. They wrecked premises and beat up individuals and their movement prospered particularly in northern Italy. The constitutional politicians could neither control fascism nor tame it by cooperation. Soon it was in some places enjoying official or quasiofficial patronage and protection from local authorities and police. Gangsterism was thus semi-institutionalized. By 1922 fascists had not only achieved important electoral success but had virtually made orderly government impossible in some areas by terrorizing their political enemies on the Left, driving out the communist municipal government of Bologna (though they also drove d' Annunzio's regime out of Fiume). In that year, other politicians having failed to master the fascist challenge, the king called Mussolini to form a government; he did so, on a coalition basis, and the violence came to an end. This was what was called in later fascist mythology the 'March on Rome'. 5

The word fascio was not new in Italian politics. It had been used of radical associations in Sicily in the 1890s.

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It was not quite the end of constitutional Italy. Mussolini did not at once turn his position into a dictatorship. Not until 1926 were elections suspended and government by decree begun. There was, though, little significant opposition as a second European great power followed Soviet Russia into dictatorship - perhaps partly because Italy still kept the forms and trappings of constitutional monarchy. The new regime had terrorism in plenty at its roots, and explicitly denounced liberal ideals, yet Mussolini's rule was far short of totalitarian. It was less brutal (sometimes despite his efforts) than that of Lenin and the Bolsheviks of whom he sometimes spoke admiringly. He undoubtedly shared with many of his followers an emotional attraction to revolutionary change, but in practice the 'revolution' side of fascism turned out to be largely window-dressing. As much as a truly radical ambition, Mussolini's own temperamental impatience with an established society from which he felt excluded lay behind it. Office revealed fascism's conservative potential and lack of radical creativity. In practice and theory it rarely achieved coherence; it tended, rather, to reflect more and more the power of established and vested interest, and the volatile, disordered personality of its leader. The state, though, remained formally a constitutional and hereditary monarchy. Fascism's greatest domestic achievement was to make peace by diplomatic agreement with the papacy. In return for substantial concessions to the authority of the Church in Italian life (which persist to this day), the pope at last officially recognized the Italian state. For all Mussolini's revolutionary rhetoric the Lateran treaties of 1929 which embodied this agreement were a concession to the greatest conservative force in Italy. 'We have given back God to Italy and Italy to God,' said the pope.6 Just as conservative were the results of fascist criticism of free enterprise. The subordination of individual interest to the state boiled down to depriving trade unions of their power to protect their members' interests. Few checks were placed on the freedom of employers and fascist economic planning was a mockery, even if agricultural production somewhat improved.

Q. in A. C. Jemolo, Church and State in Italy 1850-1950 (Oxford, i960), p.232.

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AN A U T H O R I T A R I A N

WAVE

There were similar divergences between style and aspiration on the one hand and achievement on the other also to be seen in movements elsewhere which have been called fascist.7 Though indeed reflecting something new and post-liberal, in practice such movements almost always made compromising concessions to conservative influences. This makes it difficult to speak of the phenomenon 'fascism' at all precisely; regimes appeared in various places which were authoritarian in aspiration, intensely nationalist, and anti-Marxist. But such ideas did not make them fascist, and fascism was by no means the only source of such ideas. The governments that emerged in Portugal and Spain, for example, drew much more upon traditional forces than upon those arising from the new phenomenon of mass politics. In such states, true radicals who were fascists often felt discontented at concessions made to the existing social order by successful authoritarians. Only in Germany did a movement sometimes called 'fascist', but with very special national characteristics, succeed in bringing about a revolution that mastered historical conservatism. For such reasons, the label of fascism can confuse as much as it clarifies. So many nuances and political shadings exist, and the strong nationalist and patriotic tendencies of so many of the most authoritarian governments to appear in Europe in the years 1919—39 are so markedly individual, that it is fruitless to try to categorize the extent of an identifiable 'fascism' in these years. It is safer merely to emphasize the recession of democracy and constitutional rule. By September 1939, no constitutional regime survived east of the Rhine except in the Netherlands, the Scandinavian countries and perhaps Yugoslavia and Finland. In every country, moreover, movements that could be called or were self-proclaimed fascist had appeared, and in some resistance to them had led to bloodshed. In several countries, traditional antisemitism played an important part in upholding reactionary governments; in some, where peasant-based agrarian parties were strong, 7

Much has been written on this theme. For an introduction, the essays in European Fascism, ed. S. J. Woolf (London, 1968), are still very suggestive. 316

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agrarian reform entrenched new conservative forces. In all eastern Europe a violent anti-Marxist current can be observed, usually resulting at least in anti-communist legislation. Perhaps it is best merely to emphasize the distinction between two phenomena separable in the twenty years after 1918. One is the appearance (even in stable democracies such as Great Britain, France or Belgium) of ideologists and activists who spoke the language of a new, radical politics, talked of class-cooperation, idealism, willpower and sacrifice, and looked forward to rebuilding society and state without respect to liberal ideas, vested interests or concessions to materialism. Such radicalism, though widespread, triumphed without foreign help only in two major states, Italy in 1922. and Germany just over ten years later. In each, economic collapse, outraged nationalism and anti-Marxism lay at the roots of its success. If one word is wanted for this, let it be fascism. In other countries, often underdeveloped economically, it might be better to speak of authoritarian, rather than fascist, regimes, especially in eastern and southern Europe. There, large and poverty-stricken agricultural populations had long presented social problems some of which were further aggravated by the peace settlement or the post-war movements of world markets. Sometimes alien minorities appeared to threaten the state and exacerbated tensions at a very local level. Liberal institutions were only superficially implanted in many of the new countries where traditional conservative social and religious forces were still strong. For some of them the physical closeness of Bolshevik Russia was a potent and enduring source of fear. As in Latin America, where similar economic conditions could be found, constitutionalism tended to give way sooner or later to the rule, overt or indirect, of strong men and soldiers. This proved the case before 1939 in the new Baltic States, Poland and all the successor states of the Dual Monarchy except Czechoslovakia, the one democracy surviving in central Europe or the Balkans until its overthrow by foreign invasion. The need of these states to fall back on such regimes demonstrated the unreality of the hopes entertained of their political maturity in 1918. Such pressure operated also - though less acutely - in the Iberian peninsula: there, the influence of old-fashioned conservatism was even stronger and Catholic social thinking and a tradition of military 317

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authoritarianism counted for more than the modernizing creed of fascism. In Spain, there was at work a special historic factor: resentment of the centralizing rule of Castile, particularly in the Basque country and Catalonia.8 Though a constitutional monarchy, and one operating successfully a parliamentary system based on alternations between two major parties in office and opposition as the century began, Spanish politics had been riven increasingly by issues arising from the disaster of 1898, by anti-clerical feeling, and by the unpopularity of military commitments in Morocco. In 1912, the liberal prime minister was assassinated. Politics fragmented (between 1909 and 1923, Spain endured thirty-four evanescent governments). Another disaster, in Morocco in 1921, led to violent criticism of the army, and a coup by a general in 1923 that sought to protect the soldiers against parliamentary censure. From that year Spain was governed by Primo de Rivera as a military dictator almost uninterruptedly until the installation of a republic — Spain's second - in 1931. The concessions then made to Catalan autonomy, a burst of anti-clerical legislation, a general secularizing style among the republic's supporters on the Left which had an abrasive, disturbing effect in many communities, and an apparent slide into disorder all boded ill for the survival of Spanish democracy, especially after a much-resented 'Popular Front' coalition of the Left, containing Marxists and anarcho-syndicalists, came to power after the elections of February 1936. What looked like a traditional military pronunciamiento then took place. As for Portugal, with a population that at the end of the Great War was still two-thirds illiterate, her politics were studded by attempted coups which led to the overthrow of the constitutionally democratic state as early as 1926 and the emergence within a few years of a dictator who was to hold office undisturbed until 1968; only then, and after suffering a stroke, did Dr Salazar retire to die peacefully.

This was hardly a novel phenomenon: it is said to have been a seventeenth-century Spanish statesman who, bemoaning the realities of Castilian absolutism, remarked that 'if death came from Madrid, we should all be immortal'.

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UNCERTAINTIES

Many cultural and institutional changes evidently already at work in world (and especially western) history before 1914, and whose origins lay in the nineteenth century or even earlier, resumed their progress after 1918. Some of them troubled some people. Among them was growing evidence of the mass nature of modern society and the demands it made. This was not just a matter of the evidence of the changes brought to politics by bigger electorates and the advance of universal suffrage, important as these were.9 Mass action expressed itself in other ways than through the ballot box. Politicians had to adapt themselves to such new facts as the general literacy achieved in most European countries through compulsory education, the deployment in politics of cheap newspapers, and the introduction of 'wireless' (as a generation of Englishmen emerging from the nineteenth century much aware of the electric telegraph had now learnt to call it) broadcasting. In the 1930s, the growing cheapness and availability of 'receiving sets' put new power in the hands of those who controlled or could enjoy access to radio, as the history of (notably) Germany and the USA was to demonstrate. The other new mass medium of communication was the cinema, first silent and then accompanied by sound. It had been much exploited by propagandists during the Great War. Mass communication had, of course, cultural, economic, social implications that by far transcended even its political potential. Its most famous institution, the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), demands discussion in any study of British domestic history and the view the British took of themselves in the inter-war years, and can even be said to have had international influence. Fittingly, when in 1937 the man who first sent messages by radio, the Italian Marconi, died, British broadcasting stations paid him the unique tribute of two minutes' silence after making the announcement; he had truly been one of the makers of twentieth-century history. In considering the possible implications of such material changes, 9

The United Kingdom at last achieved universal adult suffrage in 1928 - peers, lunatics and convicted felons were the only adults henceforth excluded from the privilege of voting for a member of parliament.

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a degree of measurement is possible in principle. Hard, or allegedly hard, facts can be set out about such matters as the numbers of newspapers printed and sold, the accessibility of cinemas and the ownership of wireless sets. But beyond this fairly firm territory, it is very hard to find and hold a footing. Not only were the messages delivered often laden with unnoticed and perhaps unintended assumptions (though film censors tended to show a lively if not very discriminating awareness of the dangers some films shown to colonial peoples might present), but they were received in very different environments by very different audiences, above all, outside the western world. In the Far East, Japan's popular culture was highly literate; China's was not, and the different history of newspapers in each reflected that. It is impossible, too, to believe that western, urbanized filmgoers received the same message from a Hollywood film as those who saw it in open-air performance in an Indian village with a commentary by the village schoolmaster as their guide to what was going on. Nor, for a long time, were the same messages actually being built into the films made by the new cinematography industries of India or Japan. It was in western countries where it had been dominant that the recession not only of liberal politics but also of liberal civilization between the wars was best observable. This was the world in which it is easiest to guess at what was going on in high culture, where an ample documentation suggests that long-term disruptive forces at work before the Great War operated even more powerfully in the 1920s. In 1914, Europe was already experiencing profound intellectual and cultural innovation. The war struck a blow at its self-confidence such as had never been struck by any external force; after 1914-18 it was impossible ever again to equate civilization merely with Europe. Yet it remains hard to go further, or to say confidently or precisely what such statements mean. One clear fact is that the declining years of European world hegemony were accompanied by the questioning and qualifying of established ideas and values as never before, and, in particular, of ideals and values highly prized in the past, even if they had never been without their conservative critics. One example might be the old liberal idealization of the individual. It is less clear, but equally certain, that the behaviour of the 'masses' in developed countries appears also 320

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to have been changing in ways which showed the crumbling of support for old ways such as that implied by such values. At least the citydwelling proletariat seemed more anxious to enjoy freedoms long reserved only for the better off than to overthrow them. Clearly, though, as old systems of thought and old values were increasingly undermined after 1918, new claimants for adherence and intellectual allegiance appeared, and found outlets for their claims in mass media. In extreme cases, scepticism about the past and its values even blossomed as a denial of the possibility of absolute standards at all. Yet it is also true that a huge cultural inertia prevailed in many western societies (to say nothing of the non-western world). In 'high' culture, the innovative power of the nineteenth century once again seems to have been the seed-bed. Although it is often hard to distinguish between the explicit utterances of intellectuals and educated minorities on the one hand, and attitudes and behaviour of society at large on the other, the roots of what looks like cultural disintegration in western civilization can be traced back to the critical questioning actually begun before 1901. Exaggeratedly, one man's name came for many to symbolize this, that of Sigmund Freud. Already as this century began, he had set out a language in which to explore human behaviour and to promote confidence that it was in the study of some of its most neglected aspects that the key to much of the state of western society could be found. In so doing, he founded 'psychoanalysis', an allegedly therapeutic technique to which many would deny the status of a science, although that was how it was promoted by its founder. Freud's place in the history of culture, though, does not depend on the difference he made to science (manifestly he was no system-making Newton or Darwin and many have denied that he was any sort of scientist at all). He was not the only influence changing the way humanity saw the natural world; yet he was redefining its limits. More than any other person, he changed the way educated people looked into themselves, whether or not they explicitly accepted his ideas. He provided a new cultural mythology, a way of understanding behaviour, and an idiom in which to express it. By the 1920s, many of Freud's ideas and much of his phraseology were making their way into ordinary speech: the special meanings we now give to the words 'complex', 'unconscious' and 'obsession', and 321

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familiar terms like 'Freudian slip' and 'libido' speak for the fact. His influence spread into literature, personal relations, education and politics. What he said was often distorted, but what he was believed to have said and was understood by many people to mean was vastly more important than his specific words or clinical studies. His influence, like that of Newton and Darwin before him, ran far beyond science and the illumination of the natural world. Like those giants, he offered laymen a new vision, and like those they had offered (or that of Marx) his was to prove to have highly corrosive effects. Some welcomed 'Freudianism' because it looked like one of those nineteenth-century determinisms that had so often been in vogue, captivating many of the intellectual élite. Whatever Freud himself believed, the message laymen drew from his teaching was that the unconscious mind was the real source of behaviour, that moral values and attitudes were consequences of the influences which had moulded this unconscious, that, therefore, the idea of responsibility was at best a myth and probably a dangerous one, and that perhaps rationality itself was an illusion. It did not matter much that Freud's own assertions would have been of none but symptomatic interest had this been true, or that this left out many of the qualifications with which he attempted to defend his conclusions. What mattered was what many people believed (and some still believe) he had shown. Such ideas called in question the idea of the rational, responsible, consciously motivated individual - a key notion of western civilization and a presupposition of the right of society to impose morality.10 Freud even appeared to say that much previously thought good was bad. Conscience (by whatever name you might call it) had hitherto been thought of as a fundamentally beneficent force; even if it made cowards of us all, it regulated and checked in individuals not only conscious wickedness, but evil impulse. Now, people were asked to confront the startling idea that moral self-control might be a source of danger to their mental health. We need not exaggerate. Freud's teaching was not the only intellectual force contributing to the loss of certainty and the sense that men had little firm ground beneath 10

Freud's most celebrated publications all came out before 1914, but in 1923 he published The Ego and the Id, the book which more obviously than any of his others promoted the psychoanalytic approach to the moral life.

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their feet. But along with Marxism (another often-misunderstood body of ideas) it was one of the most obvious and fashionable messages about traditional culture in western intellectual life in the inter-war period that told against liberal civilization. What men and women took from Freud added to the pressures building up in other ways against individualism, freedom of speech (liberals always expressed great respect for rational argument), property rights as expressions of personality and guarantees of freedom, and many other great nineteenth-century received ideas. The huge human and material mobilizations called forth by the Great War had given greater plausibility than any earlier human experience to the claim of socialism that society might be rationally planned. Some conservatives had never abandoned their basic tenet of the innate wickedness and corruption of sinful humanity, and the conduct of the war amply supported their reservations about liberal optimism, too. At the same moment, moreover, individualism was under fire from the collective values of communism and fascism, the idolization of class, volk and nation. Intellectual and cultural relativism combined with them to strike - like Freud's teaching — at the core assumption of liberal civilization, the moral and mental autonomy of the individual. Perhaps the only area of western culture after 1918 where individualism was still claiming an unrestricted sovereignty was that of the arts. Yet they, too, had since the century began been showing symptoms of cultural dislocation and dissolution. For two or three centuries after the age of humanism most Europeans who thought about such things at all had implicitly believed that art expressed aspirations, insights and pleasures accessible in principle to ordinary men and women. Artistic productions might be of such exceptional degree of fineness in execution, or so especially concentrated in form, that sometimes only the educated could wholly appreciate them. But it was always thought possible that those whose taste was cultivated by time and study could enjoy and discriminate among the arts of their day if they sought to do so. The arts were presumed to be cumulative expressions of a shared culture and shared standards, undergoing ups and downs, but essentially unfolding in a continuing story. This idea began to be undermined in the early nineteenth century, when the Romantics came to idealize the artist as genius and formulated the 323

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notion of an avant-garde. But this was nothing to the fragmentation that followed in the triumph of what was (in retrospect) to be called 'modernism'. The notion of modernism has always been difficult to deal with because of an inherent lack of definition and continually shifting boundaries in its usage. It was European in origin (and possibly it will prove to have been the last of those cultural transformations that eventually, from its continent of origin, rolled out to change artistic and intellectual attitudes throughout the world), and another of the seminal creations of the nineteenth century. It was a shift in the focus of the arts to the subjective, from the object depicted or the story narrated to a vision, a state of mind and primal reaction, above all to the state of mind of the artist, whether it was comprehensible or not to anyone else. The shift could already be found in the poetry of Baudelaire, or the painting of the French Impressionists, but soon they were left far behind by others, and even by 1914 trained eyes and ears could find much difficult to recognize as art (and some things that were already incomprehensible) in what was offered to them by the artists, poets and musicians of their day. A particularly recognizable instance of this (there is no space for more) was the abandonment of the figurative tradition and a new dislocation of the image in painting in the work of up-to-date painters. Some shed any vestige of the representational. There persisted a recognizable but a tenuous link with western painterly tradition as late as Cubism, and its abandonment of perspective and the illusion of depth. By then, though, the link between what many painters saw and what had been traditionally shown had long ceased to be easily apprehended by the average cultivated person, if, indeed, such still existed. Artists retired into a less and less accessible chaos of private visions, whose climax (if such a metaphor has any meaning) was reached after 1918 in the world of 'Dada' and 'Surrealism'. They entered new levels of distintegration; in Surrealism even the notion that there was an object disappeared, let alone its representation; 'real' objects might be shown in works of art, but only in a context set by the unconscious mind, to which access had been achieved by some kind of psychic insight or automatism. As one Surrealist put it, the movement meant 'thought dictated in the absence of all control 324

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exerted by reason, and outside all aesthetics or moral preoccupations'.11 Through change, symbolism, shock, suggestion and violence the Surrealists sought to go beyond consciousness itself. In so doing, they were only doing what many writers and musicians were trying to do, but perhaps, for the general public, even more startlingly; their work was, after all, easier to illustrate in the popular press. Striving to grapple with Freud's alarming (or, to some, liberating) suggestions — or with the chaos of the arts, or with the practical feebleness and seeming intellectual inadequacy of twentieth-century Christianity in developed societies, or with the incomprehensibility of a natural world that suddenly seemed unintelligible in a universe of bending space and relative time - people looked about confusedly and worriedly for new bearings. Perhaps this influenced and benefited new irrationalisms in politics, and gave fresh violence to older ones (such as nationalism), but this is not a topic on which it is easy to know what is significant evidence. At least, the conscious intellectual life of Europe seemed to indicate that little excitement could still be aroused by tolerance, democracy, or the old liberal absolutes set up to protect the individual. Though many still clung to old shibboleths, the élites that led thought and opinion seemed to be giving up old foundations they no longer thought firm. For a long time, only a minority of Europeans, even in Roman Catholic countries, had been regularly attending religious worship. The masses of the industrial cities lived in a post-Christian world of growing paganism. Whether or not the decline of church-going made much difference to their daily lives, a mass-entertainment industry was at work destroying or transforming much of the structure of festivals and commemoration embodied in the traditional calendar, and public law was cutting into or by-passing the experience of the great traditional rites of marriage and baptism. Reference points long understood and providing direction for society were becoming incomprehensible. The liberal ideas that had helped to displace Christianity in the past were now being displaced in their turn. In the 1920s and 1930s, sweeping changes could be sensed on every side. The liberal certainties of the autonomy 11 See André Breton's Le Manifeste du Surréalisme (1924), printed in P. Waldberg, Surrealism (London, 1965), from which the quotation is taken (p.72).

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of the individual, objective moral criteria, rationality, the authority of parents, and an explicable mechanical universe all seemed to be crumbling away. It was a deep paradox that such changes were worrying so many of the élites of the European world just at the moment when so many of the old European certainties — democracy, nationalism, Marxism, the positive faith in science as a liberating force - were beginning to be taken up in non-western cultures as never before. Those sometime core certainties were less available than ever to sustain the self-confidence of the European élites among whom they had originated. Unhappily, it was the self-confidence of the well-inclined, not that of the bully and barbarian, which was being sapped. It was liberal civilization that was the loser.

THE O P T I M I S T I C Y E A R S In spite of their important long-term effects, most of these changes consciously troubled only a minority that was especially conscious of them, and it was a western, and predominantly conservative, minority. Most of the human race, after all, are creatures of habit and heard or saw little that went on outside the ambit of their daily lives. What is more, a mood of optimism was nourished in the western world by the return of prosperity in the 1920s, and its later spread to other parts of the world. The harsh immediately post-war years, bad as they had been, proved to have been a prelude to a gradual recovery shared in some degree by most of humanity outside the Soviet Union. The years from 1925 to 1929 were particularly encouraging. This was especially notable in the United States, but Europeans, too, who remembered the old days as normal, had some excuse for thinking things were getting back to what they had been before 1914. Those who sought to revive that normality (or 'normalcy' as Americans liked to call it) accepted that there would be cyclical fluctuations in the economy, persistent poverty and continuing high rates of unemployment. The upturn in mood is nevertheless understandable. The worst physical damage of the war was repaired by 1925, transport was running normally again (and in a new dimension, for the first regular airline schedules were in place), harvests were back to normal 326

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levels, currencies had been stabilized after bad bouts of inflation (money prices in Germany had at one time risen by a multiple of 1,000 million). Not all European countries had been equally successful in tackling their problems, but economic well-being at last seemed again in sight for many of them. A big international loan to Germany in 1925 was a landmark; by that year, though the old great industrial powers, Great Britain and Germany, had still not reached their 1913 levels of manufacturing output, Europe's aggregate food and raw material production passed pre-war levels. True, in 1926 world commodity prices began to fall, but this was a harbinger of higher purchasing power in the pockets of the wage earners of the developed world, whatever it meant to primary producers. For the next four years things continued to go well. World output of manufactures rose by over a quarter, world trade by nearly a fifth. Major currencies were again steady and could be exchanged for gold at fixed prices. The industrial laggards caught up; Great Britain's manufacturing production was back to the 1913 level by 1929, and Germany's was by then well ahead of it. The main facts behind this recovery were the change in the political climate in Europe as Germany came back into the community of states, the repair of the damage done by the war and, above all, a long boom in the United States, the biggest national economy in the world. This prosperity sustained, among other things, optimism about the political future of the new democracies. It was not to last. 1929, though no one knew it, was in fact to be the best year for European trade until 1954. Economic recovery had been built on insecure foundations. Nevertheless, economic improvement had provided the background for what looked at the time a long-awaited and major advance in settling festering problems left over from the Great War and the peace settlement.

L O C A R N O AND A F T E R Outstanding among these problems was that of Germany, a new one or an old one re-emergent, as you wished. It had not taken long after 1919 for it to appear that the role of Germany had not been settled, after all. She had been defeated, disarmed, had undergone political 327

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revolution and had lost much territory. But she had not been destroyed; it was logical to recognize that, for good or ill, she would one day again exercise the weight assured her by geography, population and industrial power. This was bound to be the most important issue in post-war European international relations. It was certain that one way or another a united and economically rebuilt Germany would one day again overshadow central Europe and be likely to threaten France. The French wondered how long this could be put off and whether it could happen without war; for them the problem long remained purely one of national security. They at first put their faith in military sanctions (the British garrison stayed in the Rhineland until 1929 and the French until 1930) and in fortification of their frontier. But French diplomacy also sought allies and treaties of mutual support between France and the new states of central and eastern Europe. For the most part, the diplomats of other countries approached the problem accepting the fact that in dealing with Germany an attempt would have to be made to make the terms of the peace treaty work by agreement. It took some time for the difficulties of this to become apparent, and the German government, continually under pressure from right-wing nationalists, soon began to seek revision of the Versailles settlement. In the 1920s its demands began to be listened to abroad and the problems of realizing them slowly came to be tackled in a more hopeful spirit. The reparation burden was identified as the key area for action. The Commission set up to supervise German reparation payments declared in March 1921 that the payments Germany was due to make under the Treaty (they amounted to the vast sum of 132 billion gold marks) were in default. The German government borrowed enough to make a down payment of 1 billion, but the mark began to fall faster and in the following year it was granted a year's moratorium on further payments. The French nonetheless remained obdurate over full exaction of what they regarded as due. Urgency seemed suddenly to be given to a search for a new basis for settlement, when the German and Russian government startled Europe in 1922 by unexpectedly coming to an agreement with one another at Rapallo. Both powers had a strong revisionist interest; 328

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each was seeking to emerge from diplomatic isolation in Europe.12 The sensation in other countries was immense, especially in France (and would have been even greater there had it been known that the Rapallo agreement provided for training and experimental facilities in the Soviet Union for the German army). Meanwhile, Great Britain and France had drifted apart. French efforts to enforce fulfilment of the treaty on Germany came to a violent climax in January 1923 with a Franco-Belgian military occupation of the Rühr, to assure coal deliveries by way of reparation. The virtual closing down of Germany's greatest industrial region and the complete collapse of the mark as the German government turned to the printing press to meet its obligations to its citizens followed; by November four million million marks were needed to buy one United States dollar. With the currency in ruins, the savings and reserves of millions of Germans were obliterated and their lives were devastated. This was the worst moment of tension Europe experienced in the whole decade. It lasted until the French government realized that its policy could not be made to work. Military action could not give France what she wanted, and soon French financial stability, too, was endangered. The Ruhr's mines could not be made to deliver on a scale which met the cost of running them. A change of government in France led to a gradual rapprochement with Germany, and American financial action helped to ease the reparation problem by releasing a new flow of American investment to Germany. Statesmen began to talk of the need of reconciliation with Germany and of the desirability of 'appeasing' her. Yet the best guarantee of general peace in Europe had been the preoccupation of Germans (and Russians, too) with their domestic problems and the sheer exhaustion of the aftermath of defeat. Gradually the way was opened to agreements at Locarno in 1925 that ended the distinction of 'enemy' and 'Allied' powers and formally reconciled France and Germany in guarantees of the Franco-German and German-Belgian frontiers against attack from either side. Significantly, nothing was said about Germany's eastern frontiers; it was

There had already been the Soviet-Turkish treaty of 19z 1, of course, as a step towards this by the USSR.

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clear that the British would undertake no commitments over them.13 When Germany was admitted to the League of Nations in the following year, it seemed that the way was opening at last to a new world of peaceful diplomacy and understanding. Germany had acquiesced in the Versailles territorial settlement in the west, while France was reassured by guarantees given to her frontiers by Great Britain and Italy. Locarno was, nonetheless, another illusory solution. It had given one part of the Versailles settlement (its frontiers in the west), a privileged position. That very fact weakened by implication the eastern settlement and made the eventual fate of former German territory and German people now under Polish or Czech rule look uncertain again. It did not settle the question of how a country potentially as strong as Germany could be related to its neighbours in a balanced, peaceful way, given its particular historical and cultural experience. Many people hoped that the danger of a Germany once again asserting itself would prove to have been settled by the creation of a democratic German republic whose institutions would gently and benevolently re-educate German society and once more allow the many and widely admired qualities of German culture to flourish. Yet while it was true that the constitution of the Weimar Republic was liberal and democratic, too many Germans were out of sympathy with it from the start. That Weimar had not solved the German problem was revealed when another widely-shared assumption was dissipated the illusion that prosperity could be taken for granted. Nonetheless, after Locarno a certain diplomatic euphoria hung over the rest of the decade. The background of growing material prosperity was soothing and the League chalked up a number of minor successes that improved its image (though none involved a great power). In 1928, when a much-praised and virtually meaningless pact (eventually of sixty-five nations) was signed renouncing aggressive war, optimism was at its height. In the following year Germany's reparation burdens 13 'For the Polish corridor,' said the British foreign secretary, 'no British Government ever will or ever can risk the bones of a British grenadier.' Q. in F. P. Walters, A History of the League of Nations (London, 1952), p.284. It was a conscious echo of a remark made by Bismarck about risking the bones of a Pomeranian grenadier over the Balkans.

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were further lightened and in 1930 the last Allied occupation forces were withdrawn from the Rhineland.

AN E A S T E R N E N I G M A At Rapallo in 1922 Germany and the USSR had agreed to exchange ambassadors, and a few years later there were signs that the Bolsheviks' relations with other countries were beginning to look more promising, too. Though there remained a deep division of belief between them and the rulers of all other countries about the way history was moving - still towards revolution, said the Comintern - improvement in economic conditions in the Soviet Union and the ending of civil war gave them (or should have given them) less cause to fear the outside world. The failure of revolutions in the west in the aftermath of the war also suggested that the USSR might have to live side by side with capitalist countries for a long time before they crumbled. Meanwhile, the Soviet Union needed to trade with the outside world. Slowly, therefore, normal diplomatic contacts were opened with other countries. Though Rapallo had caused alarm, it turned out to have begun the process of bringing Soviet diplomatic isolation in Europe to an end (as well as founding a secret special relationship which was to bear further fruit in military cooperation which was to last until 1933). Soviet policy remained suspect even in Germany, though, as local communists made attempts to seize power in 1923 in Saxony, Thuringia and, most seriously, Hamburg. Yet in 1924 came British diplomatic recognition of the USSR. There followed the establishment of Soviet diplomatic relations also with France and Norway, Austria, Greece, Sweden, Canada, Denmark, China and Mexico, all in all a substantial normalization of Soviet relations with the non-communist world. In the remainder of the decade a number of non-aggression treaties were made between the USSR and nearby countries, one of them with Germany in 1926. Such steps made no difference, of course, to the distrust with which the Soviet Union was viewed in some western circles, or to its promotion of communist activity abroad and frequent and enthusiastic assertions of confidence about the coming overthrow of the capitalist 331

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world. The Locarno agreements, too, were denounced by the USSR as an attempt to form an anti-Soviet coalition by the British. Still, what looked like more normal relations with the outside world fitted a mood of optimism about international affairs in the late 1920s. A new official Soviet slogan, 'Socialism in one country', was taken to mean that the country's rulers saw themselves as committed first to building a solid socialist society at home before getting involved in the process of exporting revolution abroad. This did not, though, alter the fact that there had been a revolutionary change in international affairs since 1917. After the Bolshevik revolution there were people in every country who were devoted to the idea of revolution which would overthrow the existing order, and they were able to look to a foreign government for encouragement, inspiration and sometimes practical help. In theory and principle, the world was already divided into two fundamentally opposed and irreconcilable camps, even if they seemed to be getting on with one another on a day-to-day basis. Between 1927 and 1929, too, there appears to have been an actual fear in Soviet ruling circles that an imperialist war against the USSR was imminent, under the leadership of Great Britain (which for a time broke off diplomatic relations with the USSR in 1927 after evidence of Soviet espionage activities in London had been given publicity).

THE UNITED STATES It would be a misrepresentation to say that none of the affairs that preoccupied European statesmen in the 1920s interested Americans. The government of the United States, the officials of the State Department and the admirals who thought about ratios of battlefleets and cruisers all paid sometimes close if sporadic attention to developments in Europe. There was continuing concern over financial questions, above all the war debts of the Allies, and German reparations payments. Yet it hardly seems that most Americans cared much about any of these things. A tradition of abstention from world affairs outside the hemisphere was reinforced by new circ*mstances turning them back into isolation after briefly playing a world role. In 1918, 332

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the United States had been the strongest of the victor nations. Her citizens had suffered less and prospered more than those of her allies and her territory was untouched. Soon after the fighting was over, though, American politicians seemed to resist overseas involvement again, almost as if they were fed up with the outside world. The Senate (one of whose tasks is the approval of treaties made by the government) turned down the treaty that Wilson had signed at Versailles. Besides abandoning America's commitments to uphold the peace settlement, this also meant staying outside the League of Nations. Against the wishes of the sick and dying Wilson, his fellow-citizens retreated into psychological isolation. Broadly speaking, they were to remain remarkably uninterested in world affairs for twenty years. A little-known Republican senator, Warren G. Harding, won the presidential election of 1920. Republican presidents were elected again in 1924 and 1928 with large majorities.14 Americans were casting their votes for 'normalcy' — getting on with business at home behind the protection of tariffs, and not worrying much about the outside world. It seemed to work. The 1920s brought greater prosperity to Americans than ever before. Their average income per head rose by over a quarter between 1921 and 1929. There was a huge building boom. There were 8 million American motor cars in 1920 and 23 million ten years later. Radios were few in 1920; in 1930 American households had 13 million of them. Like refrigerators, gas and electric cookers and other domestic 'gadgets', they were still luxuries, but luxuries more widely and rapidly spread than any in the past. Prices fell; those with jobs in the towns had more to spend than ever before. The other side of the economic coin was seen by the unemployed, the small farmer, and the rural poor who were worst off and forgotten. The annual income per head in the mid-i920s of the non-farm population of South Carolina, a poor and backward state, was $412. That was not much - but that of its farm population was $129. To confront such facts the United States could deploy nothing like the social welfare arrangements already achieved and taken for granted in many European countries. With hindsight, it is easy to be wise about the shaky foundation of 14

Calvin Coolidge (who, as vice-president, had succeeded on Harding's death in 1923) and Herbert Hoover.

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American prosperity and the huge overseas lending of the United States, and to regard sceptically the optimism and the self-absorption of Americans convinced that (as one president put it) 'the business of the United States is business'. As for politics, the Republicans seemed solidly entrenched in office, buttressed by the general sense of wellbeing. A Democrat recovery seemed unlikely, partly because the party was associated with 'Prohibition'; a problem left over by one of the last changes of the Progressive era that ended with Wilson. Millions of Americans had always deplored the use of alcohol and in 1920 they had at last succeeded in persuading Congress to prohibit the making and selling of alcoholic drinks. The effects astonished advocates and opponents of the ban alike. Among them was the appearance and rapid growth of an enormous criminal industry devoted to smuggling, bootlegging, illicit distilling and, subsequently, to the crimes of violence that flowed from them. Even hitherto once normally law-abiding citizens took to breaking the law without scruple. Fifteen thousand legal 'saloons' or bars had sold alcohol in New York City before Prohibition; when they were closed under the new law, 35,000 'speakeasies' or illegal drinking establishments sprang up to take their place. Corruption was rife; gangsters became famous (and sometimes admired) figures and Chicago a place notorious for violent crime (there were 227 gang murders there between 1927 and 1931 and not one conviction for them in the courts).15 For all the tragedy that came with it there still seems something slightly comic about an idea that backfired so badly. But the 'dries' who favoured Prohibition did not falter in their beliefs. They were especially strong in southern states where they made up much of the Democratic party's electoral support. The party's other strongholds were in the north-eastern cities; there, well-established and Democratic-voting Irish and Italian communities were overwhelmingly 'wet'. When the Democrats tried to cash in on the unpopularity of Prohibition by running a 'wet' presidential candidate in 1928 he won the cities, but lost heavily in the South. One marker of a new American inward-lookingness and of the end 15 In 1925, Chicago had 16,000 arrests for drunkenness: this was more than the whole of England and Wales.

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of an era of American history came with new limits on immigration. The old generous acceptance of immigrants almost without restriction (the main one had been on grounds of infectious disease), though it had served the country well, was given up. A literacy test had already been introduced in 1917 over Wilson's presidential veto. After 1921 quotas finally brought down the total number of immigrants allowed each year until 192.9, when it was stabilized at 150,000 - fewer than the annual arrivals from Italy alone had been between 1900 and 1914. The United States could no longer claim to be a refuge and opportunity for all humanity, but drawing up the ladder fitted the national mood of the 1920s. The rejection of the idea of assimilation was first promoted by conservatives, by exclusion. A half-century later it was being rejected by discontented radicals, in the name of the promotion of cultural pluralism.

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BOOK 4

WORLD REVOLUTION

An Emerging Global History

THE W O R L D D E P R E S S I O N The economic depression of the early 1930s was unprecedentedly worldwide and more severe than any earlier slump. No continent was untouched and most nations and peoples were badly damaged by it. In its specificity, its extent and the suddenness of its onset, it was perhaps the first truly world-historical event ever. Great plagues and folk-movements in the past had slowly rolled across the Euro-Asian landmass and North Africa, but there had never been such simultaneity about them, nor had they so ravaged every continent. Fighting and diplomacy had tangled the political fates of peoples round the world, but never so as to involve every known part of it at once. The blight that settled on economic life all over the world in the 1930s was a truly universal fact. It may be reckoned the single most influential historical development between two world wars, because it was so general in its effects. It made much possible, and some things inevitable. Without the damage it did there would have been less intense frustration needing release, fewer challenges for politicians with good intentions and inadequate understanding, and fewer opportunities for wicked men or even simple adventurers. This was to be particularly evident in Europe. If judgement is made worldwide and in purely material terms, her leading industrial countries were by no means those worst blighted by slump. Nonetheless, Europe's political situation and her still great (if already reduced) importance in the international system of great power relationships gave the damage done to them greater consequence than elsewhere. It dislocated the conduct of international relations much more than, 339

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say, the collapse of Chilean nitrate and copper mining, or the fall in demand for Malayan or Indo-Chinese rubber, dreadful for their peoples though those disasters were. Europe's troubles enhanced those of other continents, too, and at every level, politically and culturally, as well as economically. For three centuries, she had grown in importance as a consumer of raw materials from the rest of the world and a provider of goods and capital for non-European countries. Though she did not account for so large a share of world manufacturing output or world trade between 1919 and 1939 as before 1914, she still provided a huge part of both. What happened to Europe was bound to have major world repercussions. In spite of the ups and downs of the trade cycle and the disruption brought to some industrial countries in the aftermath of the Great War and its destruction, the long-term trend of the world economy down to 1929 had looked benevolent. All food-producing countries had enjoyed twenty years or so of advantageous terms of trade from the 1890s onwards. After the post-war years of reconstruction and stabilization, there had then come five years of growing prosperity. Yet by 1929, farming was already moving into crisis in some countries, for world prices were already falling. But there was worse to come. The United States had become a determining factor on world prosperity. Her role in international finance had been transformed by the Great War, which made her a capital-exporting nation. She produced nearly 40 per cent of the world's coal and over half the world's manufactures, too. This abundance, enhanced by the demands of war, made her people in the 1920s the first in the world millions of whom could take for granted, for example, the ownership of a family car. Their domestic prosperity had consequences abroad. It lubricated world trade and generated the capital America exported in loans and investment. Between 1925 and 1929 Europeans borrowed nearly $3,000 million in the United States in addition to the big debts they still owed that country from the war years. In 1928, though, short-term money began to cost more in the United States. There were other signs that the end of the long domestic boom might be approaching, too, though it looked at first only as if the old business cycle was again at work. Soon, though, it led to the calling back of American loans from Europe. Soon, there were European borrowers 340

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in difficulties. Meanwhile, demand slackened in the United States as people began to think a severe slump might be on the way. Almost incidentally, this detonated a particularly sudden and spectacular stock market collapse in October 1929. Great bankers bought heavily to support the stock market, but though a temporary rally followed, confidence disappeared. It was the end of a prosperous phase. After a last brief rally in 1930 American money for investment abroad dried up. It took another year or so for the full weight of economic depression that followed to be felt worldwide as purchasing power fell away. In Europe it came only after a major financial crisis in which politics played a part. As governments cast about for ways of protecting their domestic marketing and industry, and sought to manage problems of debt suddenly grown more intense, the Austrians began to consider the possibility of a Customs Union with Germany. Almost at once, France denounced any such step as a contravention of the treaty of Versailles, which had forbidden the union of the two countries. By way of driving home the point, the Bank of France refused to come to the help of an Austrian bank that was in difficulties. The collapse of the Kredit-Anstalt into bankruptcy started a run on other Central European banks. As they looked to collect their deposits and debts from German banks, the run spread further, first to Germany, and then to London. In September the United Kingdom ceased to make payments in gold. By the end of 193z twelve countries had followed suit in going off the gold standard. The USA did so in the following year. Soon, among major currencies only the French franc was any longer convertible to gold. This dethronement of the gold standard, one old idol of liberal economics, was an overt financial symbol of a tragedy that was by then facing millions. The collapse of investment went with deflation as countries struggled unsuccessfully to keep the value of their currencies steady in relation to gold and to balance their books. But the struggle to maintain currencies made things worse. Falling demand was now joined by tariffs and quotas (with the aim of reducing imports) in driving down world prices. As their earnings fell, countries producing primary goods found themselves unable to earn enough to buy manufactures from abroad. Export markets for the industrial world withered; there were soon 30 million or so people unemployed in the 341

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leading manufacturing countries. In 1932 (the worst year) the index of industrial production for the United States and Germany was in each case only just above half of what it had been in 1929; taking that year's level of industrial production as 100, in 1932 that of the United States had fallen to 52.7, that of Germany to 53.3. (That of the United Kingdom stood at 83.5, which was bad enough.) Dramatic changes like these were the simplest markers of what happened as manufacturing countries cut back production. As workers lost their jobs, and their wages became unavailable to buy goods, other manufacturing trades, food suppliers and service industries sold less. As the demand for imports of raw materials fell back, the non-industrialized countries had less foreign earnings than ever with which to buy manufactured exports. As world trade crumbled further, so less business was done by shipping firms, insurance and banking, less money was available to lend to people who might start up new businesses or invest in improving their existing ones (not that a slump was likely to encourage many to do that) - and so on, and on, and on. The national income of the richest nation in the world, the United States, fell by 38 per cent in these years. Had that been equally shared among her citizens, each would have had less than two-thirds of the income they had enjoyed in 1929. But there was no such equality of suffering. Many Americans, like many other people all over in the world, did much worse than the average. Worldwide, too, the depression was by no means uniform in its effects, except in so far as it was everywhere very grave. For most people, any social and economic gains made in the 1920s were wiped out. This was most obvious in the industrial world. Steel-workers in Germany, ship-builders in Great Britain, coal-miners in the USA all suffered — and with them their families and the great majority of their countrymen, whatever their occupations. But so, much more, did nitrate-workers in Chile, cowboys in Argentina, jute-growers in India and farmers in the USA. No country had a monopoly of misery but it was worst for those who already started at a low level. Unemployment, though most conspicuous in the United States and Germany, shot up all round the world; though vividly present in the streets of silent industrial cities, it was disguised or hidden in the villages and farmlands of primary producer countries. As world prices of manufactured goods 342

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fell, those of raw materials and foodstuffs fell faster still (by 56 and 48 per cent respectively, between 1929 and 193z).1 In spite of appearances, it was the poorer nations and the poorer sectors of the mature economies that suffered most. This was not always recognized. The poorest of all lived far away from the industrial areas that got most notice and had less far to fall in the first place. Transylvanian or Indian peasants, Bolivian and African miners, might have always lived in misery, comparatively speaking, but the newly unemployed German or Belgian clerk or factory hand was suddenly and surprisingly plunged into it after years of slow improvement in his life and that of his family. Even between developed nations, too, the disaster of unemployment was unequally shared. In Europe, Germany suffered most, Sweden least; France felt the depression later than other countries (she went off the gold standard only in 1936) and the United Kingdom felt it less than many countries. The USSR was preoccupied with miseries and upheavals of her own making and, somewhat insulated by her own political and economic system, she was not so exposed to world trends; international depression affected her less than her neighbours. Soviet government could present the hardships of its people as necessary sacrifice to future strength, too.2 Among the industrial countries the relatively worst affected were the United States and Japan, vastly different in scale and nature though their problems were. When it came, recovery, like recession before it, came at a different pace and in different ways in different countries. World agricultural prices remained low right through the 1930s, so that the later part of the decade was relatively good for those who still had jobs or who had them again; the cost of living had gone down in real terms since 1929, and if you had money in your pocket it cost less to eat. But overall recovery was very slow. International trade in 1939 was still running at less than half of its level ten years earlier. The United States then still had 10 million unemployed. Many countries were still seeking 1

That of rubber fell from 22 to 3 American cents a pound between 1928 and 1932. As Stalin had put it in 1931, 'Do you want our socialist fatherland to be beaten and to lose its independence? If you do not want this you must put an end to its backwardness in the shortest possible time . . .' Problems of Leninism (Moscow, !953)» P-456.

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'protection' behind high tariffs, or even a kind of autarky, and governments were interfering with the economy as they had not done since the heyday of mercantilism. It was natural for countries with democratic electorates to please to adopt what looked like protectionist solutions in the short term, but this held up recovery for the export-dependent. With vivid memories of the colossal inflations of the early 1920s, though, few governments were likely to try to spend their way out of depression. Yet as people clamoured for something to be done about the slump, governments in the United States, Great Britain and Germany turned, by different routes, to capital investment in what would now be called 'infrastructure'.3 Hard times increased the demand for the provision of relief for poverty; countries already moving down the road to the 'welfare state' (such as the Scandinavian nations and Great Britain) now went further. Thanks also to price-changes, the unemployed British worker was better off on the dole paid him in the 1930s than the average British wage-earner had been while in work at the beginning of the century. But such relief did little to offset resentment everywhere of an economic culture that could produce such upheaval and distress. In the end the biggest fact helping to take the edge off economic depression was the approach of another war; rearmament and the stockpiling of raw materials gave economic life almost everywhere a new stimulus as the end of the decade drew nearer. Attempts to meet economic disaster by international action (there were meetings of statesmen, of which the most ambitious in scope was a World Monetary and Economic Conference in London in 1933) all failed. Some individual countries (Great Britain, Sweden, Germany, for example) were showing signs of industrial recovery even by 1936. There was to be no world recovery, though, before 1940. Economic disaster looked a promising setting for those who expected, advocated or strove to achieve the collapse of liberal civilization. Birds of prey began to flap expectantly about the enfeebled carcass of the international economy. For revolutionaries everywhere 3

And so did other countries that imitated them. Interestingly, the policies of Argentina won the approval of the economist J. M. Keynes, whose fame is associated with the ideas of public investment and maintenance of consumer demand as techniques for throwing off the depression.

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the world depression had been a godsend. New and violent political demands were heard for solutions to poverty and unemployment. Some were successful in winning popular support. Marxists found fresh and compelling empirical support for the argument that capitalism was doomed to self-destruction. The millions of unemployed, the end of the gold standard and belief in a self-regulating, selfcorrecting economy indeed marked the collapse of a world order in its economic dimension. That liberal civilization had demonstrably and frighteningly lost its power to control events was also to be made clear in other ways, above all in the rise of totalitarian regimes and of nationalism to a new climax of destructiveness. Yet many Europeans still dreamed of the restoration of an age when that civilization enjoyed unquestioned supremacy, though its values had rested on a political and economic hegemony in fact in decay all round the world.

ASIA IN THE E R A OF E U R O P E A N C I V I L WAR Some of the first symptoms of that decay had appeared long before, in the appearance of challenges and challengers to European supremacy in Asia and the advances they had made before 1914. Then had come the Great War, a catalyst in Asia's history. This was not because of the scale of Asian participation in the fighting. Important though they had been and though some of them involved sizeable armies, the Asian campaigns of the Great War were very much 'sideshows', secondary in importance to the great battles in Europe. In the Far East, the isolated German port of Tsingtau was besieged and taken by the Japanese with some British support before 1914 was over and in the Pacific the Marianas and Carolines were seized by the Japanese without bloodshed. Thereafter the Great War had only an indirect impact on Asia beyond the Near East until the Bolshevik revolution and its opening of the way to Japanese intervention in Siberia. The most important fighting in Asia was done by the Russians and Turks in the Caucasus and eastern Anatolia, by the Anglo-Indian expeditionary force that eventually drove the Turks out of Mesopotamia (and went on later to operate in the Caspian region against the Bolsheviks) and by the British and Dominions army that conquered 345

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Palestine. The Arab revolt that won British logistical and financial support mattered politically because of its implications, but did not involve large resources or deploy large numbers. In contrast, German efforts to exploit subversive activity in India, or to achieve the diplomatic seduction of Japan away from the Allied cause, hardly mattered at all. The war's indirect impact nonetheless was crucial. When the war had begun, the peak of European domination in the Far East was already past, yet the European Asian empires were still swept up into it at their rulers' behest. India had gone to war from the start. Her resources proved very important to the British imperial war effort. Although there was some initial uncertainty about the loyalty of Muslims in a struggle against the Ottoman empire whose ruler was Caliph, most of the subjects of the Raj either took it for granted that they should support it or that they had no say or interest in the matter. Princes gave of their wealth, members of Congress demonstrated their loyalty, and an Indian lawyer named Gandhi threw himself into supporting the war effort as enthusiastically as he had organized ambulance services for the British in the Boer war. The Indian army at once demonstrated its value as an imperial strategic reserve; within a few months an Indian army corps of two infantry and two cavalry divisions was serving in France. Its infantry was withdrawn during 1915 to serve elsewhere (leaving behind an Indian cavalry division awaiting the opportunity of an Allied 'breakthrough' for another two years). More important still, sufficient confidence was felt about India's own security for over fifty British regular battalions to be withdrawn from the sub-continent in the first months of the war to make up new divisions for service in France. At one time there were only eight white battalions left in India (and committed to the North West Frontier); the regular units already withdrawn were gradually replaced by territorials who could complete their training in India while serving as a garrison there. Meanwhile, Indian manufacturing industry was stimulated by the demands of the imperial war effort. Indian recruiting shot up.4 Even 4

Over the duration of the war, 800,000 Indian combatants and 400,000 noncombatants were enlisted.

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the Dalai Lama of Tibet offered 1,000 men to the Indian army. By 1917, the British government appeared to want to recognize the contribution India was making to the Allied cause. It was announced in that year that London envisaged a policy of steady advance towards responsible government for India within the empire - which seemed to mean some sort of Home Rule. This fell short of the full Dominion status that some Indians hoped for, but showed that the war had already begun to shape politics in Asia.

THE S E Q U E L TO THE C H I N E S E R E V O L U T I O N The impact of war was even more striking, and much more complex, in non-colonial Asia. Both China and Japan underwent and were affected by it in very fundamental ways, slight though their actual military or naval participation was to be. The war's effects were inseparable from the story of their relations with one another, entwined as their destinies were, thanks to China's prolonged weakness and ineffectiveness and Japan's continuing dynamism. That effect also fell upon a situation which, at least in the case of China, was evolving and fluid. Though potentially the greatest of Asian (and even of world) powers, China did not emerge from an era of eclipse and humiliation in 1911. Marking an epoch even more fundamentally than had done the French Revolution of 1789, the Chinese revolution nonetheless had limited immediate effect though, in the longest perspective, its importance was vast. 1911 was the end of more than 2,000 years of history during which the Confucian state had held China together and Confucian ideals had dominated Chinese culture and society. Inseparably intertwined, Confucianism and the imperial order went under together when the revolution brought down the political structure within which traditional China lived. Yet the revolution was, in the first place, destructive rather than constructive. The empire had ruled a vast country, virtually a continent, of widely different regions. Its collapse meant that the centrifugal regionalism that so often expressed itself in Chinese history could once again have scope. Secret societies, the gentry and military commanders all stepped 347

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forward to exploit central government's weakness to their own advantage. Many revolutionaries, too, nourished deep envy and distrust of Peking. Somewhat masked while Yuan Shih-kai (the former imperial general who had become president of the republic) remained at the head of affairs, these divisive tendencies had still burst out very plainly. The revolutionaries themselves had quickly split between Sun Yat-sen's Chinese National People's Party, or Kuomintang (KMT), established in 1912, and those who upheld the central government based on the parliamentary structure at Peking. Sun's support was drawn mainly from Canton businessmen and some of the soldiers in the south. Against this background of division, warlords, soldiers who happened to dispose of substantial forces and arms, thrived. Between 1912 and 1928 some 1,300 of them controlled important and often large areas of China. Some carried out needed reform, some were simply bandits. Some looked like plausible pretenders to government power. Nothing took the place of the old scholar-bureaucrats, though, and most of the warlords could simply enjoy themselves exploiting the void. Yuan Shih-kai can indeed be regarded as the forerunner of the type; he proclaimed himself emperor in 1915. Republicans forced his abdication but with his death in the following year the warlord era was under way. Yuan Shih-kai's high-handedness with opposition (he had at one time suppressed the KMT) reflected a fundamental limitation of the revolution of 1911: it had revealed no general will in China on which to base agreement for further positive progress. Sun Yat-sen had said that the solution of the national question would have to precede that of the social, but even about what a nationalist future might mean there was much disagreement. Meanwhile, the removal of the dynasty removed also the common enemy of revolutionaries and reformers alike. Their intellectual confrontations were deeply divisive. In 1915 a journal called New Youth which strove to focus debate was founded. Chen Tu-hsiu, a cultural reformer, preached to Chinese youth, in whose hands he believed the revolution's destiny to lie, a total rejection of the old Chinese cultural tradition. Like other intellectuals who talked of Huxley and Dewey and introduced to their wondering compatriots the works of Ibsen, his followers still thought the key to progress lay in western culture; its Darwinian sense of struggle, its 348

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individualism and utilitarianism, seemed to them to point to the way ahead. But important though such leadership was and enthusiastic though its disciples might be, a western emphasis in re-educating China was a handicap. Many educated and patriotic Chinese were sincerely attached to the traditional culture; western ideas were only sure of a welcome among untypical elements of Chinese society, the seaboard city-dwelling merchants and their student offspring, often educated abroad. The mass of Chinese could hardly be touched by such ideas and appeals at all (and the demand of some reformers for a vernacular literature was one symptom of this). Nationalist enthusiasm in China, whether among the élite or at a more popular level, had been energized by anti-western feeling and dislike of western-inspired capitalism. For many Chinese, capitalism, an authentic expression of the civilization some modernizers urged them to adopt, was another name for foreign exploitation. As for the masses, the peasantry seemed after 1911 relapsed in passivity, apparently unmoved by events and oblivious to the agitation of angry and westernized young men. It is not easy to generalize about economic conditions. China was too big and too varied. But while the population steadily increased, nothing was done to meet the peasants' hunger for land; instead, the number of the indebted and landless grew, their wretched lives often made even more intolerable by warlord ambitions and the destruction, robbery, exploitation, famine and disease that went with them. The Chinese Revolution would only be assured success when it could activate the Chinese masses. The cultural emphasis of literate and middle-class reformers sometimes masked their unwillingness to envisage the practical political steps necessary for this. It was therefore still against a background not only of political confusion and disorder, but of ideological division and incoherence that the Chinese republic entered the Great War on the Allied side in August 1917. It did so largely in the hope of winning goodwill and support that would give China an independent voice at the peace. A Chinese labour force was sent to France, and Japanese help in the form of loans and military instructors was also sought by Peking. But this was feeding the appetite of an already very predatory tiger.

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JAPAN In 1912 the Meiji emperor had died, and was succeeded by his third son, whose reign (1912-26, with a regency after 1921) took the era name of Taisho. There was a sense of real change: the end of Meiji announced, too, the passing of the oligarchy of elder statesmen - the Genro - who had provided Japan with its rulers during its crucial period of evolution into a modern state. Parties were now to matter more and populist and imperialist forces began to exploit new possibilities. The Great War provided some of the first of them. A European war was above all an opportunity for Japan to exploit the situation on the mainland of Asia at a moment when western powers were distracted. When the Japanese decided to open operations against Tsingtau, the German enclave on the Shantung peninsula, they had presented an ultimatum to Germany on 16 August. Yet although thus entering the war at the outset, Japan's rulers prudently sidestepped later British and French requests for a Japanese army to serve in France, and confined their support in the European theatre to the provision of escorts for Allied troopships in the Mediterranean.5 For her, a world war meant she could push forward again in China without European interference. Japan's allies could hardly object to her seizure of the German Pacific colonies, and if they did, they could do little about it while they needed Japanese ships and manufactures. Japanese ammunition went to the Russian armies via Vladivostok and Siberia and Japanese beer via Bombay to the British expeditionary force in Mesopotamia. But though the Allies never gave up the hope that the Japanese might in the end provide an army to fight in Europe, they were always to be disappointed. Instead, irritatingly, the Japanese finessed, arousing fears that they might make a separate peace with the Germans while exploiting their indispensability to the Allies to press ahead in China, profiting from the new distraction of western diplomatic pressure and power from that country's affairs. At the beginning of 1915 the Japanese government presented to the 5

Among Asia's non-colonial countries, only Siam sent a small expeditionary force to Europe to join the Allies after declaring war on the Central Powers in July 1917.

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Chinese government a document that was to become notorious under the name of 'the Twenty-one Demands', following it up with an ultimatum which amounted to a proposal for a Japanese protectorate over China. The United Kingdom and United States did what diplomacy could do to have these demands reduced but, in the end, the Japanese got much of what they asked for from the Chinese, including further confirmation of Japan's special commercial position and leasehold rights in Manchuria. Chinese patriots were enraged, but there was nothing they could do, given China's internal disorder and weakness. They were divided and confused; indeed, Sun Yat-sen himself had at one moment sought Japanese support against Yuan Shih-kai. The next intervention came in 1916, when Japanese pressure was brought to bear on the British to dissuade them from approving Yuan Shih-kai's attempt to restore stability by styling himself emperor. In the following year came another exploitative treaty, this time extending the recognition of Japan's special interests as far as Inner Mongolia. Even after the Chinese government entered the war with Germany, the United States formally recognized the special interests of Japan in China in return for endorsem*nt of the principle of the 'Open Door' and a Japanese promise to maintain Chinese integrity and independence. All that the Chinese got from the Allies in reward for the labour contingents they sent to France was the ending of German and Austrian extra-territoriality and agreement for the payment of Boxer indemnities to the Allies to be delayed. The Japanese, though, secured still further concessions from China in more secret agreements in 1918. Moreover, they had greatly prospered by then from the war. The economic growth it released rescued Japan from the financial morass in which the Russo-Japanese war had left her and from the current account deficits in international payments that had dogged her down to 1914. During the war her GNP rose by 40 per cent.

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THE P E A C E S E T T L E M E N T S AND ASIA India, Japan and China all sent representatives to Paris for the peace conference. Patriots in all these countries were deeply disappointed by the result, though. Japan and China had hoped for improvements in their international position and standing, and Indian nationalists had hoped for further progress towards self-government as a reward for wartime loyalty. The constitutional reforms introduced in India in 1918 before the war ended had won only a limited gratitude. Much more had been hoped for by Congress. As for Japan, now indisputably a world power (by 1918 she had the third largest navy in the world), she won solid gains at the peace, retaining the former German rights in Shantung promised to her by the British and French in 1917, and being granted a mandate over some of the former German Pacific islands and a permanent seat on the Council of the League of Nations. Yet the gain in 'face' implied in such recognition was offset in Japanese eyes by a failure to have a declaration in favour of racial equality written into the Covenant of the League. The Chinese had much more to feel aggrieved about. In spite of widespread expressions of sympathy over the Twenty-one Demands (notably in the United States) they were unable to obtain a reversal of the Shantung decision. Disappointed at western diplomatic support and crippled by the divisions within their own delegation between the representatives of the Peking government and those of the Kuomintang, the Chinese refused to sign the treaty. This was followed by a movement to which some commentators have given an importance in Chinese history as great as that oí the iß 1 1 revolution itseJf. The 'May 4th Movement' oí1919 stemmed from a student demonstration in Peking against the peace and the cession of former German rights in Shantung to the Japanese. Originally planned for 7 May, the anniversary of China's acceptance of the 1915 demands, the demonstration was brought forward to anticipate action by the authorities.6 It escalated, at first into a riot and the resignation of the head of the 6

Among the students demonstrating was the seventeen-year-old Deng Xiao-ping, later to be leader of the Chinese communist republic.

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university, then into nationwide student disturbances (one of the first political consequences of a vigorous spread in China of new colleges and universities after 1911). These in turn grew to embrace others than students, stimulating strikes and a boycott of Japanese goods. A movement that had begun with intellectuals and their pupils swept up other city-dwellers, notably industrial workers and the new Chinese capitalists who had benefited from the war. For the first time a modernizing industrial China entered the political scene. Parts of China, like Japan, had enjoyed an economic boom during the war. Though a decline in European imports to China had been partly offset by increased Japanese and American sales, Chinese entrepreneurs found they could make money by producing for the home market and new industrial areas had begun to appear in the treaty ports. They bred progressive capitalists who sympathized with revolutionary ideas all the more when the return of peace and the collapse of the wartime boom brought renewed western competition and evidence that China was not, after all, free from tutelage to the foreigner. Workers shared their resentments for a different reason, as their jobs were threatened. Many of them were first-generation town-dwellers, drawn from the countryside by the promise of employment. Any uprooting from the tenacious soil of peasant tradition was itself a personal revolution in China, where family and village ties were especially strong. The migrant to the town broke with patriarchal authority and the reciprocal obligations of the independent producing unit, the household: this was a weakening of the age-old structure which had survived the revolution and still tied China to the past. The May 4th Movement first showed what could be made of such facts as these by creating the first broadly based Chinese revolutionary coalition. Progressive western liberalism had not been enough; implicit in the movement's success was the disappointment of the hopes of many reformers. Capitalist western democracy had been shown up by the Chinese government's helplessness before Japan. Now, that government faced humiliation from its own subjects: the boycott and demonstration forced it to release arrested students and dismiss its pro-Japanese ministers. But this was not the only consequence of the May 4th Movement. For all their limited political influence, reformers 353

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had for the first time, thanks to the students, broken through into the world of social action. This aroused enormous optimism and popular political awareness. It provides a case for saying that the Chinese twentieth century begins in 1919 rather than 1911. Yet ultimately the movement had been caused by another Asian force, Japanese ambition, and it was in 1919 operating on a China that seemed as weak as ever. The warlords could provide no legitimating authority. Nor could they restore or sustain orthodoxy. The ending of the examination system, the return of the westernized exiles and literary and cultural debate during the war years had all pushed things too far for any reversion to the old stagnation. And now even western liberalism, the great solvent of tradition, was itself under attack because of its association with the exploiting foreigner. In China, Western liberalism had never had mass appeal but now it had been discredited just as another ideological rival was appearing on the scene.

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Soon after the Bolshevik revolution, Soviet agents had begun to seek political influence in Asia by propaganda and the encouragement of Asian communist parties both within the colonial empires and in independent countries. Russia had long been an Asian power; it is often forgotten that in Soviet as in tsarist times most of its territory lay in Asia, where it occupied an area four times as big as the Indian sub-continent, and nearly twice that of China. The length of its frontiers was by itself bound to give any government in St Petersburg or Moscow a close interest in the affairs of its Asian neighbours. The Bolshevik revolution had thus directly settled the fate of a huge part of the Asian land mass, but, almost as importantly, one of the first acts of the Bolsheviks had been to renounce formally all extraterritorial rights and jurisdiction enjoyed by the old tsarist regime. Chinese patriots therefore credited them with cleaner hands than other governments. Finally, the establishment of the USSR had created a centre and place of arms for anti-imperialism; rebels against colonial governments and those resisting western interference alike could look 354

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to it for inspiration, encouragement, guidance, and sometimes material support. In China, the February 1917 revolution and the Bolshevik victory had much excited one of the contributors to New Youth who was later to be a leader in the May 4th Movement, Li Ta-chao. In 1918 he became librarian at Peking University. At a moment of disillusion with western capitalism, the new Russia was very popular among Chinese students. The Soviet revolution — a revolution in a great peasant society with a relatively small but soon to be rapidly growing industrial sector- claimed to be built upon a doctrine whose applicability to China seemed especially plausible. Li Ta-chao came to see Marxism as the motive force of world revolution and under his encouragement there began to meet at Peking University a Marxist study society. One of its members was an assistant in the university library named Mao Tse-tung;7 others were, like Li Ta-chao, prominent in the May 4th Movement. By 1920 Marxist ideas were finding outlets in the student magazines that expressed the aspirations of that movement. Yet Marxism brought further division to the reform movement. The liberals began to be left behind, as intellectuals turned to communism. The Comintern observed its opportunities and had sent its first agent to China in 1919. The effects were not entirely happy: there were quarrels. Nevertheless, in circ*mstances still obscure — we know precisely neither names nor dates — a Chinese communist party was formed in Shanghai in 192-1 by delegates from different parts of China, Mao Tse-tung among them. At almost the same time, the Comintern opened negotiations with Sun Yat-sen through a Dutch communist from Indonesia. These led Moscow to select the KMT as the agency through which it should operate in China. In the following year it was agreed that members of the Chinese communist party should be allowed to join the KMT on an individual basis. So began the last stage of the Chinese revolution and yet another twist of the curious dialectic that has run through Europe's relations with Asia. Another alien western idea, Marxism, born and shaped in 7

In 1953 a new system of romanizing Chinese characters was officially adopted, after which Mao's full name was increasingly rendered as 'Mao Zedong' and Peking as 'Beijing'.

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a society totally unlike any in Asia, embodying a background of assumptions whose origins were rooted in Judaeo-Christian culture, was now being taken up among an Asian people. It was to be deployed not merely against the traditional sources of inertia in China, in the name of the western goals of modernization, efficiency and universal human dignity and equality, but even against the source from which it, too, came - the European world. What was called 'capitalism' now became a more plausible scapegoat than ever in China for a wide range of different problems and troubles.

JAPANESE DYNAMISM The major source of the continuing revolutionizing of Asia, nevertheless, was still to be Japan. For over twenty years after 1919 her dynamism broke out again and again in both economic and territorial aggression. For a long time the first seemed part and parcel of an overall process of what was still seen by outsiders as the 'westernizing' of Japan. That process in the 1920s still masked somewhat in foreign eyes the persistent and deeply entrenched expansionist and imperialist drive of many in Japan's ruling circles and, indeed, among the populace at large. There was no evidence of sympathy in Japan for another Asian people when a 'Declaration of Korean Independence' on 1 March 1919 was followed by a revolt in which thousands of Koreans were killed by the Japanese forces. Yet this complicity with aggression flourished at the same time as the tendency to what was called 'Taisho democracy', which had been much in evidence during the Great War,8 and what appeared to be clear advances in constitutional liberalism. In 1920, it is true, the electorate was limited by a franchise based on property, and extended to only about one in twenty of the whole population; in 1925, though, universal suffrage for males over twentyfive was introduced. For all the evidence from other countries that this had no necessary connexion with liberalism or moderation, and in spite of much to emphasize the authoritarian tone of Japanese 8

The Taisho emperor who occupied the throne at the time was succeeded by the Showa emperor in 1926, who became familiar in western countries under the name Hirohito, which he had used as crown prince.

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government, it still seemed to many of their admirers abroad that the Japanese were continuing along a line of steady constitutional progress they had entered upon in the nineteenth century. The economic opportunities presented by the Great War also encouraged a mood of expansive optimism because markets (especially in Asia) in which Japan had formerly been faced by heavy western competition were abandoned to her. Former exporters found they could not meet the demands of the war in their own countries, let alone provide exports. Allied governments moreover had ordered great quantities of munitions and other supplies from Japanese factories: a world shipping shortage had given her new shipyards the work they needed. Though interrupted in 1920, economic expansion was to be resumed later in the decade. By 192.9 the Japanese had an industrial base that had in twenty years seen steel production rise almost tenfold, textile production triple, and coal output double. Still small though her manufacturing industry was by comparison with that of the western powers and though it coexisted with an enduring and substantial small-scale and artisan sector, Japan's new industrial strength was beginning to affect both domestic politics and foreign relations in the 1920s. She was, though, still predominantly an agricultural country: when the decade began less than 15 per cent of the population lived in cities of more than 150,000 inhabitants. In 1929 manufacturing industry still employed only one in five of the workforce. Japan imported iron ore from China and Malaya, coal from Manchuria. That province of the old Chinese empire was still strategically a crucial theatre. A Japanese military presence there went back to 1905 and heavy Japanese investment had followed the peace with Russia ofthat year. At first the Chinese acquiesced in the development of Japanese interests in Manchuria, but in the 1920s began to question it, with support from the USSR which foresaw danger as Japanese influence pushed towards Inner Mongolia. In 1918, too, a Japanese had taken command of the inter-allied intervention forces in Siberia. Nor until 1922 did the Japanese withdraw their troops (who at one moment numbered 70,000) ? In 1929 the Chinese also came into conflict 9

The last American soldiers had left Vladivostok in April 1920, the last British in May and the last Czechs in December that year.

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with the Soviet Union over control of the railway across Manchuria which was the most direct route to Vladivostok. There was fighting and what appeared to have been a Soviet plan to exploit the Chinese Eastern Railway as a means of penetration of Manchuria was successfully resisted. This impressed the Japanese. If the nationalist KMT was going to be able to reassert itself in the territories of the old empire that might not only threaten Japanese ambitions in Manchuria, but also, perhaps, in Korea, where anti-Japanese feeling persisted. At this moment, the terms of international trade turned against Japan. Even before the onset of the great depression, economic conditions were hard in Japan. By 1932, they were catastrophic. The price of silk had collapsed. Half Japan's factories were idle and working-class standards of living had fallen dramatically. But the worst effect were felt in the countryside. To millions of city-dwellers, the country's economic plight was vividly brought home by the spectacle of ruined peasant farmers tramping their streets and country girls sold by their families into prostitution in order to obtain money for food.

C I V I L WAR IN CHINA In the 1920s the KMT gradually mastered many of the warlords and appeared to win control of all save a few border areas from its new capital, Nanking. It whittled away further at the treaties of inferiority, helped by the fact that the western powers began to see in Chinese nationalism a means of opposing communism in Asia and were willing to be somewhat more accommodating. Yet these achievements, significant though they were, nonetheless masked continuing domestic weaknesses. The crux was that though the political revolution might continue, social revolution had hardly even begun before it came to a stop. Intellectuals were in the 1920s already withdrawing their moral support from a regime that was not providing needed reforms - of which to do something about peasant poverty was the most obvious. Furthermore, even what looked like helpful international developments could not conceal the fact that China still counted for little in world affairs. When, under the agreements made in Washington in 358

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1922, nine powers with Asiatic interests were got to guarantee Chinese territorial integrity and Japan agreed to hand back to her former German territories which she had taken in the Great War, this was only a subsidiary part of a complicated set of agreements which were really about restraining Japan and imposing limitations on the size of her fleet. The old 'unequal' treaties were still recognized as binding on China, and Japan's special position in Manchuria was left unchallenged. The core of the deal was a set of international limitations on naval strength (there was great uneasiness about the cost of armaments) , which in the end still left Japan relatively stronger than in 1914. The four major powers had guaranteed one another's possessions, and thus provided a decent burial for the Anglo-Japanese alliance, whose ending had long been sought by the Americans. But any guarantee to China now depended for its effectiveness on whether the Americans would fight to support one; the British had been obliged by the Washington treaties not to build a naval base at Hong Kong and would thus be unable to come to China's aid to resist aggression even if they wanted to. Meanwhile, foreigners continued to administer the customs and tax revenues on which the government of China depended while foreign agents and businessmen went on dealing directly with the warlords as they needed. It was against this disappointing background that the new rival to the KMT, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), grew in strength. The apparently continuing grip of the 'foreign devils' on Chinese life was one reason why Marxism's appeal to Chinese intellectuals went far beyond the boundaries of the party itself. Sun Yat-sen stressed his doctrinal disagreement with it but adopted views that helped to carry the KMT away from conventional liberalism and in the direction of Marxism. In 1923 he had agreed to admit CCP members as individuals to the KMT and had nominated three of them to its Central Executive Committee. In his view of the world, Russia, Germany and China had a common interest as exploited nations. They shared oppressors and the same enemies, the old imperialist powers (Germany was well regarded after she had undertaken in 1921 to place her relations with China on a completely equal footing). Sun coined a new expression, 'hypo-colony', for the state of affairs in which China was exploited without formal subordination as a dependency. At least for the 359

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immediate future, his conclusion was collectivism 'On no account must we give more liberty to the individual,' he wrote. 'Let us secure liberty instead for the nation. ' This was an endorsem*nt of a traditional emphasis of Chinese civilization. The claims of family, clan and state on the individual had always been paramount. Paradoxically, for all his enthusiasm for 'westernization' Sun Yat-sen's vision of a period of one-party rule in order to make possible mass indoctrination was likely to reconfirm Chinese attitudes which might be in danger of corruption by western ideas. It was much assisted by the help he received from Comintern advisers in turning the KMT into a centralized, disciplined and ultimately dictatorial party. At the outset, then, there was cooperation between the CCP and KMT. As for the USSR, friendship with the anti-imperialist power with which China had her longest land frontier was at the very least prudent and potentially very advantageous in KMT eyes. For its part, the Soviet government favoured cooperation with the Chinese nationalists to safeguard its interests in Mongolia and as some kind of step towards holding off Japan. The USSR had been left out of the Washington conferences, though no power had greater territorial interests in the Far East. For her, cooperation with the likely winners in China was an obvious objective. It helped, too, that Marxist doctrine fitted such a policy; orthodox Marxism as interpreted by Lenin argued that bourgeois nationalist revolution had to precede the victory of the proletariat. From 1924 onwards the CCP was advised by its Comintern advisers therefore to work with the KMT in spite of the doubts of some of its members. The behaviour of the western powers and of the warlords provided common enemies and Soviet encouragement helped to keep them together. As individuals, many communists joined the KMT, and Sun Yat-sen's ablest young soldier, Chiang Kai-shek, was sent to Moscow for training. A military academy founded by Sun Yat-sen with Soviet support provided ideological as well as military instruction for a new national officer corps. When Sun Yat-sen died in 1925 the united front still endured. His will (which Chinese schoolchildren were meant to learn by heart) had truly said that the Revolution was not yet complete. CCP and KMT alike were now contributing to its advance. While the communists in certain provinces won peasant support for it, the new revolutionary 360

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army led by idealistic young KMT officers made useful headway against the warlords. By 1927 something of a semblance of unity had been restored to the country under KMT leadership. Anti-imperialist feeling supported a successful boycott of British goods, and led the British government to surrender its concessions at Hankow and Kiukian. Alarmed by the evidence of growing Russian influence in China, it had already returned Wei-hai-wei to China, while the United States had renounced its share of the Boxer indemnity. Such successes once again helped to give credence to the idea that China was on the move at last. One important aspect of this revolution long received less notice abroad. Theoretical Marxism stressed the indispensable revolutionary role of the industrial proletariat. But though Chinese communists were proud of the progress they had made in politicizing the new urban workers, the mass of Chinese were peasants. Trapped in a Malthusian vice of rising numbers and land shortage, their centuriesold sufferings had often been intensified in the warlord years. The basic need of the Chinese economy was to increase their purchasing power, but that would imply a revolutionary social change to ensure that any gains generated by their efforts went to the peasant and not to the landowner or moneylender. Some Chinese communists now began to see in the peasants a revolutionary potential which, if not easy to reconcile with contemporary Marxist orthodoxy (as retailed by the Moscow theorists who stressed the necessity, in every sense, of social evolution through a capitalist phase as the basis of the class formation which could sustain revolution), none the less embodied Chinese reality. The young Mao Tse-tung and others who agreed with him turned their attention away from the cities to the countryside in the early 1920s and began an unprecedented effort to win over the rural masses to communism. Paradoxically, Mao seems to have gone on cooperating with the Kuomintang longer than some Chinese communists; it was more sympathetic to the organization of the peasants than was his own party. Success followed, especially marked in Hunan. By 1927 some 10 million or so Chinese peasants and their families had been persuaded by the communists to give them their allegiance. 'In a few months,' wrote Mao in a report on the Hunan peasant movement, 'the peasants 361

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have accomplished what Dr Sun Yat-sen wanted, but failed, to accomplish in the forty years he devoted to the national revolution.'10 Communist reorganization began the removal of many of the ills that beset the peasants. Landlords were not at once always dispossessed, but they were harried and tormented, rents were often reduced and usurious rates of interest brought down to reasonable levels. More important, cooperative enterprises were set up that pointed to new possibilities for rural industry. Yet true revolution in the countryside had eluded all previous reformers; Mao identified this as the great failure of 1911. Communist success was based on the discovery that it could be brought about by tapping the revolutionary potential of the peasants themselves. Mao revalued urban revolution accordingly. 'If we allot ten points to the democratic revolution,' he wrote, 'then the achievements of the urban dwellers and the military units rate only three points, while the remaining seven points should go to the peasants in their rural revolution.' In an image twice repeated in his report Mao compared the peasants to an elemental force: 'the attack is just like a tempest or hurricane; those who submit to it survive, those who resist perish'. Even the image is significant; here was something rooted deeply in Chinese tradition and ages of struggle against landlords and bandits. The communists tried hard to eradicate superstition and break up family authority, but they drew upon tradition, too. What they did in the countryside seemed to indicate new possibilities in other parts of Asia, too. Communism's entrenchment in the countryside was to prove the key to survival when its alliance with the KMT broke down. A rift had opened among the nationalists between a 'left' and a 'right' wing after Sun Yat-sen's death. The young Chiang, who had been seen as a progressive when he was commandant of the Whampoa military academy, now emerged as the military representative of the 'right', which reflected mainly the interests of capitalists and, indirectly, landlords. Within the KMT, he began to undermine the communists who had previously been admitted to the party. Differences over strategy were resolved when Chiang, confident of his control of his troops, committed them to destroying the Left factions in the KMT 10

Mao's Selected Works (Peking, 1964), vol. I, p.27. 362

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and the Communist party's urban cadres. This was accomplished with much bloodshed in Shanghai and Nanking in April 1927, under the eyes of contingents of European and American soldiers who had been sent to China to protect the foreign concessions from the nationalists. The CCP was proscribed, but this was not the end of Soviet cooperation with the KMT. It continued in a few places for some months, because of Moscow's unwillingness to break with Chiang. Soviet direction had made easier the destruction of the city communists; the Comintern in China, as elsewhere, myopically pursued what were believed to be Soviet interests refracted through the lens of dogmatic Marxism. These interests were for Stalin in the first place domestic; in external affairs, he wanted someone in China who could stand up to the British, the greatest imperialist power, and the KMT seemed the best bet for that. After the triumph of the KMT was clear, the USSR withdrew its advisers from the CCP, which now became a subversive, underground organization. Chinese nationalism had in fact done well out of Soviet help even if Chinese communism had not.

THE T U R N I N G T I D E IN I N D I A The disappointment of Indian nationalist leaders with the coming of the peace in 1918 was exacerbated by popular distress as the wartime boom of Indian industry collapsed. In the 1920s the Indian government itself was trying to bring to an end commercial and financial arrangements favouring the United Kingdom. It soon insisted on the imperial government paying a proper share of India's contribution to imperial defence. London was no longer to be allowed to settle Indian tariff policy so as to suit the interests (or believed interests) of British industry, and India set up tariff protection of her own. To this important extent, the government of India was evidently responsive to the interests and representations of Indians. Yet in spite of it, Indian opinion at this juncture was notably inflamed against the British. One reason lay in the suspension in 1919 of normal legal safeguards in order to deal with what was perceived as a growing threat of conspiracy. This was against the wishes of all the Indian members of 363

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the legislative council but in accordance with those of administrators over-impressed by the spectacle of the Bolshevik Revolution (though an Indian Communist party was not founded until 1923). The atmosphere was further heated by the ostentatious intransigence and isolation of the British community in India and by one particularly appalling event. Convinced that Indian nationalism was only a matter of a few ambitious and noisy intellectuals, British residents continually pressed for strong measures to impress the masses. One outcome of the imposition of stricter security arrangements was the first wave of strikes and a new pacifist civil disobedience campaign mounted by Gandhi. He now moved to the forefront of Indian politics, becoming the first Indian politician of sub-continental significance. In spite of his efforts to avoid violence there were riots. In 1919, attacks, some fatal, were made on English people in the Punjab. At this dangerous moment, a British officer in Amritsar, the holy city of the Sikhs, decided to show his countrymen's determination by dispersing a crowd by force. When the firing (by Indian troops) stopped nearly 400 Indians had been killed and over 1,000 wounded. Brigadier Dyer was officially reprimanded for his folly and his career came to an end, but an irreparable blow had been dealt to British prestige by what he had done. The effect was even worse when British residents in India and members of parliament in London loudly applauded him. Gandhi's leadership and strategy were accepted by Congress and a period of boycott and civil disturbance followed. Although Gandhi himself continued to emphasize that his campaign was non-violent, India was (and remains) a violent country. After much more disorder he was arrested and imprisoned for the first time in 1922 (though soon released because of the danger that he might die in prison). This was the end of significant agitation in India for a few years and British policy began to move slowly forward again towards constitutional concession. A commission was sent out from London in 1927 to look into the working of the last series of constitutional changes, though it awoke more resentment because no Indians were appointed to it. Much of the enthusiasm that held the nationalists' cause together just after the war had by now evaporated, though. There was a danger of a rift, bridged only by Gandhi's efforts and prestige, between those who stuck to the demand for complete independence and those who 364

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wanted to work for Dominion status. Congress, less a political party than a coalition of local bigwigs and interests, was not so solid a structure as its rhetoric suggested. Furthermore it was embarrassed by the deepening division between Hindu and Muslim. The leaders of the two communities had watched the relations between their respective followers deteriorate rapidly in the 1920s into communal rioting and bloodshed. By 1930 the president of the Muslim political league was proposing that the future constitutional development of India should include the establishment of a separate Muslim state in the north-west. That year was again a violent one. The British viceroy had announced that a conference was to take place which should aim to achieve Dominion status for India, but this undertaking was made meaningless by conservative opposition in Great Britain to this course; Gandhi would not take part. Civil disobedience was resumed after a second conference foundered on the question of minorities' representation, and it intensified as distress deepened with the world economic depression. The rural masses were now more ready for mobilization by nationalist appeals. Although this alienated some elements in Congress, who saw their movement changing in unwelcome ways to take account of mass interests, it made Gandhi the first politician to be able to claim an India-wide following. In spite of the firm response of the Raj to public disorder, though, the wheels of the India Office had already begun to turn. Its officials absorbed the lessons of the discussions and the 1927 commission. As a result, a major devolution of power and patronage came in 1935, in a Government of India Act. It was passed after strong opposition from Conservative MPs (among them, one Winston Churchill, who squandered in the process much of his power to influence the government on other matters) and it took the establishment of representative and responsible government much further. It left provincial government wholly in Indian hands. The viceroy retained sole control only over such matters as defence and foreign affairs. The transfer of national power that the Act also foreshadowed was never to be wholly implemented because of the coming of war in 1939, but, significantly, work began on a building for a future national parliament. This was the culmination of pre-war concessionary legislation by the British. 3^5

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They had by now effectively provided a framework for all-India politics, and it now looked as if at all levels the decisive struggles between Indians would be fought out within the Congress party. That organization was in fact under grave strain. The 1935 Act once more affirmed the principle of separate communal representation and almost immediately its operation provoked further hostility between Hindu and Muslim. Congress was by now to all intents and purposes a Hindu organization (though it refused to concede that the Muslim League should correspondingly be the sole agency representative of Muslims). But Congress was also divided between those who still wished to press forward to independence and those - some of them beginning to be alarmed by Japanese aggressiveness - who for at least the immediate future were willing to work the new institutions in cooperation with the imperial government. The evidence that the British were in fact devolving power had been bound to be a divisive force. It drove different interests to seek to insure themselves against an uncertain future. With hindsight it now seems clear that well before 1939 the tide was set irreversibly towards Indian independence. Congress had been able to ride the wave of discontent in the 1930s caused by worldwide depression and was the governing party in seven of India's eleven provinces. Yet to the rage of many Indians, the viceroy committed the country to war in 1939 without any pretence of consulting Indian leaders, among whom Congress Party politicians were the most important. Angry, they at once resigned from their ministerial posts in local government. Yet nearly twenty years' actual working of representative institutions in local government and the steady Indianization of the Indian Civil Service already meant that the sub-continent was now governable only with the consent and help of native élites. Education and experience had begun to prepare them for future self-rule. War would show that the Raj could still maintain its grip, but India had been revolutionized by British rule; there as elsewhere empire had nurtured the germs of its own overthrow.

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THE U N I T E D S T A T E S North and South, the two American continents were deeply traumatized by the great depression, but in very different ways and with very different results. A couple of months after President Hoover had taken office in 1929, the prices of shares on the New York stock exchange had begun to rise. They reached a peak in September. Then came the break. After a misleading rally prices plummeted downwards; hundreds of thousands of investors lost what they had paid for their investments. The blow given to confidence by this stock market crash ended the investment boom, which was already faltering. As demand fell off, labour was discharged, factories closed. Wage income shrank; as there was less money to spend, retail and service trades suffered. Mortgages were foreclosed as payments on them ceased; but banks could not collect on many of the loans they had made. When they collapsed, bankrupt, those who had placed money on deposit with them often lost it. In 1932, at the height of the Depression, 13 or 14 million Americans, a quarter of the workforce and mainly men, were out of work. Industrial output was down by 60 per cent. The banking machinery appeared to have broken down; 10,000 banks in due course went under. Farmers looked out on crops and livestock they could never sell, because the price they could get would not pay for taking them to market; they ploughed in their corn and slaughtered their livestock. Some people thought the United States might be heading for a revolution at last. Nineteen thirty-two was the year for another presidential election and the Republicans were now stuck with the reputation of being responsible for the Depression. Hoover, though able, had not been able enough to deal with the economic collapse. The Democrats, instead, found the candidate for the moment in the governor of New York State, Franklin Roosevelt, a master politician, skilled in creating an impression of what he might do rather than in setting out specific policies. He won overwhelmingly — forty-two out of forty-eight states voted for him - after a campaign which forged a new electoral coalition of those who had done badly out of Republican America and revived some of the enthusiasms of the Progressive era. For the next two 367

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decades, the poor (more specifically, the trade unionists, the South, the farmers, the Catholic immigrants of the eastern cities and the blacks) and the liberal intelligentsia were to give the Democrats five successive terms in the presidency. Roosevelt was to win the next three presidential elections. To stand on four successive occasions as an American presidential candidate remains almost unprecedented; to have won each time is astonishing.11 To do so with at each election an absolute majority of the popular vote (and since the Civil War no Democratic candidate for the presidency had ever had a majority of it at all) was something like a revolution. It was another paradox that Roosevelt, a rich, patrician figure, should have emerged as a popular leader in an electoral contest that was basically one of hope versus despair among the insecure. Roosevelt's greatest triumph came in his first term; he changed America's mood, turning the tide of despair. This was a true victory for personal leadership. He did it by making people believe he cared and had the will to tackle America's problems. 'Let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself,' he said in his inaugural address; within a week half a million letters arrived at the White House (the president's residence) thanking him for giving his fellow-citizens back their hope. He galvanized Congress into passing a mass of new legislation to revitalize the economy and provide relief for those in need; he also ended Prohibition.12 'I think this would be a good time for beer,' he said (though the states of the Union still continued to have a local power to ban the sale of alcohol if they wished). Roosevelt used the powers of the presidency as they had never been used since Lincoln's day. This was the foundation of the 'New Deal' for the American people which he had said he would provide. The New Deal did not do all that its supporters hoped, but it changed American history. It introduced Americans to the welfare state. Federal grants-in-aid were made for the first time to support unemployment insurance (introduced in the United Kingdom in 1911) and old age pensions (first legislated for in Germany in 1863). Federal 11

And, to some, frightening: the Constitution was amended in 1951 to prevent ever again the election of a president for more than two successive terms. 12 Whose rural supporters had always distrusted the eastern cities where so many of the recently immigrant Democratic voters were to be found.

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legislation also rebuilt the banking system and rescued agriculture. It brought to part of the poverty-stricken South a great scheme of regional development under a new federally funded 'Tennessee Valley Authority'. Yet it could not prevent another, though less fierce, slump in 1937 or get unemployment down below 10 per cent before 1941. But it saved American democracy and gave American capitalism a new stimulus. It was also a demonstration to the world, as well as to Americans, that democracy could still solve its problems. Finally, it provided the most important extension of the power of the federal authorities over American society and the states that had ever occurred in peacetime and one that was to prove irreversible. The New Deal changed the course of American constitutional and political history as nothing had done since the Civil War. In the Roosevelt era American politics thus began to reflect the same pressures towards collectivism which affected other countries after 1918. Some saw Roosevelt's achievement as an offer to the world of an alternative to fascism and communism, a liberal and democratic version of large-scale governmental intervention in the economy. It indeed rested almost entirely on the interested choices of politicians committed to the democratic process and not on the arguments of economists (some of whom were already advocating greater central management of the economy in capitalist nations). It was a remarkable demonstration of the ability of the American political system to deliver what people felt they wanted. The same machinery, of course, could also only deliver a foreign policy the American democracy would tolerate. Roosevelt was much more aware than the majority of his fellow-citizens of the dangers of ignoring Europe's problems. But though he began to comprehend the dangers of what was happening in Europe long before most of his electors did, he could reveal his own views about it only slowly. On Latin America he could change things faster, but less was at stake there.

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LATIN A M E R I C A Though the social and political history of Latin American countries had long been of little but marginal political or diplomatic significance to outsiders (including, even, the United States, the predominant hemisphere power), a few Latin American countries participated in the First World War on the Allied side. It had nonetheless required of them no such military exertions as those of the major combatants. The economic impact of the war was another matter, and has to be put in the context both of the long view and of one great internal upheaval, the revolution that began in Mexico in 1911. For most of this century, the central thread to the story of Latin America has often been that of an uneven, often inadequate and still somewhat incomplete encounter with a modernity presenting itself, above all, in the form of economic growth. Capital had for years flowed steadily into Latin America (preponderantly from the United Kingdom), attracted by higher rates of return than in Europe and only occasionally checked by crises, disasters and disillusionment brought on by the difficulties of recovering debt or the vagaries of xenophobic politicians. It helped to finance infrastructure and develop markets for import, and profited both sides (when the interest was paid). At the end of the nineteenth century, some Latin American countries already looked forward to comfortable futures based on continuing primary exporting. Though extractive industry was another matter, Latin America's manufacturing sectors were little developed before 1914, and for a long time its republics seemed little troubled by such social and political problems as those which haunted contemporary Europe; Latin American socialists did not look to the rural masses. They had less success (and perhaps interest) in organizing support in the continent's vast agricultural spaces than they had in the rural slums of Europe. But even if there was class conflict aplenty in rural areas, Latin American cities, too, showed less of the class conflict already familiar in industrialized Europe in 1901. Yet labour organization had made some headway in the Argentinian, Mexican and Chilean capitals in the 1890s. This was the continental background to the only social revolution 370

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Latin America could claim to have had in the first half of this century (as opposed to countless and often violent coups and changes in government personnel). It began with the overthrow of the Mexican dictator Porfirio Diaz in 1911. He had ruled Mexico almost continuously since 1876 with apparently great success, combining, it seemed, steady economic development with civil order, after a long period of violence and instability, and some show of upholding native as against foreign interests.13 He revealingly termed his political methods as 'pan y palo\ 'bread and stick'. Its major beneficiaries had been the oligarchy of major landowning families and the foreign investors whom 'Don Porfirio' had drawn into the development of Mexico with valuable mining and other concessions. Though himself a mestizo, a fact that tended to be obscured in his later years, the Mexican peasantry gained little from Diaz's regime; it had begun to move Mexico towards modernization, but the material benefits that provided were monopolized largely by the hangers-on of government. They were paid off with government jobs and favours. As for the landowners, they found the government's rural police helpful in keeping their peasants in order. Both these categories of beneficiaries were likely to be creóles, the 'white' Mexicans. A growing urban and middle-class population outside this system nonetheless sought to break in to share its favours. Surprisingly, in 1910 a rich cotton-grower and landowner, Madero, stood in the presidential election as a reform candidate against Diaz; he was credited with 196 votes in all and Diaz with several million. But this outcome detonated a soldiers' rebellion in the north. There followed a peasant insurrection led by a charismatic and soon-to-belegendary popular figure, Emilio Zapata, in the south, where village lands had been lost to encroaching plantations. Madero returned from the exile into which he had fled and this gave the Mexican revolution a political leader and a political goal, constitutional and honest government. It was to transcend this, to become a phenomenon far more complex and uncontrollable, a chaos in which middle-class citydwellers, land-hungry peasants, local grandees, bandits, nationalists and ideologues all bubbled to the top at different times. 13

Most of the railway system, formerly in American hands, had been nationalized

by 1907.

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It was not hard to drive out Diaz. But then it appeared that Madero could not satisfy the forces the revolution released. The land-hunger of the countryside and the indiscipline of self-appointed generals and improvised armies were too much for him. There followed his own murder, ten years of fighting, a million deaths and a virtual breakdown in many parts of any government except that of bandits before civilian legalism again prevailed. It was also true that there were areas virtually undisturbed by revolutionary activity in all these years. At one moment, one revolutionary general crossed the northern frontier and sacked the little town of Columbus, New Mexico; this led to the dispatch of a United States expeditionary force to hunt him down. This was not the only instance of foreign intervention, though the most direct; British, German and American diplomats all sought to influence the outcome in Mexico. At last in 1917 a new president, Venustiano Carranza (assured of support by the United States since 1915), felt able to promulgate a new constitution based on universal male suffrage, envisaging land reform, asserting the overriding claim of the nation to mineral rights in the subsoil — a warning to foreign investors — and introducing a right to strike. President Carranza was killed in a military rebellion in 1920 but a turning point had been reached with his constitutional inauguration and the new constitution was not abandoned. There began a period of consolidation and recovery that was to take up most of the 1920s and established a viable regime in the end. For the next half-century the Mexican republic was to be governed by something like a Latin American version of the English eighteenthcentury Whig oligarchy, a party monopoly of power and jobs; it was a one-party state, but one that was non-totalitarian and in many ways liberal and disposed to reform. It began to provide mass-education in the 1920s for the first time, introduced (in theory) an eight-hour working day and undertook a land distribution programme sufficient to draw the sting of rural discontent.14 Successive presidents encouraged nationalist feeling (particularly against the United States) and took powers to safeguard national resources from exploitation by 14

By 1939, indeed, some 45 million acres had been redistributed by successive governments - nearly a tenth of the total area of the republic.

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foreigners at the Mexicans' expense. In the mid-i920S, a clash with the Church led to an anti-clerical phase provoking another widespread insurrection by peasants loyal to their faith, but the risings were ruthlessly suppressed until agreement was reached at last with the Vatican. The political grip of the regime remained firm and it provided something of a model of progressiveness for other Latin American countries. In spite of its slogans and language, though, it was hardly a very revolutionary state. The victors in its struggles were the commercial and professional classes and those liberal-minded Mexicans who could now believe that the days of brute force and the overt looting of the public purse were over at last.15 Though Mexico had been far from settled as the First World War came to an end, the prospects of Latin America were for the most part promising-looking as the 1920s began. Specific ups and downs apart (rubber, which provided a quarter of Brazil's export earnings in 1910, was a notable instance of rapid boom and slump), the current of the century had been in the long term favourable. Argentina's exports of 1901 increased in value ten times by 1928. The world war had enhanced demand for almost everything the continent could produce, though it had some specifically damaging effects (Chile lost her best market for nitrates, Germany, and was never to recover it). Oil had established itself as a major industry in Venezuela and Mexico. The war had implied, too, important changes in the continent's relations with Europe and North America. Before 1914, while remaining politically predominant in the Caribbean, the United States had hardly shown her potential economic weight in South America's affairs except in Mexico. In 1914 she supplied only 17 per cent of all foreign investment south of the Rio Grande; Great Britain held far more of it. But the liquidation of British holdings in the Great War changed this. By 1929, at the end of a prosperous decade, the United States was the largest single source of foreign investment in South America, providing about 40 per cent of its foreign capital. Foreign investors, those from the United States in the lead, had continued readily to 15

The domestic and regional aspects of the Mexican revolution are far from exhausting its historical interest. For the impact on Anglo-American relations, for instance, see P. Calvert, The Mexican Revolution, 1910-1914: the Diplomacy of Anglo-American conflict (Cambridge, 1968). 373

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lend money to Latin American borrowers, buying both government bonds and shares in local companies. One United States concern alone acquired holdings in utilities and transport enterprises in no fewer than eleven different countries. This was not welcome to all local élites, who found Americans cutting into markets and activities they had previously reserved to themselves, and strengthened a dislike of 'gringo' intervention going back to the high-handedness of the days of Panama and the Roosevelt 'corollary'. Yet yields on bonds soared on upwards, sometimes to over io per cent, tempting in more investment. Then came the world economic crash. The bottom dropped out of the export markets within a year and for Latin America the twentieth century truly began at last. The price of integration in the world economy came home sharply as exports fell by 40 per cent on average - and went on falling. At the same time the lifeline of recent prosperity, foreign investment, was cut. Many Latin American governments defaulted on their interest payments; there was no possibility of foreigners enforcing payment in the old nineteenth-century imperial style by bullying and sending in the creditor's accountants to manage national revenues over the heads of the natives. The collapse of credit-worthiness would have intensified the difficulties of governments even had there been foreigners with money to lend. These difficulties soon included mounting unrest and violence at home. Three decades of mounting prosperity had brought increasing urbanization, industrialization and technical modernization of the major cities. Social differentiation had increased since 1914, let alone 1901. The pace of change was, inevitably, uneven, hardly visible in the plantation economies of the Caribbean or southern Brazil, but substantial in states where new mining (Chile and Peru) and oil (Venezuela) interests had prospered. It had created new and vulnerable, and now vociferous, bodies of workers and producers. But there were others. Government employment had grown with prosperity; by 1931, though, half those Brazilians employed in public services were out of work. One response to economic collapse was a growing and xenophobic assertiveness directed against the foreigners, above all North American; gringo banks and companies were blamed by demagogues for the plight in which Latin American countries found themselves. Some 374

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of them took over foreign companies' property (in 1938 Mexico expropriated all the foreign oil companies - about 60 per cent were British and 40 per cent American). But governments had to face political upheaval and violence at home, too. The traditional Europeanized political classes and the leaders they supported were compromised by their failure to meet the problems posed by falling national incomes. There were more coups, risings and aborted risings between 1930 and 1933 than at any time since the wars of independence. The result was a virtually continent-wide transformation of politics. The world depression compromised liberal constitutional government as much in Latin America as in Europe. Two patterns of Latin American government had more or less prevailed in the continent hitherto. One was that of the constitutional, semi-parliamentary regimes, however qualified (Argentina and Uruguay were outstanding examples). The other, obtaining in most of the republics, had been a matter of dictators holding power with the support of the armed forces and the narrow oligarchies of landowners. Both were now seen to have failed, and failed badly. Along with the hated foreigners they were in some countries blamed for the disasters of depression and, indeed, they notably could not deal with the ills it had presented. Now, for almost the first time, the urban masses entered Latin American politics. But this force was not to be marshalled by socialists or communists in their own support. Instead, it provided the sustaining power for a new generation of 'strong men', leaders of a new kind who grasped the possibilities of exploiting social discontent and the importance of keeping it from being channelled to serve the Left. They seemed to pick up ideas from a wide range of sources — Stalin's social engineering, Roosevelt's New Deal and the new 'Nazi' regime that emerged in Germany after 1933 - and expressed them in demagogic, somewhat incoherent programmes offering a variety of nostrums to their supporters. Land reform, labour legislation to the benefit of unions, unemployment relief were all given a run in different countries. These programmes combined with police brutality and aggressive and xenophobic condemnation of outsiders to enable new dictators to ride out the storms of the early 1930s and reach the comparative calm of the last years of the decade; commodity prices were then beginning to rise again as war approached. They also 375

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substantially increased the power of the state and its acceptance of new functions. The depression was thus a qualified setback to the advance of democracy in Latin America. Yet distinctions must be made between states; in Mexico, there was a substantial realization under president Cardenas of goals still unachieved until then by the ruling party.16 Yet social and economic power were in most countries still in much the same hands at the end of the decade as at its beginning; the old oligarchies found they could support the new regimes once they had stabilized the situation and shown that they would not permit any real slide to the Left. Nor, in the longer run, was the story one of stagnation. The main instruments with which Latin American governments had fought the depression had been protection and industrialization, both in pursuit of import substitution. This had encouraged some fragile and artificially dependent new enterprises, but also had carried forward further the process of industrialization and the social consequences that went with it. Broadly speaking, it was the countries with already large internal markets - notably Argentina, Chile, Brazil and Mexico - which did best in meeting the depression's challenges. This, of course, exaggerated existing regional contrasts between countries. The 1930s had also brought new contentions between American states themselves. In one of them, futile attempts were made by the League of Nations to play a part in the affairs of the continent when it tried to restore peace as a nineteenth-century border quarrel between Bolivia and Paraguay erupted into what was called (after the area in dispute) 'the Chaco War'. This struggle went on bloodily, from 1932 to 1935, costingthe combatant countries over 20o,ooolives, but was of little interest to the outside world. A truce was at last made at the insistence of a group of American governments led by the United States (though a final peace was not signed until 1938). The treaty that ended the struggle embodied the principle that boundary disputes between South American states should in future be the subject of arbitration. 16 It changed its name before 1939, always continuing to emphasize its claim to democratic and revolutionary origins: the National Revolutionary Party set up in 1928 becoming the Revolutionary Party of Mexico ten years later. In 1946 it became the Institutional Revolutionary Party and retains that paradoxical name today.

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In spite of efforts to do so, the United States had not contributed much to the process of inter-regional cooperation until the 1930s. By 1939, though, a significant change was observable in the way the United States exercised its preponderant power towards its southern neighbours. This was most striking in a negative sense in the Caribbean and Central America. Twenty times in the first two decades of the century American armed forces had intervened directly in that area's republics, twice going so far as to establish protectorates. Between 1920 and 1939, though, there were only two such interventions (in Honduras in 1924 and in Nicaragua two years later). Indirect pressure on Latin American governments also declined. In large measure this was a sensible recognition of changed circ*mstances. There was nothing to be gained by direct intervention in the 1930s nor any danger to be averted by it. President Roosevelt made a virtue of this by proclaiming a 'Good Neighbour' policy that stressed non-intervention by all American states in one another's affairs.17 This policy, combined with discreet pressure, helped to assure hemisphere security between 1941 and 1945, when a number of the Latin American republics entered the war on the side of the United States.

Roosevelt was the only United States president before 1945 actually to visit South America officially, when he attended a conference in Buenos Aires in 1936, though in 1909 Taft had crossed the border to go to Mexico.

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12 The Path to World War

THE A P P R O A C H TO THE A B Y S S Some have said that the Second World War started in 1937, when Japanese and Chinese soldiers exchanged shots at the Marco Polo Bridge outside Peking. But if specific acts of violence are candidates for the notoriety of detonating a world disaster, there are other times and places worth thinking about. If we stick to the Far East, some would prefer 1931, six years earlier and the year of Japanese aggression in Manchuria. Others choose Europe in 1934, when Croats murdered the king of Yugoslavia in the streets of Marseilles. Yet others would pick 1936, when a civil war broke out in Spain, or because in that year German troops reoccupied without meeting any resistance the Rhineland from which the treaty of Versailles had excluded them. All such dates can be identified as the beginnings of chains of events leading to greater and greater violence in international affairs. The fact that they spread over years — and over continents — emphasizes the increasingly violent and crisis-laden nature of the decade. The optimism of the later 1920s had disappeared long before Germany attacked Poland in 1939. The turbulence of the 1930s does not mean, of course, that we should not look for beginnings back into the optimistic years or even to the settlement of 1919 to discern when the die was actually cast, if it ever was. Overall, too, the crumbling away of the European peace settlement - and, for that matter, the successful aggrandizement of Japan - can be given a deceptively simple general explanation: no great power was prepared to fight to prevent either until it was too late to avoid disaster. At the crucial moment the victors of 1918 always 378

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drew back. First France and then Great Britain did so at Chanak on the Dardanelles as early as 1921 when their governments decided they could not risk a war to uphold the peace imposed on the Ottoman empire only a year earlier. Yet that really says very little. Great powers have to make their decision in contexts of changing circ*mstance and the most damaging of all the changes in the context of world politics between the world wars had come right at the beginning of the 1930s, in the form of unprecedented general economic disaster. Perhaps, then, Manchuria as the decade opens is a sensible place at which to begin the story of the descent into the abyss.

THE M A N C H U R I A N

CRISIS

The depression expressed itself politically in Japan not only in conflicts of rich and poor such as were seen in other industrial nations but also in a new surge of sympathy for the nationalist extremists who already attracted much popular support. They pointed abroad to solutions and scapegoats. Japan's remaining Asian markets now seemed crucial, and anything that seemed to threaten them provoked alarm. It looked as if circ*mstances were propitious for strong action to secure them. European colonialism was clearly on the defensive, if not in retreat. The Dutch had faced rebellions in Java and Sumatra in the 1920s, the French a Vietnamese revolt in 1930; these countries were already supplying evidence of the sinister novelty of communist help to nationalist rebels. In China, the British wanted only a quiet accommodation with the nationalist government. Besides enfeebling the European powers with Far Eastern interests, too, economic depression had knocked the stuffing out of the likelihood of decisive American opposition to Japan. In the end, the hand of the Japanese government was forced by extremists. There had been armed conflict with China in 1928 when the Japanese had tried to prevent KMT soldiers from operating against warlords in the north whom they found it convenient to patronize, and the Japanese government itself was by no means unambiguously in control of the forces it had on the mainland. Effective power in Manchuria rested with the Japanese commanders there. When in 1931 379

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T H E P A T H TO W O R L D

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they organized an incident near Mukden and used it as an excuse for taking over the whole province, those in Tokyo who wished to restrain them could not do so. From this, there emerged in Manchuria a new Japanese puppet state, Manchukuo (soon to be ruled by the Manchu emperor who had as a child abdicated the imperial Chinese throne in 1911). At the League of Nations there was an outcry against Japanese aggression, assassinations of liberal and peaceably-minded politicians took place in Tokyo where a government much more under military influence than hitherto took office, and the quarrel with China was further expanded. In 1932 a Chinese boycott of goods was answered by landing Japanese troops at Shanghai; in the following year others came south across the Great Wall. The peace settlement they then imposed left Japan occupying a part of historic China itself. The prospects seemed hopeful for further aggression. The KMT faced problems after establishing its new capital at Nanking. At a time when the Chinese revolution needed to satisfy mass demands if it was to survive, the split within the revolution was a grave setback. It made it impossible to dispose finally of the warlord problem. More seriously still, it weakened the anti-foreign and antiJapanese front. As for the peasants, they had never given the KMT their allegiance and many of them were turning to the communists. Unfortunately for loyalty to his government, Chiang fell back more and more upon direct government through his officers and showed himself more and more conservative at a time when the traditional culture had decayed beyond repair. The regime was tainted with financial corruption, often at the highest level. The foundations of KMT China were therefore insecure at a moment when it was dangerously exposed to renewed Japanese aggression, and there was a real rival waiting in the wings.

THE CHINA

'INCIDENT'

The central leadership of the CCP for some time continued to hope for urban insurrection; in the provinces, though, local communist leaders continued to work along the lines indicated by Mao in Hunan. 381

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They dispossessed absentee landlords and organized local soviets as a way of harnessing traditional peasant hostility to central government. By 1930 they had organized an army in Kiangsi. A 'provisional government', with Mao as its chairman, presided over the Chinese Soviet Republic founded in 1931, ruling 50 million people, or claiming to. In 1932 the CCP leadership abandoned Shanghai to join Mao in this sanctuary. KMT efforts were directed towards destroying it but without success; it required a second front at a time when Japanese pressure was strongest. The last great KMT effort had a partial success, it is true, in forcing 100,000 or so communists to embark on the 'Long March' to Shensi which began in 1934, furnishing the greatest epic of the Chinese Revolution and an inspiration ever since. Once there, the 7,000 survivors found local communist support and a degree of safety, since it was a region hard to blockade, but only the need to hold off the Japanese prevented the KMT from doing more to harass them. Consciousness of external threats to China explains further occasional and tentative essays in cooperation between CCP and KMT that took place later in the decade. They owed something, too, to another change in the policies of the Comintern; it was an era of 'Popular Fronts' elsewhere which allied communists with other parties of the Left. The KMT was also obliged to mute its anti-western line and this won it a certain amount of easy sympathy especially in the United States. But neither the cooperation of communists nor the sympathies of western powers proved safeguards. Japan never ceased to keep China under pressure and in 1937, the decisive (but perhaps unintended) exchange of fire took place between Chinese and Japanese soldiers at the Marco Polo bridge. It opened eight years of fighting. The Japanese were always to call what followed 'the China Incident', though the scuffle with which it began can be seen as the beginning of the Second World War, for, inexorably or not, it led eventually to Japanese-American confrontation. It was a struggle which did China enormous damage. Within a year the Nanking government had been forced to flee for safety to Chungking, in the far west, leaving virtually all the important northern ports and coastal areas to Japanese occupation. The USSR helped the KMT by sending aircraft and the League again condemned Japan, but neither affected 382

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the struggle's outcome. The only bonus drawn by the Chinese in the first black years was the achievement of an unprecedented level of patriotic unity. From 1937 to 1941 political and military cooperation between CCP and KMT was a reality. Communists and KMT alike could see that the national revolution was at stake, and each had an interest in rallying to it. This was the view of the Japanese, too; significantly, in the area they occupied, they encouraged the reestablishment of Confucianism. The Japanese overreached themselves by invading Soviet territory in August 1939 and suffered a shattering defeat in consequence. Prudently, they therefore sought to do nothing further to antagonize the USSR. Meanwhile, the western powers felt helpless to intervene in China. Their commercial interests were no longer what they had been; by 1936 most of the treaty-port economy was Chinese-owned. Their protests, even on behalf of their own citizens, were brushed aside. By 1939 the Japanese made it clear that they were prepared to blockade the foreign settlements in China, above all in Shanghai, if recognition of the Japanese new order in Asia was not forthcoming. The British and French had troubles enough elsewhere, and could not spare strength for the Far East. American ineffectiveness had deeper roots; it went back to a long-established fact that however the United States might talk about mainland Asia, Americans would not fight for it. When the Japanese bombed and sank an American gunboat near Nanking the State Department huffed and puffed but eventually swallowed Japanese 'explanations'.1 It was all very different from what had happened after the USS Maine blew up in Havana harbour forty years previously. By 1941, the republic of China was all but cut off from the outside world. Yet she was at that moment on the eve of rescue; at the end of that year her struggle was merged in a world war, and she acknowledged the fact by formal declarations of war on Germany and (somewhat belatedly) Japan. By then, though, grave damage had been done to her. Up to that point Japan had clearly been the winner, even if not yet decisively. Though the economic cost of the struggle 1

The attack on the USS Panay was the first instance of Americans and Japanese in action against one another to be recorded on film. On the same day, Japanese artillery fired also on two British gunboats, killing a British rating.

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had been high, and Japan's occupying forces were in fact facing increasing difficulties in China, the Japanese international position had never appeared stronger. She had shown it by ostentatiously humiliating western powers, harassing their residents in China and forcing the British in 1940 to close, for a time, the Burma Road by which supplies reached China and the French to admit an occupying army to Indo-China. The prestige of the Japanese military and their power in government remained high, in consequence. What has been called a 'home-brewed ultranationalistic military socialism'2 enjoyed a practical ascendancy in government. Its success was a temptation to further adventure. Yet there was also a negative side to apparent triumph. Campaigning in China made it at first desirable and then imperative for Japan to secure access to the economic resources of south-east Asia and Indonesia, above all, their oil supplies, more and more urgently needed as her military commitments grew. But Japanese aggression was also at the same time slowly preparing the Americans psychologically for armed defence of their interests. By 1941 it was clear that the United States would have to decide before long whether its voice was to count in Asia at all; the 'Open Door' had been left to the care and maintenance of the European powers and now this was obviously not enough. In the background lay something even more important. For all her aggression against China, it was with the window-dressing slogan of 'Asia for the Asians' that Japan had first advanced on the crumbling western empires in Asia. Just as her defeat of Russia in 1905 marked an epoch in the psychological relations of Europe and Asia, so did the independence and power which she showed in 1938-41. When followed by overthrow of the European empires, as it was to be, it would signal the opening of the era of Asian decolonialization, fittingly inaugurated by the one Asian power at that time successful in its 'westernization'.

R. J. C. Butow, Tojo and the Coming of the War (Princeton, 1961), p.16.

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I N D O - C H I N A AND I N D O N E S I A B E T W E E N THE W A R S In 1927 a Vietnamese National party had been founded with support and encouragement from the Chinese Kuomintang. Its frustration in the absence of a freely working Indo-Chinese political system soon turned its leaders towards revolutionary violence and terrorism. It was to be joined only three years later by a new organization, the Communist Party of Vietnam, enjoying the even more effective help of the Comintern. The communists' guidingfigurewas Ho Chi Minh, a Vietnamese who had gone to France before the First World War as a student. There he turned away from the influence of Sun Yat-sen which had originally inspired him and had taken up Marxism. He had been in 1920 one of the founders of the French Communist Party in the disruption that followed the collapse of the Second International and the foundation of the Comintern. Next, after spending a couple of years in Moscow (at a new 'University for Toilers of the East') he had made his way to China, where he gathered about him a number of young Vietnamese exiles. When there followed the split between the KMT and CCP, he organized the exiles and others in the new Vietnamese communist party. At the beginning of what was to be a turbulent decade, a new factor thus began to operate in Indo-Chinese politics. By 1930, the economy of Indo-China had already suffered badly from falling world prices. Growing distress provided new support for anti-colonialist feeling. The Vietnam National party in that year attempted a coup in Tonkin followed by a rising in Annam. The outcome was immediately disastrous; the French deployed overwhelming military counter-measures with air support against the rebellion and it was ruthlessly crushed. Paris, firmly supportive of the resident French population in Indo-China, was determined not to show weakness in defence of the plantation economy that they had created there. In addition, though, to the economic problems caused by the world economic crisis, the French also faced growing population pressure (thanks in no small measure to what the regime had done to improve public health) and in a context of growing impoverishment, the balance of population and food supply remained fragile. 385

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More fighting followed when the Communist party attempted in 1931 to exploit the colonial government's difficulties in a wave of strikes and demonstrations but this, too, was unsuccessful. The Communist party structure was for the time being smashed in the French counter-action. But this led in turn to a more united front approach between nationalists and communists. Both could find a common enemy in French imperialism, but the communists came more and more to take the lead from the nationalists in their own movement and drew to themselves more and more of the support of young educated Vietnamese. Social and anti-colonial revolution cohered more obviously in Indo-China than even in China. The logical outcome of this was the creation on Chinese territory in 1941 of a new united front movement of which much was soon to be heard, the Viet Minh, or league for the independence of Vietnam. It was dominated and led by the communists, but also had the support of the KMT. Communism also quickly established itself in Indonesia in the aftermath of the Great War. Though Indonesia's history in the next twenty years was to be much less violent that that of the French colonies, a variety of forces (of which population growth was the most fundamental and continuous) was sapping the likelihood of successful multiracial nationalism such as had been envisaged by the original 'Indian Society'. In the early 1920s, it became solely a native Indonesian organization and a greater degree of alienation between the white and native communities was perceptible. Troubled economic conditions in the immediate aftermath of 1918 and the collapse of wartime markets, the beginnings of communist agitation and disappointment with measures to open the civil service to more native Indonesians, all contributed to a hardening of attitudes. It was on a nationalist movement already much radicalized by comparison with the hopes of 1916 that there then fell the blows of the depression at the end of the decade. World prices had, in fact, been falling before the depression itself broke.3 On the eve of the worst, Indonesia was already much less prosperous than she had been. The index value of her exports fell by 3

Between 1926 and 192.9 the price of two important Indonesian exports, sugar and tin, both fell by about a third (Furnivall, p.429).

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almost a half between 1928 and 1931 and efforts to offset the resulting imbalance were virtually unavailing after the devaluation of the Japanese yen in 1931 brought a flood of Japanese imports.4 Nationalists and communists made much of the distress and strains that followed, the Islamic organization Sarikat Islam (founded in 1916) making most of the running. Nevertheless, it was still possible in 1937 for all the members of the multinational legislative council (the Volksraad) to unite in a unanimous petition to the Dutch government for a grant of independence on the lines of British Dominion status within the next ten years.

THE G E R M A N P R O B L E M During most of the 1930s there appeared to be almost daily news of the dissolving of the old framework of international relations and colonial structure in the Far East. Meanwhile, in Europe, the even more recently created structures of 1919 were also crumbling away. Contrary to what many might have expected in the aftermath of the depression, this did not come about through the agency of international communism. The main revolutionary force at work was the much older one of German nationalism. By 1935 the German problem was clearly once more the dominating fact of the European political scene. It had been hoped that republican and democratic government would gently and benevolently re-educate the German people to the acceptance of a new role in international life and a milder and, as some put it, less 'Prussian' regime (by which was meant one less overtly military and nationalist in tone and psychology). Unfortunately, inflation and unemployment helped to destroy the Weimar democracy and to promote a revolution. The illusion that Weimar had solved the German problem was revealed when economic collapse shattered its shallow foundations. The republic had masked destructive forces in German society and had not eradicated them; they survived to challenge and in the end overthrow it. Their historical 4

Of the islands' total imports, Japan had provided 1.2 per cent in 1905, 10.9 per cent in 1929, but 31.8 per cent in 1934 (Furnivall, table on p.431).

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roots went deep and were refreshed and nourished by the very circ*mstances of Weimar's birth. The terms of the Versailles treaty were almost universally seen by Germans as unjust; reparation payments were visible irritants when they appeared to hinder the recovery of German industry and public finance. As for the treaty's military terms, even democratic German politicians felt justified in turning a blind eye to the dogged experimental and training effort carried out in Sweden and the USSR with Soviet cooperation by the new republic's supposedly crippled armed services. The economic terms of the treaty, too, had been blamed for the appalling inflation that had twice devastated Germany - first, just after the war ended and then, even more damagingly, during the French invasion of the Ruhr. Money then lost its value overnight; when notes of the high values required were unavailable because not yet printed, wheelbarrows were taken to collect weekly pay packets. Soon, people became unwilling to work except for payment in kind, gold or a foreign currency. The saving classes found it easy to turn against the republic that they blamed for accepting the 'Diktat' of Versailles. They complained that it was dominated by Marxists (which, of course, the socialists who dominated the immediately post-war government officially claimed to be). A continuing drizzle of insurrections and attempted coups, Left and Right, showed that there were plenty of people about anxious to benefit from these facts. To outsiders, nevertheless, a turning point in Germany's fortunes seemed eventually to come when it was realized abroad that the exaction of reparations on the scale and at the rate envisaged at Versailles was madness. The stabilization of her currency and a spectacular economic recovery followed concessions over reparations and the provision of American loans. Once again, it seemed, Germany, with her large population, huge reserves of skill, ingenuity, organizing capacity, natural resources, industrial plant and high level of culture, was beginning to show her potential. This, of course, resurrected a fundamental question: with so many strengths to build on, together with a strategic position at the heart of Europe, a matchless military tradition and strong national feeling, was not Germany bound also to play a big and perhaps a dominating role as a great power? If she did, what was to be the outcome for her neighbours, above all, a 388

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France determined, if possible, never to find herself facing German invasion for a third time? This was the German problem at the heart of European statesmen's concerns between 1918 and 1939. In the end, they failed to solve it. Perhaps, though, it looked a little nearer solution in the second half of the 1920s than at any other time. With the recovery of prosperity, the dangers so marked in the years immediately after the war somewhat faded away, or seemed to do so. In spite of its difficulties, Weimar Germany looked viable in the mid-i9zos. It was a free, democratic republic, admired abroad because of its vigorous artistic, scientific and scholarly life; it had a constitution which guaranteed fundamental rights and a supreme court to uphold them. Its elections gave support to coalition governments anxious to uphold this constitution. Yet its very cultural vigour often expressed itself in denigration of liberal, bourgeois values, and its political opponents were never eliminated. Many Germans remained unreconciled either to the peace or to the republic. The communists steadily and bitterly attacked those who upheld it. A variety of nationalist groups appealed not only to old-fashioned conservatives who looked back with regret to the great days of Bismarck when Germany bossed Europe (or had seemed to) and old hierarchies kept their power, but also to a new kind of mass emotion that sought to submerge internal differences in a more or less tribal belief in the German people (Volk). Though the restraints laid on Germany by the treaty of Versailles were whittled away by concessions as the 1920s went on, and though Germany's free accession to the decisions taken at Locarno seemed to mean an end of quarrels in the west, there was an enduring psychological grudge over the lands lost to Slavs by Germany in the east (to Poles in west Prussia and Poznan, to Czechs in Bohemia and Moravia). The imagined fate of people of German blood in the new states of central Europe (fed by news of acts of petty hostility always exaggerated by propaganda) kept nationalist anger simmering.

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ADOLF HITLER These forces and circ*mstances were to be exploited successfully by one of the few men of whom it can realistically be said that they changed twentieth-century history by their conscious acts. Adolf Hitler did so overwhelmingly for ill. Little in his early life could have led anyone to predict his role for him. By birth an Austrian, he had led an unsuccessful and thwarted youth as a frustrated artist and drifter before he found a sense of direction in the Great War. No admirer of the Habsburgs, he had avoided military service to them by migrating to Munich in 1911. In 1914 he was able to join a Bavarian regiment in the confused opening days of the war. For the first time, he seemed to find a role he enjoyed. He proved a good soldier; he was soon promoted corporal and was twice decorated, once with the highest class of the Iron Cross, an unusual decoration for so junior an NCO. For Hitler, it has been rightly said, 'the war was a godsend'.5 This made Germany's defeat a pill all the more bitter to swallow; the rest of Hitler's life was above all to be dedicated to undoing the verdict of 1918. He began to meditate bitterly upon it. After a period of training as a political agent (and much-needed support) by the army, he discovered his greatest talent, an astonishing ability to captivate mass audiences. Hitler entered politics as a nationalist agitator, denouncing Versailles with hypnotically effective oratory. As a political vehicle he joined one of many völkisch extremist factions, the National Socialist German Workers' Party (Nazis for short), a name usefully blending class and national feeling. Backed by valuable patronage and funding from the army and important figures in völkisch politics, he became leader of the Nazis in 1921. Over-confident, he joined in an attempt to overthrow the government of Bavaria in November 1923, as a prelude to marching on Berlin (as Mussolini was supposed to have done on Rome). This failed, and he was locked up for a time. In prison he began to write a rambling political bible, Mein Kampf, a mish-mash of often imaginary autobiography, Dar5

The verdict of Professor Ian Kershaw on p.87 of his Hitler, 1889-1936: Hubris (London, 1998), the best biographical study now available.

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winian notions of selection by struggle, antisemitism, admiration for a medieval German empire which had never existed, fear and hatred of Slavs and continuing violent denunciation of Versailles. The appeal of this was complex, but such messages were effectively simple and were grateful to many German ears. Hitler identified clear sources of the country's ills — the Treaty of Versailles and its upholders, and the anti-national activities of the Marxists and Jews whom he denounced as the traitors and agents of national collapse in 1918. He said that the righting of Germany's wrongs demanded a renovation of German life and culture, and that this was a matter of purifying the racial stock, by excising 'non-Aryan' elements. Much of this was opportunistic; Hitler spoke to Germans already familiar with such messages and in a political atmosphere soaked in antisemitism. But he exploited them better than others. In the 1924 elections the Nazis won fourteen seats in parliament. Yet Hitler was still only a minor politician and the return of more settled times did not help him. He could do little but consolidate his grip on his followers, continuing to condemn Versailles and advocate that all Germans should be united in a nation-state which would acquire new lands for the Germans - 'living-space', as he put it - in the east. He also said the Nazis wished to end the struggle of parties, rewrite the law so as to give expression in it only to the will of the leader (Führer), and terrorize the enemies of the state and race, after coming to power by constitutional means. For a long time many people did not take him at his word. It was still fairly easy not to do so when times were good, as they were until the end of the decade. Then came the crash. In 1929, as the economic weather turned sour, the German republic began to run into choppy water. Businesses began to fail; unemployment rose. By 1932., the economic storm had reached hurricane force; Germany had 6 million unemployed and people feared another inflation like that which had wiped out savings ten years earlier. In attempting to grapple with these threats, Weimar's rulers increasingly sidestepped parliament and sought to govern through emergency presidential decrees. Hitler and the Nazis reaped the political benefits of the hour. In 1928 they had won less than 3 per cent of the votes cast in the Reichstag elections, and only twelve seats; in 1930 they won 107 seats and 391

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became the second largest party in the Reichstag (the socialists were the largest, with the communists running third). There was no chance of forming a majority coalition committed to the defence i)f the republic. Nazism appealed to the wish of many Germans to solve their political problems through strong measures made possible by a national unity overriding private interest. Many were impatient with the parliamentary politicians who had failed to prevent economic collapse. Others who sought scapegoats were happy to identify enemies of the German people in capitalists, Marxists and Jews. Antisemitism was a powerful and traditional draw. Unlike Marxist explanations of Germany's troubles in terms of class war (which, naturally, antagonized some Germans while attracting others), Nazism's racialism cut across social divisions; all Germans could accept it. Resentment against the Versailles settlement was universal. Another important reason for the Nazi success was the division of their opponents; throughout the 1920s the communists had spent much of their time and energy fighting the socialists and were still doing so. On the streets, the semi-military 'Storm Troops' of the Nazi movement (the SA organization) presented a useful and very apparent alternative to both. They grew rapidly in numbers as the economic crisis got worse, recruits joining them for the uniform and rations. Justified as a means of protecting Nazi meetings from interruption, they quickly evolved into bands of thugs who (like the early Italian Fascists) broke up their political opponents' meetings unchecked by the police. Nineteen-thirty was also the year when the last Allied occupation forces withdrew from Germany. Although the German government became more right-wing and nationalist under a Centre Party chancellor after the socialists had been forced out of a coalition government, few conservative politicians at first much sympathized with the Nazis. Yet they sometimes agreed with their identification of Germany's enemies at home and liked what they heard of the Nazi's patriotic messages about rearmament and the revision of the Versailles treaty. They knew, too, that antisemitism was a popular draw and saw in the street-fighting SA gangs an insurance against communism. Some among them began to think that Hitler - whom they took to be a party leader like any other - might be useful in their own game. Then, 392

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in July 1932, new elections made the Nazis the biggest party in parliament, with 230 seats, though this was still not a majority. When they lost some seats later that year it was argued that their impetus was failing. The president of the republic, Field Marshal Hindenburg, long distrustful of Hitler, was at last persuaded by right-wing advisers that the Nazis must be given a chance to show whether they could deal with Germany's problems. He may have thought that office alongside right-wing parties in a coalition would show them up as politicians like the rest, good at barracking and opposition but not at providing answers to the country's needs. He may have thought that they could be tamed by conservative colleagues, but would help in turning Germany's back on the republic he (like so many other Germans) associated with defeat and national shame. He asked Hitler to be chancellor and in so doing made what must be reckoned one of the momentous political decisions of the century.6

THE G E R M A N R E V O L U T I O N Hitler took office on 30 January. Just over a year earlier he had told the then chancellor, Briining, that 'when a constitution proves itself to be useless, the nation does not die - the constitution is altered'.7 He now asked the president to authorize new elections (as he was entitled to do) and promised to govern in a coalition with other conservative and right-wing groups. Hindenburg had himself been overwhelmingly confirmed as president the year before (when he got more votes then than the Nazi and Communist candidates combined) and no one could object on legal grounds to his support for his chancellor; he had acted constitutionally, and the Nazis' takeover was to continue along formally legal channels. Their party newspaper warned Germany that if they had their way the forthcoming elections would be Germany's last. They set about winning them with no scruples about methods. Now a governing party, they controlled the radio and used it to promote their campaign. The police, which Nazis 6

There is an excellent discussion of the 'miscalculation of a political class' and its responsibility for bringing Nazism to power in Kershaw, pp.423-7. 7 Q. in A. Bullock, Hitler and Stalin: Parallel Lives (London, 1991), p.284.

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now directed, often looked the other way while opponents were terrorized and beaten up. Almost on the eve of polling, a huge round-up of political opponents took place on the pretext that a communist rising was planned in the aftermath of the mysterious burning of the Reichstag building. Yet at the end of the campaign (with 17 million votes — nearly 44 per cent of the electorate), the Nazis still had not won a majority, though a majority of voters had voted for the coalition of which they were the main part. Hitler now asked parliament (where, with his coalition allies, he had a majority) for special legislation giving the government extraordinary powers to rule by decree. This was done. Armed with these exceptional powers, the Nazis could follow the Fascist and Soviet models of changing state and society from the top downwards. So began the revolutionizing of Germany, its redirection on a course of aggression which would in the end destroy both it, and Europe, and end by making possible the creation of a new world order. The communist deputies were imprisoned and their party, like that of the socialists, disappeared. The Nazi party was soon the only permitted one. Strikes were forbidden, trade unions were dissolved. The old Centre party dissolved itself, and the Nazis soon squeezed their conservative allies out of government. Thousands of arrests were made and hundreds of political murders took place (including some in 1934 of Nazis who were too radical or independent for Hitler's taste). German life was transformed, at least in appearance, from top to bottom; the churches were harried, the professions dragooned, the universities purged - even freemasonry and the Boy Scouts were banned (as in the Soviet Union). The one conservative force that Hitler had really respected was the German professional army; it alone had the power to stand up to the SA. Yet it soon caved in, too, transferring its loyalty to Hitler and taking a special oath to him when he added the office of president to that of chancellor after Hindenburg died in 1935. The Nazis' new power soon seemed to be used effectively in dealing with unemployment. This must explain much of the docility of the German working class under Hitler. Over 5 million had been out of work when he took office. By 1939, there was virtually full employment in Germany. Yet in other ways, and in spite of a huge propaganda 394

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success in depicting the new Germany as a transformed, dynamic, united nation, Nazi successes were qualified; it is hard to see what real benefit the German people enjoyed in the next twelve years (and they were, of course, to end in disaster). The recovery in the economy put many men back to work by 1936* though after that real earnings did not go up and the leverage workers might have exercised through independent trade unions had gone. Welfare provision in industry improved, but otherwise rearmament, a priority for Hitler, soaked up benefits that might have gone to the consumer. Food prices rose, and supplies (notably of fats) were reduced. Yet the Nazis stayed in power, continuing to govern under the emergency measures of 1933 without significant opposition. The regime's survival and success, startling though they seemed against the background of other countries' seeming failures to grapple with their problems, do not seem hard to explain. Hitler's driving, obsessive sincerity and his personal magnetism gave voice to what many, perhaps most, Germans hid in their hearts, a mixture of hatreds, resentments, ambitions and ill-disciplined idealism. Well-established myths and scapegoats of German history were continuously exploited by Nazi propaganda. The quickly established monopoly of communication through press and radio skilfully blended these with emphasis on the more spectacular and visual possibilities of the cinema and mass rallies to generate admiration or at least awe. The German public, too, became more and more silently aware as time went by of a ruthless readiness to deploy police powers; an atmosphere of uncertainty and fear mattered more in Germany than terror itself (though there was plenty of that) in silencing opposition. Psychologically, the party and its associated organizations (the Labour Front, the Hitler Youth) gave its many members a sense of status and of going somewhere (even if its leaders were often second-rate) which they probably would not have had without it. Hitler made millions of Germans feel better. Above all, for years, he provided indisputable and spectacular successes in foreign affairs (which meant, usually, the destruction of some part of the Versailles settlement), while presenting 8

The qualification by sex is important. One continuing strain in Nazi policy was to attempt to deal with unemployment by replacing women employees by men.

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a well-managed, flashy and up-to-date looking image of a revitalized nation at home. Both helped quickly to reconcile waverers to a regime that had deprived them of the free press, free speech, and free parliament they had known under the Weimar constitution, and kept workers in line, holding down real wages. Any irksomeness in its restrictions and demands seems to have been balanced in Germans' eyes by its successes abroad. That the containment of Germany quickly became once more an international problem could be reckoned achievement enough by German patriots who wished to overturn Versailles - and perhaps have revenge for it - and does much to explain the absence of resistance to the regime.

THE C R U M B L I N G B A L A N C E OF P O W E R France had always hoped to find insurance in the east against German revival. She had accordingly made agreements there (starting with a treaty with Poland in 1920, and later ones with the 'Little Entente' partners, Romania, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia). But in the 1930s the largely agricultural economies of eastern Europe had been terribly devastated by the world depression and the politics of the national states there were more than ever rent by internal dissension. Their very existence, too, actually made it more difficult, if not impossible, to bring to bear the uncertain power of the USSR, ideologically indisposed as it was to easy cooperation with capitalist democracies. No Soviet forces, moreover, could reach Germany without crossing one or more of the east European countries whose histories were haunted by memories of Russian domination or aggressiveness under tsarism (the Baltic states and much of Poland and Romania had, after all, once actually belonged to the old Russian empire) and of communist expansionism (as it had seemed) in 1919, which had only been halted by Polish victory in 1920. If the United States and the USSR were unavailable, Great Britain and France were ill-placed to act as the policemen of Europe. They remembered all too well how difficult it had been to deal with Germany even with Russian numbers on their side, and they had often been at odds with one another since 1918. They were militarily weak, too. 396

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France, conscious of her inferiority in manpower should Germany ever rearm, invested in a programme of strategic defence by fortification; it looked impressive but was incomplete and effectively deprived her of the power to act offensively.9 The Royal Navy was no longer without a rival, nor, as in 1914, able safely to concentrate its resources in European waters; the growing aggressiveness of Japan was an important distraction. British governments had long cut down their expenditure on armaments and economic depression reinforced this tendency. It was feared that the costs of rearmament would cripple recovery by causing inflation. Many British politicians, too, believed that Germany's grievances were just, and were for a long time sympathetic to the claims of German self-determination. They even talked of handing back German colonies and the British voter did not seem likely to disapprove. Both Great Britain and France were also troubled by a joker in the European pack, Italy. Under Mussolini, she looked like a great power. Hopes that she might be enlisted against Germany disappeared, though, in the mid-i930s. In 1935, Italian forces invaded Ethiopia in a belated attempt to participate in the 'Scramble for Africa'. Like earlier sallies in Italian imperialism, this was to prove only briefly successful.10 Still, it was a clear breach of the Covenant of the League of Nations that one member should attack another, and the question was posed of what the League should do; hopes were not high as the ineffectiveness of League condemnation of Japan over Manchuria was recalled. France and Great Britain were in an awkward position. As great powers, Mediterranean powers and African colonial powers, they were bound to take the lead against Italy at the League. But they did so feebly and half-heartedly; the French especially did not want to alienate a country they would like to have with them if they quarrelled with Germany. The result was as bad as it could be. The 9

This was the celebrated 'Maginot Line' of works eventually running from the Swiss to the Belgian frontiers. It was never breached, but in 1940 was outflanked. 10 After the brief post-war adventure in Ciucia, Italy had been able to retain formerly Ottoman Libya and Tripolitania (at the cost of reducing the indigenous population by a third in a couple of decades; see Iliffe, Africans, p.208) but without establishing significant settler communities. Nor did she do so in Ethiopia: see H. M. Larebo, The Building of an Empire (Oxford, 1994).

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League failed to check aggression but imposed limited and halfhearted 'sanctions' on Italy, which was thus alienated from France and Great Britain. Ethiopia lost its independence (though, it later proved, only for a few years). It was to all intents and purposes the end of any faith in the League as a regulator of international life and one of several moments at which it later looked as if fatal errors had been committed. But it is still hard to say at what stage the international situation which developed from these facts became unmanageable. Certainly the emergence of a much more radical and ferociously opportunist regime in Germany had been a major turning point. But the Depression had preceded this and made it possible.

I D E O L O G Y ' S C O N T A M I N A T I O N OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Economic collapse made easier an ideological interpretation of events in the 1930s which further embittered them. The intensification of class conflict by economic collapse led interested politicians to interpret international relations in the 1930s in terms of fascism versus communism, or of (by no means the same thing) Right versus Left, or Dictatorship versus Democracy. This was all the easier after Mussolini, angered by British and French reactions to his invasion of Ethiopia, came to ally with Hitler and talked of an anti-communist crusade. But Soviet propaganda was important, too, in bringing this about. In the early 1930s the internal situation of the USSR must have seemed precarious to such of its rulers as were in possession of the facts. Collectivization and industrialization were imposing grave strains and sacrifices, often made worse by incompetence, technical inadequacies and sheer inefficiency. Industrial and transport breakdowns and accidents - some trivial, but some leaving many dead and wounded — were all damned as sabotage and 'wrecking'. They were mastered - though sometimes also magnified - by a savage intensification of dictatorship expressing itself not only in the virtual war unleashed against the peasants, but in the turning of terror against 398

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the cadres of the regime itself from 1934 onwards. Millions of Russians were executed, imprisoned or exiled, often to forced labour, in the next four years.11 The world looked on amazed as a great series of show trials took place and batches of defendants grovelled with grotesque 'confessions' before their accusers. The purges helped to consolidate for good Stalin's grip on the party and the whole administrative and police machinery of the state. Old comrades of his own, or of Lenin, were paraded in court, made to confess to improbable crimes, and then shot or lost to sight in the prisons and labour camps of the secret police. But trials of the well-known were only the tip of the iceberg. Hundreds of thousands of state and party bureaucrats were made away with. Nine out of ten generals in the army were purged, and, it was alleged, half the officer corps, though a smaller figure now seems likely.12 A new party élite replaced the old one; by 1939 over half the delegates who had attended the party Congress of 1934 had been arrested. It was very difficult for outsiders to be sure what was happening. Reasonably, policy-makers in the western democracies doubted that the Soviet Union was a very strong potential ally, let alone a civilized or liberal state. The country could hardly be believed to have been strengthened by Stalin's outpouring of the blood of men and women loyal to the regime, and the wasting of their help and talents that he imposed. Yet the Terror was truly revolutionary, too: the Soviet Union now passed effectively into the hands of Stalin's creatures. By 1939, 70 per cent of CPSU members had joined the party since 1929. A 11

Current estimates of Soviet population in 1933 indicate losses running from 5 to n million (C. Merridale, 'The 1937 Census', Historical Journal 39,1996, p.236). Yet another figure of some significance was noted in an article by Professor Norman Davies (in the Independent newspaper for 29 December 1987) which showed that a gap existed between projections and census figures from 1929 to 1937 of some 17 million. He also noted that the director of the census and his staff disappeared in the purges. Recent official estimates suggest that between 1 million and 1.5 million were killed in the 1937-8 purge, but some claim a higher figure, some a lower. R. W. Davies has suggested that 1937 brought the highest number of executions (over 350,000) and that nearly 800,000 took place between 1921 and 1952 ('Forced Labour under Stalin', New Left Review, no. 214, 1995, pp.62-80). 12 R. W. Davies says about 15 per cent of the officer corps was purged 1937-8 (ibid., p.71).

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generation of Soviet citizens had grown up since 1917 which took the new regime for granted and admired it. They learnt about the past only through the official history; doubts were set aside by the material achievements visible since the Bolshevik revolution, and by wellorchestrated and incessant indoctrination. The result was a state whose subjects appeared more aware of the benefits given to them than of the handicaps they suffered and one in which politics effectively came to an end for the mass of the population. The party provided the élite where the only debate that mattered took place, and even there it was muted. The USSR governed one-sixth of the land area of the world. A respected and feared great power, it had enormously diminished illiteracy, tapped new sources of intelligence, talent and skill, done much to emancipate women in some of the most backward societies in the world and had created a huge educational and scientific system to supply the technicians and teachers it needed. Stalin put Russia back on the high road towards modernization and world power first pointed out by Peter the Great. Whether she needed his methods to get there remains an open question. The Soviet Union shaped the international situation directly through the propaganda that it put out, as well as through its diplomatic behaviour. There was a deliberate promotion within the country of a siege mentality; far from being relaxed, the habit of thinking of the world in terms of Us versus Them which had been born in Lenin's personal predilections, Marxist dogma and the interventions of 191822 was encouraged even more by Stalin in the 1930s. Meanwhile, the Comintern went on preaching class struggle abroad. The reciprocal effect was predictable. Conservatives everywhere found it easier than ever to think that any concession to left-wing or even mildly progressive forces must be a victory for the Bolsheviks. But any hardening of attitudes on the Right gave communists new ammunition for their thesis of inevitable class-conflict and revolution. Yet nowhere was there a successful left-wing revolution. Revolutionary dangers in the west had subsided rapidly once the immediate years of post-war hardship were over. Labour governments had peacefully and undramatically presided over Great Britain for part of the 1920s. When the second of them ended in financial collapse in 1931, it was replaced by a conservative-dominated coalition that, with 400

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overwhelming electoral support,13 proceeded to govern with remarkable fidelity to the tradition of progressive and piecemeal social and administrative reform which had marked the advance of the British welfare state. This course had already been shaped even more firmly in the Scandinavian countries, often held up for admiration in the inter-war years for their combination of political democracy and practical socialism, and as a contrast to communism. Even in France and after the Depression, a large and active communist party remained unable to win over a majority of the electorate, though it helped to sustain a left-wing 'Popular Front' government in 1936. In Germany before 1933 the communist party had been able to get more votes than the Social Democrats, but had never displaced them at the head of the working-class movement, and had no chance of doing so after the Nazi revolution. Elsewhere, communism's revolutionary success was smaller still. In Spain it had to compete with anarchists as well as socialists; Spanish conservatives certainly feared it and may have been right to fear also a tendency to slide towards social revolution felt under the republic which appeared in 1931, but Spanish communism was far from the only enemy they faced. Yet the ideological interpretation of politics had great appeal, even to non-communists, and was much strengthened by Hitler's accession to power. Though the Nazis denounced plutocracy, capitalists, banks, and big stores on their way to power it was not hard for many people to see their party as fundamentally 'capitalist', given its violent and consistent anti-Marxist rhetoric and fairly obvious right-wing support. Yet this was an inadequate understanding of it and of its ideological distinction. Nazism is better understood, negatively perhaps, by emphasizing its freedom from any restraint, humanitarian or Christian alike, and by its nihilism. When the Nazis unleashed persecution against the Jews, liberal Europe found itself to its astonishment witnessing revivals in one of its most advanced societies of the pogroms of medieval Europe or tsarist Russia. Many foreigners found it hard to believe what they 13

It is rarely now recalled that the 'National' (really Conservative) governments which emerged from 1931 and 1935 are, together with the Liberal government of 1906, the only British governments in the entire century whose support in the House of Commons has rested on absolute majorities of the votes cast in general elections.

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were told was going on. But by September 1939 more than a quarter of the 525,000 German Jews of 1933 had already emigrated.14 To think merely in terms of traditional antisemitism in explaining the persecution of German Jews is inadequate; there was conscious exploitation of many different strands of envy and dislike, and even of a mad pseudo-science. Since 1919 Germany had seen many expressions of a special antisemitism rooted in counter-revolutionary propaganda about a Bolshevik-Jewish danger from the east, too, which cohered with Nazi racist ideology. Civil disabilities were imposed on Jews in the 'Nuremberg laws' of 1935 which removed rights which European Jews had won in all civilized countries since the French Revolution. Even in 1939 and later it was to many people outside and inside Germany still incredible that Nazi rhetoric was to be taken at its face value and that deeds would follow words, though Hitler's personal and pathological detestation of Jews, whom he believed to threaten Germany's 'Aryan' racial purity, should have been evident enough from his writings and speeches alone. Confusion (which such barbarism helped to deepen) over the fundamental nature of the Nazi regime made it very difficult to deal with. Some misinterpretations saw Hitler simply as a nationalist saviour bent, like an Atatürk, upon the regeneration of his country and the assertion of its rightful claims, though none too scrupulous about his methods. Others saw him as a crusader against Bolshevism (and even when people only thought he might be a useful barrier against it, that increased the likelihood that their opponents on the Left would correspondingly underrate him as a mere tool of capitalism). No simple formula, though, contains Hitler or his aims. He expressed Germany's resentments and exasperations in their most negative and destructive forms and embodied them to a monstrous degree. Obsessed and haunted as he was by the fanatical animosities shaped in his youth, he was given scope by economic disaster, political cynicism and a favourable arrangement of international forces to release these negative qualities at the expense of all Europeans, Germans included. In doing so, he felt no internal restraints and the outcome was a barbaric regime and international disaster. 14

S. Friedländer, Nazi Germany and the Jews, vol. 1 (London, 1997), pp.388, 393.

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It is now even more difficult to sense - let alone explain - the extraordinary fact of the positive admiration and attraction excited abroad by both Hitler's Germany and Stalin's Soviet Union. Sheer ignorance and the deployment by both regimes of skilful propaganda15 no doubt went a long way in shaping reactions among those who did not have to live under these regimes, but the willingness of foreign intellectuals and opinion-formers to be deceived remains almost incomprehensible. A few doubtless identified their personal interests and, in the case of communism, perhaps their peace of mind, with adherence to what looked like defenders of values they held dear. But both countries were reasonably accessible to foreigners in the 1930s (though the USSR less than in the previous decade) and visitors might have been expected to use their own eyes and ask their own questions. Though Hitlerian Germany had not revealed all its horrors by 1939, its pogroms and denunciations of enemies of the Volk were blatant enough, while the rhetoric of the great purges should have made sympathizers with communism wary, given the implausibility of charges levelled against old Bolsheviks and party stalwarts. As there were always some independent and respectable witnesses vocal in their criticisms of Germany and the USSR, it is also difficult to understand why what they said did not have more effect, and why these appalling regimes should have been so widely admired. One reason must have been that the corruption of politics by ideology had made too many Europeans ready to hate what they feared and to idealize what they wished to defend. The fact that Nazis and Communists alike were enemies of the old liberal values and the primacy of the individual and private was in itself enough for some misguided idealists; they could see both extremes as healthy-minded opponents of the selfishness, special interests and privileges that seemed to undermine the common good in constitutional countries grappling with difficult problems. Bourgeois society and constitutional politics both appeared to stand in the way of successful achievement of collective goals - whether those of the Volk or of the international working class. Weight must also be given to the reciprocal effect of the propaganda of both sides; there was a closing of minds in some circles, Left and 15

Particularly, that of the cinema.

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Right alike, which derived from the antagonism of the two systems. Only when they at last came together to cooperate did the eyes of earlier believers begin to open. Until then, support for either the Nazi defenders of civilization against Bolshevism or for the only true opponents of fascism (according to your point of view) meant that the silencing of well-grounded criticism of the one to which you inclined was acceptable even to those who should have known better. As a British left-wing publisher put it in 1937, in words that might just as well have been used by any of those wealthy people in France and England who saw in Hitler a potential ally against communism, 'anything that could be quoted by the other side should not be said'.16

T O W A R D S A NEW G E R M A N W A R : THE S P A N I S H C I V I L WAR While a logical progression towards war seems with hindsight to have been clearer before 1939 than before 1914, argument goes on about when, and if ever, there was a chance of avoiding the final outcome. Hitler would always have sought war in the end. One possible milestone was passed, too, when Mussolini, in spite of German ambitions in central Europe, formally became his ally. Mussolini had always liked the idea of playing off Germany against France. Before Hitler came to power he had secretly encouraged German rearmament. He was temperamentally sympathetic to revisionism over Versailles and, like many people, underrated Hitler's ambitions. Flattered by him, Mussolini had sent him money to fight elections. In 1933 he said that 'the victory of Hitler is also our victory'.17 The Duce then hoped he might find in the junior dictator an ideological partner. Nevertheless he always had other irons in the fire and took a decisive step only after he had been alienated by the British and French over his Ethiopian adventure. British and French governments had by then already had plenty of experience of the difficulties of dealing with the new Germany. Hitler 16

The words of Victor Gollancz, quoted by M. Mazower, Dark Continent: Europe's Twentieth Century (London, 1998), p. 127. 17 Q. in D. Mack Smith, Mussolini (London, 1981), p.181.

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had withdrawn it from the League of Nations in 1933 in protest against the League's pursuit of disarmament. He then announced in 1935 that Germany's rearmament (forbidden at Versailles) had begun, and reintroduced conscription. Until they too could rearm, the western democracies were in a very weak position. The first consequence of this was shown to the world in March 1936 when German troops re-entered the 'demilitarized' zone of the Rhineland from which they had been excluded by the Treaty of Versailles. France and Great Britain were distracted by the Ethiopian crisis and in neither country did public opinion show any willingness to support sanctions against Germany, if that meant a possible risk of war. Evidence later available suggests that a positively hostile reaction would have been effective but no attempt was made to retaliate or to counter this move except by denouncing it, though it was a violation of the Versailles treaty. Significantly, it was also accompanied by Hitler's denunciation of the Locarno guarantees to Germany's western frontiers. In July that year, a group of generals mutinied against Spain's left-wing republic in a more or less traditional pronunciamiento, but with new technical efficiency as soldiers were flown from North Africa to reinforce the rebels. Civil war followed. Hitler and Mussolini both sent contingents to support the man who emerged as the rebel leader, General Franco. His efforts to overthrow the republic did more than any other single event to give an ideological plausibility to Europe's divisions. Hitler, Mussolini and Franco were all now lumped together as 'fascist' by the European Left. Soviet diplomacy began to coordinate support for Spain within western countries by directing local communist parties to abandon their attacks on other left-wing parties and encourage 'Popular Fronts'. Spain came to be seen as a conflict between Right and Left in its purest form; this was a distortion, but one which helped people to think of Europe as divided into two camps, a notion given further substance by the announcement in October 1936 of a German-Italian 'axis'. Earlier that year, a Japanese delegation had walked out of a naval disarmament conference in London, announcing it would not renew old agreements. Not only the Versailles system, but also its Far Eastern counterpart settled at Washington in 1922, was now collapsing. Events in Spain meanwhile kept opinion in Great Britain and France 405

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in disarray. The 'axis' understandings having removed Mussolini's former misgivings about the fate of Austria, Hitler annexed that country in March 1938. Once again, the terms of Versailles (which forbade the fusion of Germany and Austria) seemed to the French and British electorates hard to uphold by force; the Anschluss (as the union was called) could be presented as a satisfaction of legitimately aggrieved nationalism. The Austrian republic had long had internal troubles and a strong native Nazi movement; its citizens turned out to cheer the arriving German soldiers. In the autumn came the next German aggression, the seizure of part of Czechoslovakia. The acquiescence of France and Great Britain in this was glossed over by the specious invocation of self-determination (for the Sudeten Germans who lived in Bohemia and Moravia). The Czech lands involved were so important that their loss crippled any prospect of successful Czechoslovak self-defence, but they were areas many of whose inhabitants were of German blood. Hitler was gradually fulfilling the old dream that had been set aside when Prussia drove Austria out of Germany in the nineteenth century - the dream of a united Great Germany, defined as the lands inhabited by those of German blood. The dismemberment of Czechoslovakia, though, proved within a few months to have been a turning point. It had been embodied in agreements made at Munich in September 1938 in which Great Britain and Germany took the leading roles. These were the outcome of a British initiative which was aimed at satisfying Hitler in order to get him to behave in a civilized manner. The British prime minister, Neville Chamberlain, still unwilling to appeal to force, and temperamentally disinclined to support the Czech government, hoped that the transference of the last substantial group of Germans (about 3 million of them) under alien rule to that of their fellow-countrymen might deprive Hitler of the motive for further revision of Versailles - a settlement which was now looking very tattered, in any case. He had misjudged the situation. Munich had certainly removed the danger of war over the Sudetenland and had given the French a face-saving way out of a guarantee they had given to Czechoslovakia. Yet it dismembered the one democratic state in central Europe and eliminated the one serious ally the British and French might find in the area. It also offended Stalin; he had not been consulted. At home, Hitler's success convinced 406

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even sceptical Germans (among whom had been some of his generals) that he was a wonder-worker who could be followed with blind confidence. He himself now believed that the British and French democracies would always give way to a threat of war. That Poland and Hungary had both also picked up a few crumbs of Czechoslovak territory at the table hardly mattered in such a perspective.

H I T L E R M O V E S B E Y O N D THE G E R M A N L A N D S Yet Munich was to turn out to have been the high-water mark of 'appeasem*nt', a notion that had hung about in British thinking on Germany almost since Versailles itself. Originally a blend of hope (that Germany could be satisfied if the right concessions were made) and guilt (that Germany had been harshly treated), it was later to be justified in terms of Realpolitik (that it gave time for Britain to rearm). British public opinion, for all the hysteria with which it acclaimed Chamberlain at the time of Munich, soon began to hint at sombre reflexions. It was particularly shocked in November by a sudden pogrom mounted by the Nazis against Jews all over Germany, the Kristallnacht (so called because of the broken glass it generated). Then, early in 1939, it became clear that Hitler saw Munich not as a settlement, but as a point of departure. In March he seized most of what remained of Czechoslovakia on the pretext that the republic (hyphenated after Munich as Czecho-Slovakia, a new federal state) had broken down. Bohemia and Moravia now became German protectorates, while Slovakia retained its nominal independence. This was an extension (the first) of German aggression into areas where it could not be speciously defended as a resumption of ethnic German lands. It brought about a revulsion of British feeling. The government accelerated the preparation of the country for war (conscription was introduced in peacetime for the first time in its history) and, with France, gave guarantees against aggression to Poland and Romania. It was clear that the question of Germany's frontiers with Poland would next be opened, and Chamberlain had by now concluded that there could be no negotiation with Hitler and that only the prospect of force would deter him. He hoped that it would. 407

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Many Germans had long wanted to get back what had been German Poland. They fretted particularly over the 'Polish Corridor', a strip of territory connecting Poland with the sea and cutting off Germany from direct land communication with East Prussia and the historic German city of Danzig, since 1919 a 'Free City' under League of Nations authority. The Poles were alarmed in March when Hitler went on from the destruction of Czecho-Slovakia to seize Memel, another historic German city, from Lithuania, thus setting right (in German eyes) another Versailles injustice. They therefore welcomed the British guarantee. But they remained adamant about not letting Soviet forces on to their soil; perhaps they were only prudent, but it was an insuperable obstacle to military cooperation with the USSR by the British and French. Only when Hitler, alleging Anglo-Polish 'encirclement', denounced his own agreements with Poland did the Polish government at last agree that the British and French should try to enlist the support of the USSR against Hitler. It seems that Stalin had been keeping the Spanish Civil War going with support to the republic as long as it seemed likely to tie up German attention, but then turned to seeking other ways of buying time against the attack from the west which he always (and correctly) feared. To him, it no doubt seemed likely that Great Britain and France would willingly encourage any German assault on the USSR as a diversion towards the workers' state of the menace they had so long faced. No doubt many Britons and French would have done. For a long time, too, there had been little practical possibility of working with the British or French to oppose Hitler, even if they were willing to do so, because the Poles so long feared the prospect of a Soviet army on Polish soil. The British government's guarantees of March and April 1939 had not been, on the face of it, the wisest choice. At the time they were made, they appeared to imply that the strategic and political interests of the United Kingdom were better served by alliance with Poland than with the USSR. The initiative, meanwhile, remained with Hitler. Within a few days he directed his generals to be ready to attack Poland on 1 September. It is scarcely surprising that there followed arrangements for a fourth partition of Poland (as a Soviet diplomat had remarked to a French colleague would be the case at the time of 408

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the Munich decisions).18 German—Soviet negotiation bore fruit in written agreement on 23 August. After years of bitter propaganda about, respectively, Bolshevik-Slav barbarism and fascist-capitalist exploitation of the workers, Germany and the USSR came to terms to carve up Poland between them and to cooperate in other ways, notably in exchanging political refugees each had harboured from the other. Authoritarian states enjoy great flexibility in the conduct of diplomacy. Hitler could now go ahead confidently with the obliteration of Poland.

18 He had in mind the eighteenth-century partitions of 1772, 1793 and 1796, the last of which had removed Poland from the map until 1918.

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13 The Second World War

F R O M B L I T Z K R I E G TO B A R B A R O S S A In Europe the Second World War began at last in the small hours of i September 1939 with German aircraft bombing Polish cities and airfields and the bombardment of a Polish fort outside Danzig by a German training ship on a 'goodwill' visit. Soon after, the German army crossed the frontier in several places and in overwhelming strength. Two days later the British and French honoured their guarantee to Poland and declared war on Germany. Almost to the last their governments had not been keen to do so. It was obvious that they could not offer practical and immediate help to Poland. That unhappy nation soon collapsed, to disappear once again from history, divided between Soviet and German occupations about a month after the outbreak of war. But for the British and French not to have gone to war would have meant acquiescing to the German domination of Europe, for no other nation would have thought their support worth having. So, uneasily and without the popular excitement and buoyancy of 1914, the balance of power was to be fought for again. It was an almost incidental political fact that the only two constitutional great powers left in Europe now at last found themselves facing a totalitarian regime in battle. This was a largely fortuitous outcome; it had not been an ideological necessity. Neither the British and French peoples nor their governments had much enthusiasm for their roles, and the decline of liberal and democratic forces since 1918 put them in a position much inferior to that of their predecessors in 1914. Nonetheless, exasperation with Hitler's long series of aggressions and broken promises made it hard to see what sort of peace 410

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could be made with him which would be sufficiently reassuring. The basic cause of the war was, therefore, as in 1914, German national ambition. But whereas then Germany had gone to war because her rulers felt threatened, now Great Britain and France responded to the danger presented by Germany's expansion. They felt threatened this time and went to war because of it. Yet the war was to transcend the issue over which it broke out, and this, in retrospect, seems to have been almost inevitable from the start. Nineteen thirty-nine - or perhaps 1941 - can now be seen to have marked a break in European and world history like no earlier one. Those years register the final, no longer deniable fact that the history of Europe had come to an end as a self-contained, coherent, self-explanatory entity. Soon, the capitals of Europe would count for little in determining even the continent's own affairs; there would be difficulty for decades in discerning a purely domestic European history; even the internal business of Europe's governments would show a loss of control to outsiders. When a purely European history came again to be discernible, it would be in a world setting totally unlike that of 1939. Nothing so portentous, though, was at once obvious. To the surprise of many observers, and the relief of French and Britons, the first six months of the war were almost uneventful once the short Polish campaign was over. Vestiges of Polish resistance were prolonged for just over a month, but the country's fate was settled even before the Soviet army invaded the country from the east on 17 September and the new Polish partition followed. Those few weeks of fighting made it plain that mechanized forces and air power were likely to play a much more important part than between 1914 and 1918, and set a pattern for future German victories, the Blitzkrieg ('lightning war') of sudden assault and quick overthrow of the opponent in a fast-moving campaign based on superior mobility. Apart from this, a German submarine campaign at once began against Allied shipping, but it was on a small scale. Not much else could be predicted. The memory of the slaughter on the Somme and at Verdun was too vivid for the British and French to plan anything but an economic offensive; the weapon of blockade, they hoped, would in the end be effective, though the prospects were much less promising than twenty-five years earlier 411

The Second World War Just two facets of the Second World War show its extraordinary scope: the Atlantic U-boat campaign and the American advance across the Pacific.

The Pacific Theatre The American offensive i94X~5 Japanese defensive perimeter —•—-— 1942July 1944 •*

Sept 1943 August 1945

Direction of American offensive 1500 km 1000 miles

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because of Germany's easy access to the resources of Scandinavia, eastern Europe and the USSR. Hitler was unwilling to disturb the western Allies; he was anxious to leave the door open for a peace which would leave him with a free hand in the east. The resulting stalemate was only broken when the British sought to intensify the blockade by laying mines in Scandinavian waters. This coincided with a German invasion of Norway and Denmark to secure the route by which iron ore supplies reached Germany from northern Sweden. The German attack on 9 April 1940 opened an astonishing period of successful fighting by the German army and airforce. Only a month later, came another demonstration of Blitzkrieg, with a German invasion first of the Low Countries and then of France. A powerful mechanized attack through the Ardennes bypassed the Maginot line and opened the way to the division of the Allied armies and the capture of Paris. On 19 June, German forces reached the Atlantic port of Brest. Three days later the Third Republic signed an armistice with the Germans. Italy had joined in on the German side just ten days earlier; Mussolini, who had been planning to enter the war only much later, had been surprised by the speedy German successes and wished to assure himself a place at the peace-table. The Third Republic came to an end on 10 July with the installation of the hero of the ferocious Great War battle of Verdun, Marshal Pétain, as head of state, and a German occupation of half the country. The new French government (established at Vichy) broke off relations with Great Britain after the British had seized or destroyed French warships they feared might fall into German hands. With only a handful of neutral states left in Europe, the USSR supplying Germany with the war materials it asked for, no ally left on the continent, half of France, the whole of Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark and Norway occupied by the Germans, so that the European coast from the Pyrenees to the North Cape was in German hands, Great Britain faced a strategic situation worse by far than that even of her struggle against Napoleon. She was not quite alone, it is true; all the Dominions except the Irish Free State had entered the war on her side, and a number of governments in exile from the overrun continent had still some small forces under their command. Frenchmen, Norwegians, Danes, Dutch, Belgians, Czechs and Poles were to 414

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fight gallantly, and often to outstanding effect, in the years ahead. The allegiance of some Frenchmen was especially important because of the potential for exploitation of the French overseas empire, whose fate was in many places uncertain, but their leader, a junior general who had left France before the armistice (and had been condemned to death in absentia), Charles de Gaulle, represented only a faction within France, not its legal government, and was distrusted by many Frenchmen. He saw himself nevertheless as constitutional legatee of the Third Republic and the custodian of France's interests and honour and began almost at once to show an independence which was in the end to make him the greatest servant of France since Clemenceau. He was soon recognized by the British as 'leader of the Free French'. One reason why the British found de Gaulle important was that in some parts of the French empire he believed he might find sympathizers who would join him in continuing the fight. Earlier imperial history determined much of the way in which the geographical extent of the war was now beginning to spread outside Europe. Above all, Italy's entry into the war meant that her east African empire and the Libyan and Tripolitanian coasts south of the Mediterranean sea lanes had become operational areas. On the German side, the new availability of Atlantic and Scandinavian ports meant that what was later called the 'Battle of the Atlantic', the struggle to sever British sea communications by submarine, surface, and air attack, would now become much fiercer, and further extended than before. Immediately, though, the British braced themselves to face direct attack. The hour had already found the man to rally the nation. Winston Churchill, a politician with a long and chequered political career behind him, had become prime minister when the Anglo-French Norwegian campaign collapsed, because no other man commanded support in all parties in the House of Commons. To the coalition government which he immediately formed he gave vigorous leadership, something hitherto felt to be lacking. But to the surprise of some (given his record), his leadership soon proved able to reach well beyond the political and administrative élite. Churchill called forth in his fellow-countrymen, whom he could address and exhort by radio, qualities they had forgotten they possessed. It was not long 415

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before it was clear that only defeat after direct assault was going to get the British out of the war. This was all the more certain after a great air battle over southern England in August and September had been won by British science and the Royal Air Force. It is remembered as the 'Battle of Britain' the right name for the conflict, for the survival of the country was at stake. For a moment, classically minded Englishmen felt they knew the pride and relief of the Greeks after Marathon. It was precisely true, as Churchill said in a much-quoted speech when the battle had scarcely begun, that 'never in the field of human conflict was so much owed by so many to so few'.1 Victory in the Battle of Britain made a German seaborne invasion impossible (though a successful one had always been unlikely). It also established that Great Britain could not be defeated by bombing alone. The islanders had a bleak winter of rationing and night-bombing ahead and years of further discouraging setbacks, but the direction of the war now changed: the decision in the air in the west opened a period in which German attention turned elsewhere. In December 1940 detailed German planning began for an invasion of Russia in the following May. Until then, the Soviet Union appeared to have done well out of its agreement with Hitler, notably making important gains on its western frontiers, apparently with an eye to securing a glacis against a future German attack. The Soviet occupation of Poland had been the first step (and it had been one not entirely unwelcomed by Ukrainians and Jews in the formerly Polish Ukraine). A war against Finland in the winter months then provided an improved strategic frontier in Karelia. Then in 1940 the Baltic republics of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia (which Soviet forces had occupied the previous year) were formally swallowed in the USSR. Bessarabia, which Romania had taken from Russia in 1918, was the next acquisition, together with the northern Bukovina. At this point, Stalin was beginning to go beyond the old tsarist frontiers. Hitler never doubted that he would in the end fight the USSR and almost always envisaged this as a result of a deliberate German attack on it. He had spoken in June 1940 of turning to his 'great and true 1

18 June 1940. It was delivered first to the House of Commons and then broadcast.

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task: the conflict with Bolshevism' as soon as peace had been made with the British.2 His precise decision and its timing were influenced by concern about further Soviet expansion: he wished to keep Soviet power away from the historic European foci of Russian imperialism, the Balkans and the Straits. He wanted also to show, by a quick overthrow of the USSR, that further British war-making was pointless, and thus to anticipate the effect of increasing American help to the United Kingdom. But the deepest roots of Hitler's decision to attack the Soviet Union were probably personal; he had long sincerely and fanatically detested Bolshevism and had also long believed that the Slavs, in his view an inferior race, should provide Germans with living space, labour and raw materials in the east. He cherished a last, perverted and racialist vision of the old struggle of the Teuton to impose western civilization on the Slav east. Many Germans responded to such a theme, and it was to justify greater atrocity than any earlier crusading myth. While Hitler's generals began to prepare for the invasion of the Soviet Union, they first fought a brief spring campaign in 1941. In this overture to the coming clash of titans, the Germans attacked Yugoslavia (where a revolution had just overthrown a government that had aligned itself with the Axis powers) and Greece on 6 April. Italian forces had been unsuccessfully and unhappily engaged with the Greeks since October 1940 in pursuit of Mussolini's Adriatic ambitions. Once again, committed to a disastrous campaign in support of the Greeks in inadequate strength, British arms were driven from the mainland of Europe. Crete, too, was lost to a spectacular German airborne assault. Now all was ready for 'Barbarossa', the great onslaught on the USSR, named after a crusading German emperor of the Middle Ages. The attack was launched, by the largest force (of over 3.5 million men) ever assembled in European history, early in the morning of 22 June 1941. There were immediate and remarkable German successes; the Soviet forces proved woefully unprepared. The German army took vast numbers of prisoners, inflicted huge casualties and drove hundreds 2

Q. in R. A. C. Parker, Struggle for Survival. The History of the Second World War (Oxford, 1989), p.60.

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of miles into the Soviet Union in what looked briefly as if it might be another victorious Blitzkrieg. Its advance guard came within eighteen miles of entering Moscow. Yet that margin was not quite eliminated, and the German army was by then exhausted. At the beginning of December, the first successful Soviet counter-attacks announced that Germany was pinned down; the Soviet government, which had left Moscow for Kiubyshev, 500 miles to the east, was back in the capital ten days before Christmas. German strategy had lost the initiative, as well as nearly a million men. If the British and Russians could hold on, and if they could keep together, then failing some radical technical modification of the war by the discovery of new weapons of great power, their access to American production would inexorably increase their strength. This did not, of course, mean that they would inevitably defeat Germany, only that they might force her to terms.

GERMAN EUROPE Once Barbarossa was under way, though, the slim chance that there might be a negotiated peace virtually disappeared, even if Stalin seems to have always feared that his western allies might seek to make one behind his back and cast at least one fly of his own in that direction. At the end of 1941, even allowing for the recent setbacks on the eastern front, the German grip on continental Europe seemed likely to be unbreakable except by military defeat (for a long time a somewhat remote prospect). Europe's remaining neutrals had to tread carefully to avoid awakening German hostility. In the occupied territories (which were to be extended further still in the next two years) collaboration, exploitation and bullying were at first sufficient to contain the few feeble shoots of resistance that had as yet appeared, although the British government had soon tried to encourage them with arms and advice. This was to continue to be the case until Germany suffered major defeats in the east, and had antagonized many of its conquered subjects by the behaviour of its forces, and when there was some real likelihood of the physical re-entry of allied forces to western Europe. In every country there were collaborators with the German occupying forces. Not all of them acted from wicked or even self-interested 418

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motives. Some simply wished to win better treatment for their compatriots or to shelter them from punitive barbarity. There were of course also those who sincerely and even idealistically believed German propaganda about the dangers of communism, the perfidy of Albion, and Jewish—Masonic plots, or who were taken in by the specious glamour of a vision of a rationally reordered Europe. Others were glad to reject the institutions of a corrupt and decrepit democracy that they believed to have betrayed them. Everywhere the Germans were able to find volunteers of some sort, too, for national contingents in their military formations, or for local police and paramilitary units, even if in some countries only very few came forward. Among the collaborators there were also criminals and self-seekers with an eye to the main chance. Finally, there were always sad*sts and thugs available who could give rein to their own perverted tastes in the context of occupation. Undoubtedly, though, it was a major German error to fail to conciliate positive support and take advantage of what were at first favourable circ*mstances in many occupied territories. From the start, German treatment of occupied Poland and its peoples was atrocious. Poles and Jews were turned out of the western lands and deported, with little warning, to the 'General Government' area in the east, in order to make room for Volksdeutsche recalled from abroad. Polish universities were closed, their teachers deported or shot. One result was the early emergence of an underground Polish Home Army that was to mount in Warsaw in August 1944 one of the most gallant, though tragically unsuccessful, risings against the occupying power. As the war went on, too, the systematic looting of occupied countries drove down standards of living and in some areas (Greece, for example) produced famine conditions that further alienated subject peoples. Next came the conscription and deportation of labourers to work in German industry under conditions that often resembled slavery. The French resistance movement became numerically significant when large numbers of young men began to go into hiding to escape labour service in Germany. Such policies now seem unwise not merely because of the antagonism they created but also because they did not always serve German interests directly. By the last year of the war, for example, there were 419

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in the east competing industrial empires run by the SS and local commanders squandering their human resources through inefficiency and their callous neglect of the slave-labourers themselves. Often no attempt was made even to make illegal use of prisoners; 2 million Soviet prisoners of war are said to have died in captivity in the first six months of the war in the east, for the most part from sheer neglect. The darkest brutalities of the German ascendancy in Europe were to be revealed only after the war, and must be placed in the context of Nazi racial policy. But even while it was in progress the effects of racial antagonism that might have been avoided by more rational approaches were apparent. It is now sometimes forgotten that in 1941 German advance-guards in the Ukraine had been welcomed by a local population glad to have shaken off Soviet rule; the potential value of the support of Ukrainian nationalism was nonetheless ignored by Hitler. An independent Ukrainian state that was proclaimed in Lvov on 30 June 1941 was almost at once swept aside and a campaign was launched by the Germans against Ukrainian nationalism. Those Ukrainian patriots who survived it were driven into a partisan movement against the German army.3 Meanwhile, 3 million Ukrainians were moved west by the Germans as conscript workers. The always distracting and sometimes militarily significant activities of resistance movements were, understandably, often to be exaggerated in retrospect. Yet above all in the Balkans, they much preoccupied Hitler himself and were highly effective in some countries in utilizing the alienation of the local population from the German occupation authorities. Yugoslavia provided the outstanding example. But they also bred divisions within those populations, notably after the participation of communist parties in resistance activity after the German attack on the USSR. In France, these were largely overcome in a unified resistance organization, but in Italy, they led to something like civil war once the allied liberation had begun, and in Greece they produced outright fighting of Greeks against Greeks well before liberation was achieved. They also provoked ferocious German reprisals; 3

After the return of Soviet forces in 1943, the Ukrainian partisans turned their weapons against the USSR, too; it was only in early 1948 that Soviet, Polish and Czech forces together finally wiped out the Ukrainian nationalist resistance.

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the murder of 335 Italians in the Ardeatine caves after a partisan attack at Rome was a vivid example.

W O R L D WAR In 1939, legislation had been passed by the United States Congress allowing foreign governments to buy arms if they paid for them in cash and took them away in their own ships or towed them across an American border. That was as far as American public opinion would go at that point; it was a step away from complete isolation, but a long way from intervention in Europe's quarrels. A straw in the wind that may in retrospect be thought just as significant, though, was the beginning of a privileged confidential correspondence between the American president and Winston Churchill (then only First Lord of the Admiralty) in October the same year. At least from that winter, when he won his third presidential election, Franklin Roosevelt believed that in the interests of the United States, Great Britain had to be supported both up to the limits his own public support and the law of neutrality would permit and a little beyond them both at times. A crucial step was an American 'Lend-Lease' Act in March 1941 which authorized the president to lend or lease defence materials to any country whose security in his judgement appeared to be in the interest of the national defence of the United States. In effect, this meant that goods and services were to be provided to the Allies without immediate payment. By the end of the war something between 40 and 50 billion dollars in aid went to Great Britain, the USSR, and the European governments in exile.4 Soon afterwards, the American government extended naval patrols and the protection of its shipping further eastward into the Atlantic. After the invasion of the Soviet Union came a meeting on a British battleship between Churchill and Roosevelt which resulted in a statement of shared principles termed the Atlantic Charter. In it, one nation at war and another formally at peace spoke of the needs of a post-war world 'after the final destruction 4

About $8 billion 'reverse' lend-lease went to the USA from allies who supplied US forces with goods and services.

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of the Nazi tyranny'. Such language was far from what American opinion would have tolerated eighteen months earlier. By the summer of 1941, Hitler knew that to all intents and purposes the United States was an undeclared enemy. This was the background to his second fateful and catastrophic decision of the year, a declaration of war on the United States on 11 December. It followed a Japanese attack on British, Dutch and American territories. The war thus became global. Hitler had earlier promised the Japanese his support, but if he had not kept his promise British and American declarations of war on Japan might have left two separate wars to rage, with only Great Britain engaged in both: Hitler's action threw away the chance that American power might be kept out of Europe and concentrated in the Pacific. Few single acts, therefore, have so marked the end of an epoch. It announced the eclipse of European affairs. Europe's future was now to be settled not by her own efforts but by the two great powers on her flanks, the United States and Soviet Russia.

THE C O N F L A T I O N OF WARS The Japanese decision had been a rash one, too, though the logic of Japanese policy had long pointed towards conflict with the United States. Japan's ties with Germany and Italy, formalized in a 'Tripartite Pact' in September 1940, though they had some propaganda value for both sides, did not amount to much in practice. The Japanese appear to have valued them chiefly so long as it seemed it might be possible to get the USSR, too, to join the three powers in an attack on Great Britain, the greatest of the European imperialists in Asia. What mattered most in the timing of Japanese policy was the resolution of debates in Tokyo about the danger, or lack of it, in a challenge to the United States that would be bound to lead to war. The crux of the matter was Japan's need for oil in order to conclude the war in China successfully. She could only obtain it with the open or tacit consent of the United States. In 1937, when the 'China Incident' began, Japan still imported more than two-thirds of her oil and petroleum from the USA. No American government, though, could give Japan a 422

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licence to destroy China. Instead, the American stance hardened. The Japanese occupation and announcement of a protectorate over Indo-China was followed by the prohibition of the export of scrap metal to Japan by Americans, and a freezing of Japanese assets in the United States.5 Finally the American government imposed an embargo on all trade by United States citizens with Japan. There then followed the last stages of the process which had its origins in the ascendancy established in Japanese government by reactionary and expansionist forces in the 1930s. Determination to uphold Japanese interests on the mainland of Asia by physical intervention had been demonstrated in 1904 by war with Russia, in 1910 by the annexation of Korea, in 1931 in Manchuria, and in 1937 in the beginning of the 'China Incident'. The question had by the autumn of 1941 become for the Japanese military planners purely strategic and technical; since they would have to take by force the resources in south-east Asia which they needed to maintain their position in China (a view the navy had resisted, while the army supported it), all that had to be settled was the timing and nature of the inevitable outbreak of war with the United States. The basic decision was fundamentally irrational, for the chances of ultimate success in such a war, unless a complete American overthrow was achieved at the outset, were very small; once the arguments of national honour had won, though, the final calculations about the best point and moment of attack were carefully made. It was decided to strike as hard a blow as possible against American sea power at the outset in order to gain the maximum freedom of movement in the Pacific and South China Sea. The result was the onslaught of 7 December 1941, whose centrepiece was an air attack on the American fleet at Pearl Harbor in Hawaii that remains one of the most brilliantly conceived and executed operations in the history of warfare. In a couple of hours the Japanese all but wiped out the American air units there and sank their battleships and several other vessels. By mischance, though, they fell short of complete success. The attack did not destroy American naval air power, because the 5

American scrap and iron ore met about half the needs of Japanese industry, the rest being supplied by Manchurian ore.

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American aircraft carriers were at sea and not in harbour. A few hours later an even more crippling attack followed on the main US airbase in the Philippines that broke the back of the American air forces in the Far East. These operations gave the Japanese for months the strategic freedom they sought. Exploiting their initiative, they wrought terrible destruction on the colonial empires of the Far East. Almost at once they sank the two capital ships intended to be the core of the British Far Eastern fleet and went on to conquer Malaya and the fortress of Singapore, the Philippines and Indonesia within a few months. They pressed through Burma towards the frontiers of India and China. On 19 February they bombed the north Australian port of Darwin for the first time from bases in New Guinea. By mid-1942 European rule in east and south-east Asia had come to an end everywhere beyond Burma except in the tiny Portuguese colony of Macao and (Japaneseoccupied) French Indo-China. The initial failure to inflict a decisive defeat on the United States, though, remained; after it the Japanese faced a prolonged war they were bound to lose. Pearl Harbor had united Americans as little else could have done. Isolationist sentiment could be ignored after 8 December and Hitler's subsequent folly in declaring war on the United States. Roosevelt had a nation behind him.

GLOBAL CONFLICT

I941-5

After Pearl Harbor the war was now a world war as the first had never been; even the American mainland received a few Japanese shells and balloon-carried bombs. German operations had already by then left only five neutral countries in Europe - Spain, Portugal, Sweden, Switzerland and Ireland. In North Africa, fighting had raged back and forth in the deserts between Italian Libya and Egypt, and had been extended to Syria earlier in 1941 by the arrival there of a German mission, and to Iraq when a nationalist government supported by German air units was removed by a British force. Iran had been occupied by British and Soviet forces while Ethiopia was liberated and the Italian east African colonial empire destroyed, all in the same 424

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year. Meanwhile, a much-intensified naval war was being fought by German submarine forces, aircraft and surface raiders over much of the Atlantic, Arctic and Indian Oceans and the Mediterranean. Only a tiny minority of countries was left outside this vast conflict. The demands of such a war were colossal. They carried the mobilization of whole societies much further than even the First World War had done, though Germany's was more slowly achieved than that of either the United Kingdom or the USSR. The appalling Soviet losses of economic resources in the first year of fighting were followed by a dramatic mobilization which revealed what had been done to overcome the mismanagement which had dogged the tsarist state in the Great War. In the end, though, the role of the United States was decisive. Her huge manufacturing power made the material preponderance of the 'United Nations' (as the coalition of states fighting the Germans, the Italians and Japanese came to be called) incontestable.6 Nonetheless, the first part of 1942. was very bleak for the United Nations. The turning-point only came in four great and very different battles. In June a Japanese fleet attacking Midway Island was broken in a battle fought for the most part by aircraft and in which the Americans from the outset possessed superior signals intelligence. Japan's losses in carriers and aircrews were such that she could never regain the strategic initiative, though her yards made vigorous efforts to build more carriers. Other defeats at sea followed as a long American counter-attack in the Pacific now began to unroll with the aim of destroying Japanese resources and acquiring the island bases from which Japan itself could be attacked. Next, at the beginning of November, the British army in western Egypt decisively defeated the Germans and Italians at El Alamein and began an advance that was to end in Tunisia. The victory had coincided with landings by Anglo-American forces in French North Africa. By May 1943 German and Italian resistance, reduced at last to Tunisia, came to an end and the long struggle for control of 6

The term 'United Nations' was first officially employed in the United Nations Declaration, a war alliance signed on 1 January 1942. by China, the UK, the USA and the USSR. Other nations later signed up to terms of which the most important was an undertaking not to make any separate peace with the Axis powers. It was the first alliance for war made by the USA since 1778.

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the Mediterranean was over. Six months earlier, at the end of 1942, the Red Army had bottled up a German army rashly exposed by Hitler at Stalingrad on the Volga. Its remnants surrendered in February 1943 in the most demoralizing and costly defeat yet suffered by the Germans on the eastern front, but one that was only part of three splendid months of Soviet winter advance which marked the turning-point of the war on the eastern front. The other great Allied victory was in the battle of the Atlantic. It has no specific date and the struggle went on until the end of the war, but was just as important as the Pacific, African and Russian victories, and even more so than any one of them. Its climax came in the early months of 194z and victory in it in 1943. In March 1942 nearly 850,000 tons of allied shipping were lost and six U-boats were sunk; in September that year, the figures were 560,000 tons and eleven U-boats. The tide had turned, though there was still hard fighting ahead. At the end of the year over 8 million tons of shipping had been lost for eighty-seven U-boats sunk. In 1943 the figures were 3.25 million tons and 237 U-boats. The Battle of the Atlantic was crucial for the United Nations, for on it depended British and, to some extent, Soviet ability to draw on American production; victory in it was especially attributable to the penetration of German signals intelligence by the British and the provision of long-range aircraft by American production. Command of the sea and clearance of German and Italian armies from North Africa made re-entry to Europe possible from the west. In July 1943 Anglo-American forces landed in Sicily and six weeks later on the Italian mainland. Soon afterwards Mussolini was overthrown by a monarchical coup. Roosevelt had agreed to give priority to the defeat of Germany, but an invasion of northern France to take the strain off the Russian armies could not in the end be mounted before 1944. The delay angered Stalin, but when it came, the Anglo-American invasion of northern France in June 1944 was the greatest seaborne expedition in history. Now Germany had to fight major land battles on three fronts, while still maintaining major commitments in the Balkans. Soon after the landings in Normandy, Soviet armies entered Poland. Going faster than their allies, it still took them another nine months to reach Berlin in April 1945. Allied forces had by then broken 426

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out of Italy into central Europe and from the Low Countries into northern Germany. Almost incidentally, terrible destruction was inflicted on German cities in a great air offensive that, nonetheless, exercised no decisive strategic effect until the last few months of the war. That the end was bound to be an Allied victory had long been clear. It was now confirmed by the entry to the war of previously neutral states anxious to have a say at the peace and to become members of the new international organization, the United Nations, which was in process of evolution.7 Hitler, who had ignited this conflagration, can no longer by this stage be deemed to have been sane, however we define true madness. He had no wish to spare his fellow-Germans, let alone his enemies, and when on 30 April 1945 he killed himself in a bunker in the ruins of Berlin, historic Germany as well as historic Europe were both literally and figuratively in ruins about him. His death was not quite the end, but the formalities of the next few days were soon over; the Soviet army took the surrender of the German forces in Berlin on 2 May, and the final German capitulation came five days later at Rheims. The war in the Far East took a little longer. At the beginning of August 1945 t n e Japanese government knew it was lost. Many of Japan's former conquests in the Pacific and much of south-east Asia had already been retrieved, though her forces had given little ground in China, which had remained a huge military and strategic irrelevance except in so far as Japanese forces were tied up in large numbers in occupation duties in that country. At home, her cities were devastated by American bombing and her sea power, on which communications and safety from invasion had rested, was in ruins.8 At this moment two weapons of a destructive power hitherto unknown were dropped by the Americans with terrible effect on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. As the scientists had predicted, the power of these two 'atomic' bombs, released by tapping the energy of the atomic nucleus, far outstripped anything to be obtained by chemical 7

Turkey, which declared war on Germany in February 1945, was the outstanding example. 8 Two-thirds of the Japanese merchant marine, and two-thirds of the Japanese navy, had been sunk before the end of the war by US submarines alone.

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explosives. Between the explosions, the Russians declared war on Japan. On 2 September the Japanese government abandoned its plan for a suicidal last-ditch stand and signed an instrument of surrender. The Second World War was over.

THE M E A N I N G OF V I C T O R Y In its immediate aftermath it was difficult to measure the colossal extent of what had happened. Only one clear and unambiguous good was at once visible, the overthrow of the Nazi regime, and the delivery of Europe from an appalling terror. No regime so systematically vile had ever before dominated so much of the civilized world. As the Allied armies advanced into Europe, the deepest evils of a system of terror and torture were revealed by the opening of the prison camps and the revelations of what went on in them. It was suddenly apparent that Churchill had spoken to no more than the bare truth when he told his countrymen in 1940 that 'if we fail, then the whole world, including the United States, including all that we have known and cared for, will sink into the abyss of a new Dark Age made more sinister, and perhaps more protracted, by the lights of perverted science'.9 The reality of this danger could be seen at once at BergenBelsen and Buchenwald, the sites of the first two camps of victims of the regime to provide horrifying films of the Nazis' treatment of their prisoners. They were soon being shown in the cinemas of the victors, and awoke strong feelings against Germans.10 As more horrors were uncovered, distinctions ceased to be meaningful between the degrees of cruelty inflicted on political prisoners, on slave labourers from other countries (of whom millions had been brought to work in German factories or on military construction projects like the 'West Wall' fortification of the French coast), or on some of Germany's prisoners of war. Even all these, though, were eclipsed as the evidence became available of a systematic Nazi attempt to wipe out European 9

In the speech of 18 June. The appalling images from Bergen-Belsen in fact testified as strongly to neglect as to cruelty; huge numbers of unburied dead that confronted the British liberators were the victims of unchecked disease and starvation. 10

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Jewry in a so-called 'Final Solution' of an irrational problem: the pursuit of racial purity. The ultimate origins of what came to be called the 'Holocaust' lay back well before 1901, in deep-rooted antisemitism, crackpot theories about international Jewish conspiracy, mistaken eugenic ideas. After 1933, inadequate men and women and even psychopaths were easily found to be enlisted for official persecution of the Jews, a sinister enough piece of evidence about Nazi society, but many ordinary Germans were, sometimes from fear, sometimes from indifference, also willing to go along passively with what they knew and saw of persecution and, later, of extermination policy. The notion that Germany might actually itself be cleansed of Jews had surfaced (in the offices of the Nazi security service) as a practical proposition as early as 1934, but the exact process by which it developed into a scheme for total extermination was complicated, cloaked in secrecy, and is still debated. In it, the Nazi élite, the SS organization, played a major part. The outcome was a transformation of the demographic map. Overall, though complete figures may never be available, it is probable that between 5 and 6 million Jews were killed, whether in the gas-chambers and crematoria of the extermination camps, by shootings and extermination on the spot in east and south-east Europe, or by overwork and hunger. Polish Jews were almost wiped out, and Dutch Jews, too, suffered terribly in proportion to their numbers. But distinctions at such a level of atrocity hardly mean much. No nation had engaged in the war because it saw it as a struggle against such wickedness, though no doubt many people were heartened as it went on by the sense (assisted by intelligent propaganda) that the conflict had a moral dimension. Even while Great Britain was the only nation in Europe still on her feet and fighting for her survival, many of her people had sought and had begun to see in the struggle positive ends going beyond mere survival and even beyond the destruction of Nazism. Hopes of a new world of good relations between great powers and of social and economic reconstruction were embodied in the Atlantic Charter and the organization of the United Nations for peaceful cooperation. They were encouraged by sentimental but wholly understandable goodwill and gratitude towards allies and a tragic blurring of differences of interest and social ideals that would 419

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re-emerge only too quickly when fighting ended. Much wartime rhetoric then boomeranged badly; disillusionment often followed inspection of the world soon after the guns were silent. Yet for all this, the war of 1939-45 in Europe remains a moral struggle in a way, perhaps, in which no other great war has ever been and without any of the combatant governments intending it to be when they entered it (except, pervertedly, the German). It is important never to forget this. Too much has been heard of the regrettable consequences of Allied victory; it also brought to an end the worst challenge to liberal civilization and human goodness that has ever arisen. There was a deep irony in that. Germany had for so long been one of the most progressive countries in Europe, the embodiment of much that was best in its culture. Germany was a major contributor to the civilization which had gone round and, indeed, had made, the modern world. That she should fall prey to collective derangement on the scale implied by the Holocaust (to say nothing of other atrocities) suggested something rotten at the root of that civilization itself. The crimes of Nazism had been carried out not in a fit of barbaric intoxication with conquest, but in a systematic, scientific, controlled, bureaucratic (though often inefficient) way about which there was little that was irrational except the appalling end that it sought and the lunatic mythologies which fed it. In this respect the Asian war was different, for all its brutalities. Japanese imperialism replaced the old western imperialisms for a time, but the subject peoples did not always wholly regret the change, even if they were often ruthlessly exploited and cruelly treated. Allied propaganda during the war attempted to give currency to the notion of a 'fascist' Japan, but this was a distortion of so traditional a society's character. When all the atrocities of Japanese occupation have been weighed, it remains hard to believe that such appalling consequences as faced European nations under German rule were in Asia bound to follow a Japanese victory. Glib comparisons are, of course, useless and perhaps dangerous. When we say that Nazi behaviour in Europe and the Holocaust were 'worse' than earlier atrocities, and that therefore the men who carried them out were 'worse' than the villains of the past, we speak truly, but must be clear about what that means. It is not just a matter of the scale and intensity of brutality and destructiveness made possible 430

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by the capacities of industrial societies. Great atrocities have taken place in the past whose precise extent we can never measure, and the subjective and relative impact of which we cannot imagine, because the mental and cultural context is so hard to understand. Doubtless, too, innumerable acts of appalling cruelty have been lost in oblivion. The most exquisite deliberate tortures, physical and mental, have been inflicted by human beings on one another (and were repeated between 1939 and 1945; many who did not themselves suffer in the evil of the Holocaust died under them). Terrible things, too, would be done after 1945. The overall record of the Nazis, nonetheless, strikes us still as uniquely dreadful because its perpetrators had no excuse for not knowing better. The torturers and exterminators were born of cultures that had centuries of moral reflexion and argument behind them, all the progressive thought of the last three centuries of European civilization, all the slowly refined, humanized teaching of Christianity. They had no excuse of ignorance or tradition. They had deliberately turned their back on the good. Distinctions can of course be made among villains and certainly between perpetrators of brutal acts of war. There is a line that can be drawn between the evil and perverted Hitler and the bombastic, bullying but less corrupted Mussolini, between the doctrinal, lunatic cruelty of the SS and the often revengeful, embittered but still rationally defensible planners of the Allied strategic bombing offensive. However it felt to be its victim, there is a distinction to be drawn between Nazi tyranny and the fanatical, devoted ruthlessness of the Japanese, or even between Nazism and the brutal defensiveness expressed in Stalin's near-paranoia with possible opposition. It was above all in Germany that the twentieth century revealed itself as an age when men in power in a civilized country deliberately chose to turn their backs on civilization. The most immediately obvious further result of the war was its unprecedented physical destructiveness. Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the first victims of nuclear warfare, were not, in fact, the best evidence of this. It was most visible in the German and Japanese cities devastated by bombing. One of the major features of the Second World War, this proved much more costly to life and buildings than had been the bombing of Spanish cities in the Spanish Civil War (though those 431

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early essays in terror had been enough in their day to convince many observers that bombing alone could bring a country to its knees). In its effects, although bombing was often invaluable in combination with other forms of fighting, the huge strategic offensive against Germany built up by the British Royal Air Force from tiny beginnings in 1940, and steadily supplemented by the United States Air Force from 194z onwards up to the point at which their combined forces could provide a target with continuous day and night bombing, achieved very little of decisive importance until the last few months of the war. Nor was the fiery destruction of Japan's cities strategically so important as the elimination of her sea power. The cost of victory in lives had been very great. The numbers will never be exactly known; it seems as if more than 50 million people must have perished round the world in military and naval operations. Battle casualties, above all on the eastern European fronts, far surpassed those of the Great War; Germany suffered more dead than in 1914-18 (about 3 million on the eastern front alone) and Russia the staggering possible loss of 20 million people, though not all on the battlefield. About half that number of Chinese, military and civilians together, died in all. Famine and disease helped to send up the overall total even as the fighting was drawing to a close - in Greece, for example - and in India a great famine in 194z had carried off z million dead. As for individual acts of violence, bombing had killed hundreds of thousands of Germans and Japanese, while the deaths at Hiroshima and Nagasaki showed that similar holocausts could be even more easily achieved by the enormous power of nuclear weapons, of which those used in 1945 were only early and relatively feeble examples. It was probably true that no one before 1939, however fearful of war, would have guessed that human society could endure such bloodshed and survive.

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14 Appearance and Reality

E U R O P E : A M I D THE R U I N S Appearance and reality were less far apart in 1945 than they had been in 1918. In the aftermath of the Second World War, it should at once have been clear to anyone seriously concerned with public affairs that the age of European hegemony was over (though that need not mean they would feel able to say so). Like its predecessor, that war had as its heart a European struggle, a second German War. It, too, had grown from that into a combination of wars, but in an even more spectacular and all-embracing way than the conflicts of 1914—18. Making ever greater and more unprecedented demands, in the end it left little of the world untouched, undisturbed, unmobilized, untainted. People spoke, realistically, of 'total war'. The enormous destruction it wrought, materially and institutionally, was the clearest sign that the post-war world would have to be built anew — in some places, literally, from the ground up - and on new lines. Behind the damage done by the war, moreover, there was the psychological legacy of the bitter experiences of the 1930s, above all of economic depression. The economic foundations of western preponderance had already then been shaken to their roots. There was psychological as well as material repair work to be undertaken. As for Europe's reach beyond her shores, although six European nations still had significant overseas possessions in 1945 (Great Britain, France, Belgium, the Netherlands, Portugal and - just - Spain), the policies of the greatest of them, Great Britain, had already shown that European empire was in retreat. Within Europe, only the neutral states of Ireland, Portugal, Sweden and Switzerland had escaped serious damage. Spain, though neutral 435

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j j Founding members of NATO . // 1

Later members of NATO Warsaw Pact countries

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during the war, had been deprived by it of the possibility of economic recovery from her own civil war (which had ended in 1939). She was a poverty-stricken country. The formerly combatant nations, though, faced the most obvious material problems in 1945. Of Europe's farmers, only those of the United Kingdom, Sweden and Switzerland were producing more in 1945 than in 1939. Coal output everywhere - above all in Germany — was far below even the averages of the depression years of the 1930s. Europe had suffered more physical damage than any other continent, and the cost of the war's direct destruction there has never been accurately measured. One estimate is that 7.5 million dwellings had been destroyed in Germany and the USSR alone. Of the unhappy peoples of those two countries it is likely that some 25 million died, half, perhaps, as a direct consequence of fighting or as prisoners of war. The non-Russian populations of the republics of the USSR that had been occupied longest by the German forces had suffered most; Soviet estimates were that 5.4 million civilian deaths took place in the Ukraine alone.1 In stricken countries those who survived camped amid ruins, while 11 million people wandered among them as refugees - now termed 'displaced persons'. The United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA, set up in 1943) was looking after 50,000 abandoned children in Germany alone. Disease was a threat and often a reality for months after the fighting ended; it was fortunate that DDT was available to delouse possible typhus carriers and there was no such epidemic of that disease as there had been in the aftermath of 1918. Starvation and lack of shelter had nonetheless left their own grim residues; a majority of Greek children were said to be tubercular after the liberation. Something of a demographic revolution had occurred, too, as a consequence of the war and its aftermath. It was shaped by movements of peoples as much as by absolute loss. Whereas after 1918 it had been assumed that it should be possible to make arrangements for ethnic minorities to live contentedly among majorities alien to them 1

Even within large approximations, Soviet figures published after 1945 continued to be misleading. Only in 1959, when the census revealed a huge gap between earlier projections from 1939 figures and actuality, did the figure of approximately 20 million Soviet war dead emerge.

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in blood, language, culture, Europe seemed almost without thinking to have rejected such confidence in 1945. Already before the fighting was over, Germans were pouring westward to escape the fate they feared at the hands of the Soviet army. Poles and Czechs were determined to expel those Germans who remained on their territories, not merely as an act of vengeance but also to ensure that the question of their 'protection' by a strong Germany could never arise again. Within a decade of 1945, something like 10 million Germans left the east to look for homes and jobs in a new, diminished Germany. As an example of ethnic cleansing it was another of the sad triumphs of nationalism. It was often the case that the infrastructure on which the relief organizations2 could rely was non-existent. Communications in the zone between the Rhine and the Vistula had been shattered. There was nothing with which to pay for the imports Europe needed except dollars provided by American aid or expenditure in Europe. In the defeated countries currencies had collapsed; Allied occupation forces found that cigarettes, spam and bully beef were better than money. Civilized society had given way not only under the horrors of Nazi warfare, but also because Nazi occupation had transformed lying, swindling, cheating and stealing into acts of virtue; even when they were not necessary to survival, they had been for years legitimized and even celebrated as acts of 'resistance'. Arms in private hands presented in many places the danger of private vendetta supplanting law. As the Allied armies advanced, the firing squads of those with grudges or fears to work off got to work in their wake. In some places they anticipated the arrival of the victors: brutal civil wars had been going on in Yugoslavia and Greece well before their liberation. Old scores were wiped out and new ones run up. It was alleged that in France more perished in the 'purification' of liberation than in the great Terror of 1793, but any such comparison, true or false, is dwarfed by the vengeances taken in Yugoslavia. There, old community hatreds had been opened up again by wartime decisions to cooperate with or fight the Germans. Three million Serbs, it was alleged, had been 2

Of which the most important was UNRRA. It spent over $4 billion on refugees and other needs between then and 1947, when it closed. 438

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murdered by the Croat Ustasa in Bosnia and Croatia. Such massacres had driven old hatreds even deeper into the subsoil. Albanians, annexed to Italy in 1939, did not ignore their opportunities as the war went on, notably when, two years later, the formerly Yugoslav district of Kosovo was transferred to Italian administration. Albanians recruited to the German SS had joined in terrorizing the Serbian partisans' supporters, so creating further bitterness in an already ethnically troubled region.3 In other countries, too, revolution seemed a danger, and on better evidence than in 1918. Germany had once been the flywheel of industrial Europe: she should have been the engine of continental recovery. But even if her communications and productive capacity had been intact — and they were in ruins - the Allies were at first bent on holding down German industrial production; their aim was to prevent, not to encourage, Germany's resumption of a leading economic role in Europe. They all at first conceived her government as a unity, although she was temporarily split up between four occupation forces. From the start the Soviet occupation forces had been carrying off capital equipment from their zone of occupation as 'reparations' to aid the recovery of their own ravaged lands (as well they might after what the USSR had suffered; the Germans had destroyed 39,000 miles of railway track alone in their retreat).

THE F R A M E W O R K OF R E C O V E R Y Even before the war ended, when Europe's immediate post-war shape had been debated at a conference at Yalta in February 1945, a new set of divisions within the continent was settled. Yet though Yalta produced the nearest thing to a formal peace settlement which Europe was to have for decades, it did so because Roosevelt, Stalin and Churchill accepted the realities that lay behind it: as Stalin put it, 'whoever occupies a territory also imposes on it his own social system'.4 3

Although the 'Skanderbeg' SS division, named after a fifteenth-century Albanian hero, never mustered more than 6,500 and proved of little use to the Germans except during their retreat in 1944. 4 Djilas, Conversations with Stalin (London, 196z), p.105.

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Yalta's effect was to divide the old central Europe, and, indeed, Europe as a whole into eastern and western halves. A winding line from the Adriatic to the Baltic defined the way in which occupation zones now layered new differences on top of old. By Christmas 1945 all countries east of it except for Greece had communist governments or coalition governments in which communists shared power with others. The Soviet armies had proved far better instruments for the extension of international communism than revolution had ever been. Bismarck's Germany was now partitioned into zones occupied by the Russians, Americans, British and French. Germany did not exist as a political entity. Austria had been separated from it again and was also divided between occupying forces, though re-established as an independent republic. The other major political units of pre-war Europe, though, had reconstituted themselves after occupation and defeat; all the nation-states of 1919 reappeared except for the three pre-war Baltic republics, which did not re-emerge from the Soviet Union. That country now also absorbed parts of pre-war Poland and Romania, too. Most countries outside the Soviet sphere were much enfeebled; Italy, which had changed sides after Mussolini had been overthrown in 1943, had, like France, a much strengthened and enlarged communist party which still said it was committed to the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism. In France that seemed a real possibility; the communist party emerged as the strongest party in the constituent assembly set up in October 1945, and all the more so when de Gaulle (elected head of government in November) resigned in January 1946 because of left-wing opposition. Among the former European great powers other than the USSR, only Great Britain retained her pre-war stature in the world's eyes. For a little while she was recognized still as an equal of the USSR and the United States (formally, France and China were victorious former great powers, too, but the fiction was more obvious in their case). Yet Great Britain's moment was past; her eminence was illusory and temporary, though morally enhanced by recollection of her stand almost alone in 1940 and 1941. She was a nation-state that had not given way under the strain of the war like many others, and by a mobilizing of her resources and people in a way unparalleled outside the USSR, she had been able to survive. But she had been let out of 440

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strategic impasse only by the German attack on Russia, and kept afloat only by American Lend-Lease. That had not been without its costs: the Americans had driven hard bargains, insisting on the sale of British overseas assets to meet the bills before it was forthcoming. The sterling area was now dislocated. It now consisted, too, overwhelmingly of countries where the British had huge debts (tactfully renamed as 'sterling balances'). American capital was about to move on a large scale into the old Dominions, and they had learnt new lessons, some from their new wartime strength and some, paradoxically, from their weakness. Australia and New Zealand, in particular, had looked to the mother country for their defence, and found it not to be forthcoming when needed, whereas American help had been. From 1945, the Dominions more and more acted with full as well as formal independence, though not without regard to old ties (Canada, notably, made a loan of $1,250 million in 1946 to the United Kingdom to help it through post-war balance of payments difficulties). In the event, it did not take long for the change in the position of the greatest of the old imperial powers to become clear. Symbolically, even Great Britain's last great military effort in Europe in 1944 had been under overall American command. Though British numbers in Europe for a few months afterwards matched the American, they were by the end of the war fewer. In the Far East, too, though the Indian army and imperial forces from Africa under British command reconquered Burma, the defeat of Japan had been the work of American naval and air power. For all Churchill's efforts, Roosevelt was by the end of the war negotiating over his head with Stalin, with an eye to dismantling the British empire. Great Britain, for all her prestige at the moment of victory, had not escaped the war's shattering impact. In some ways she was the former great power which, together with Germany, best illustrated the revolution in international affairs brought about by it. Subtly and suddenly, the kaleidoscope of world authority had shifted, and it was still shifting as the war came to an end, even if many Europeans still had to make the painful psychological discovery that the European age was over.

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RECONSTRUCTION That reflexion on history can sometimes be useful was shown by some steps taken while the war was in progress to prepare for the world after it. The results of nations seeking their own economic salvation in the 1930s seemed to many influential persons on the United Nations side to have been so awful that they had begun to discuss the likely economic problems of the post-war years. From the urge to make arrangements which would keep the world economy on a more even keel than in the past had come a major conference at Bretton Woods in July 1944. Although the USSR refused to agree to the conference's decisions, it agreed a system of more or less fixed exchange rates in terms of the US dollar, which thus became, in a measure, a new gold standard.5 This was part of an attempt to tackle the illiquidity problems that had so hampered recovery in the 1930s, when would-be buyers lacked the appropriate currency to buy from would-be suppliers. It led also to the setting-up of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, which were to channel investment by capitalexporting countries into what came to be called the 'developing' world. The IMF was to hold 'deposits' made by participating countries that could then be made available, at fixed parities, to any other participants needing another currency in exchange for its own at fixed rates. Member states bound themselves not to devalue. In 1947 the major victorious nations went on to sign a General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). These arrangements were to prove able to work pretty well until the 1970s. Like the great shifts in power relationships between countries, such facts further emphasize that while after the First World War it had still been easy to embrace the illusion that an old order might be revived, no one could believe that restoration pure and simple was possible in 1945. This was healthy, and in strong contrast with the circ*mstances in which inter-war attempts to reorder twentiethcentury international life had been made. The victors could not start with a clean sheet, of course. Events had closed off too many 5

Haiti, Liberia and New Zealand also stood out.

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possibilities. Among the far-sighted decisions already taken during the war, moreover, some by agreement, some not, one of the most important had been to set up an international organization to maintain international peace. The fact that the two greatest powers saw such a step in different ways, the Americans as a beginning to the regulation of international life by law and the rulers of the USSR as a means of maintaining the Grand Alliance of the victors, did not hinder their cooperation. Thus the United Nations Organization (UNO) came to birth at San Francisco in 1945. Much thought had been given to the reasons why the League of Nations had failed. One of its most obvious defects was to be avoided by the United States and USSR belonging to the UNO from the start. Apart from this, its basic structure in outline somewhat resembled that of the League. Its two essential organs were a small Security Council and a large General Assembly. Permanent representatives of all member states (at the outset, fifty-one nations) were to sit in the General Assembly. The Security Council started with eleven members, five of them permanent: the United States, the USSR, Great Britain, France (included at the insistence of Winston Churchill) and China. Other member nations filled the other places in turn. That the Security Council was given greater power than the old League Council was largely at the insistence of the USSR, whose representatives thought that there was a strong likelihood that they would always be outvoted in the General Assembly because the United States would call not only on the votes of its allies, but also on those of what Moscow regarded as its satellites in Latin America. Naturally, not all the smaller powers liked this. They were uneasy about a body on which at any moment any one of them was unlikely to sit, which would have the last word, and in which the great powers would carry the main weight. Nevertheless, the structure the great powers wanted had to be adopted if any organization was to work at all. The other constitutional issue much disputed was a veto power given to the permanent members of the Security Council. This, too, was a necessary feature if the great powers were to accept the organization. Its starkness was in the end somewhat qualified, in that a permanent member was not allowed to prevent investigation and discussion of matters which especially affected it unless they were 443

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likely to lead to action inimical to its interests. In theory the Security Council possessed very great powers, but, of course, their use and operation were bound to reflect political reality at any moment. For a long time (and, some might say, still, over a half-century after its foundation) the importance of the United Nations proved to lie less in its power to act than in the forum it provided for discussion. For the first time, a world public linked as never before by radio and film - and later to be linked by television - would hear the cases made at the General Assembly for what sovereign states did. This was something quite new. If the United Nations at once gave a new dimension to international politics, though, it took much longer to provide effective new management of its problems. Sometimes, the new publicity of international argument led to feelings of sterility, as increasingly bitter and unyielding views were set out in debates which changed no one's mind. But even this must have had an educational force outside the UN. It was important, too, that it was soon decided that the permanent seat of the General Assembly should be in New York; this drew the attention of Americans to it and helped to offset historic American ignorance of the rest of the world and to make isolationism a little less likely. The first ordinary meeting of the United Nations General Assembly took place in London in 1946. Bitter debates at once followed; complaints were made about the continued presence of Soviet soldiers in Iranian Azerbaijan, which had been occupied during the war, and the USSR representatives promptly replied by attacking that of British forces in Greece. Within a few days the Soviet delegation cast the first veto in the Security Council. Many more were to follow. The instrument which the Americans and British had regarded and continued to use as an extraordinary measure for the protection of special interests became almost a regular and certainly an unexpectedly frequent piece of Soviet diplomatic technique. From the start the United Nations was an arena in which the USSR contended with a still inchoate western bloc that its policies did much to solidify. Though the origins of conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union are sometimes traced back a very long way, in the later years of the war the British government had begun to feel that the Americans were too willing to make concessions to Stalin and were 444

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over-friendly to him. Of course, the fundamental ideological division between the USSR and her western allies had never gone away; if the Soviet leaders had not always had a deep, crudely Marxist preconception about the roots of behaviour of capitalist societies, they would certainly have behaved differently after 1945. It is also true that some Americans had never ceased to distrust the USSR and always saw her as a revolutionary threat. But this did not mean that they had much impact on the making of American foreign policy. In 1945, as the war ended, American distrust of Russian intentions was much less than it later became. Of the two states the more suspicious and wary was the Soviet Union.

GREAT POWER R E A L I T I E S In 1945 thoughtful (and well-read) Europeans might have contemplated with admiration the prescience of the French political philosopher and historian, Alexis de Tocqueville, over a century earlier, about the American and Russian peoples. Each, he noted, seemed marked out 'to sway the destinies of half the globe'.6 At the end of a second world war the destinies of the world did, indeed, appear dominated by them, and therefore by two great and very differing political systems, one based in what had been Russia, one in the United States of America, and even by two different cultures. The fate of Europe, the old master of the globe, was for a long time to come to be irresistibly shaped in the last resort by decisions taken in Moscow or Washington. Hitler's decisions of 1941 to go to war with the USSR and USA had been the last taken by a European ruler for many years that can be said to have changed the history of the continent. Whatever the USSR and the USA owed to Europe or reflected of it in their behaviour (and both were at least grounded in ideologies European in origin and shaped by European culture), their concerns were different from those of the old continent. Geography alone settled that. Much of their behaviour towards Europe in the 6

The quotation comes at the end of the first part of de Tocqueville's Democracy in America, published in 1835.

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next few years can only be understood in a global setting; this is yet another reason why European history becomes inseparable from world history in the years after 1945, besides the entanglements arising from old colonial and economic connexions. In that year, there were really no other great powers left, for all the legal fictions expressed in the composition of the Security Council. Great Britain was gravely overstrained and breathless; France, barely risen from the living death of occupation, was rent by internal division. Germany was in ruins. Under occupation Italy had discovered new quarrels to add to old; her change of sides during the war still left uncertainties about her treatment in the peace negotiations. Japan was ruined and occupied, and China, never a great power in this century for all her indulgence by her allies, was about to engage in civil war anew. The USA and USSR, immensely stronger than any possible rival, had provided the means of victory. They alone, moreover, had made positive gains from the war. The other victorious states had, at best, won only survival or resurrection, while to the two greatest powers, the war brought new ascendancies. Though that of the USSR had been won at huge cost, it was stronger than the tsarist empire had ever been. Soviet armies dominated a vast European glacis beyond the USSR of 1939. Much of it was now sovereign Soviet territory; the rest was organized into states that were soon in every sense satellites. One of them, East Germany, contained major industrial resources. All of them were primarily related to Moscow, rather than to one another. Some of them, indeed, would continue to show suspicion of their communist neighbours, even well into the 1980s. Beyond this glacis lay Yugoslavia and Albania, the only communist states to emerge since the war without the help of Soviet occupation;7 in 1945 both seemed assured allies of Moscow, but were regarded by it as suspiciously and carefully as all the others. This advantageous Soviet position had been won by the fighting of the Red Army, but also reflected strategic decisions taken by western governments and their commander in Europe from 1943 to the closing 7

Though the Red Army had entered Belgrade briefly, they had subsequently withdrawn, leaving the field to Tito's partisans (by then enjoying the formal support of the Yugoslav monarchy-in-exile).

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stages of the war, when General Eisenhower had resisted political pressure to get to Prague and Berlin before the Soviet armies. The Soviet occupation forces (carefully segregated from the local populations) gave the USSR a strategic preponderance in central and eastern Europe which looked all the more menacing to those west of it because the barriers to Russian power which had existed in 1914 — the Habsburg empire and a united Germany - had both now gone. An overtaxed Great Britain and an only slowly reviving and divided France could not be expected to stand up to the Soviet armies, and no other conceivable counterweight on land existed if the Americans went home. Soviet soldiers also stood in 1945 on the borders of Turkey and Greece - where a civil war between communists and monarchists was going on - and occupied northern Iran. In the Far East Soviet power held much of Sinkiang, Mongolia, northern Korea and the old tsarist base of Port Arthur as well as having 'liberated' the rest of Manchuria, though the only territory taken by the USSR from Japan itself was the southern half of the island of Sakhalin and the Kuriles. The rest of Soviet gains had been effectively at China's expense. All this looked very alarming not only to those who feared communism, but to those less ideologically sensitive who read Soviet policy primarily as a continuing steady pursuit of a view of Russian strategic advantage with a long tradition behind it. Another alarming fact soon to add to the misgivings of those worried about the USSR's hegemonic position was that the end of the war in China left communists who could be expected to be friendly to Moscow already in control of much of the country. Stalin might have backed the wrong horse there in the past, but the Chinese communists could not hope for moral and material help from anyone else. It seemed likely, then, that in Asia, too, a Soviet satellite was in the making. The new world power of the United States rested far less on territorial occupation than did that of the USSR. At the end of the war there was indeed an American garrison in the heart of Europe, in Germany, but American electors wanted it brought home as soon as possible. It was quickly run down. By the beginning of 1948, the United States army's strategic reserve consisted of just over two divisions (at that moment the USSR had 185 divisions in the field). There was reluctance among those electors, too, to spend on defence 447

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other than that provided by air power and the atom bomb. But there were American naval and air bases round much of the Eurasian land mass and although the USSR was a far greater Asian power than ever, the elimination of Japanese naval power, the acquisition of island airfields and technological changes had together turned the Pacific Ocean into something like an American lake. Hiroshima and Nagasaki had demonstrated the power of the atomic bomb which the United States alone appeared to possess (though in fact she had for some time no further available examples of this weapon once the only two which existed had been dropped on Japan). But the deepest roots of American empire lay in industrial and financial strength. Along with the land-power of the USSR, the industrial might of the United States had been decisive in achieving Allied victory. America equipped both her own huge forces and many of those of her allies in both the European and Pacific wars. Moreover, by comparison with them, victory had cost her little. American casualties were fewer than theirs; even those of the United Kingdom had been heavier, and those of the Soviet Union colossally so. The home base of the United States had been immune to enemy attack in any but the most trivial sense. It was undamaged; America's fixed capital was intact, her resources greater than ever. Her citizens' standards of living had actually risen during the war; the armament programme ended a depression still left unmastered by Roosevelt's New Deal. She was a great creditor country, with capital to invest abroad in a world where no one else could supply it. Finally, America's old commercial and political rivals were staggering under the troubles of recovery in the post-war years. Their economies drifted into the ambit of the American because of their own lack of resources. The result was a worldwide surge of indirect American power, its beginnings visible even before the war ended. Effectively, the United States dollar had already by then become the indispensable source of international liquidity. Through lend-lease, relief channelled through UNRRA, and direct expenditure on services overseas by the American armed services and other governmental agencies, Europe was by 1945 relying on a dangerously contingent source to fund its imports. The United States had become Europe's sole banker, but that went unnoticed by millions of Europeans, however uneasy some of its officials might be. 448

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Something of the future implicit in a great power polarization could thus dimly be seen even before the fighting stopped in Europe. It was by then obvious that Soviet forces would not be allowed to participate in the occupation of Italy or the dismantling of her colonial empire, and that the British and Americans could not impose any Polish settlement unacceptable to Stalin. On the other hand, the British were to have a free hand in Greece, Stalin had agreed, while he had one in Romania. Somewhat oddly (in view of their record in their own hemisphere), the Americans were not happy about explicit spheres of influence as a way round potential conflict; the USSR was readier to accept them as a working basis. There is no need to read back into such divergences assumptions which became current a few years later, when conflict between the two powers was presumed to have been sought from the start by one or other of them. Appearances can be deceptive. For all the power of the United States in 1945, there was little political will to use it; the first concern of the American military after victory was to bring the boys home and achieve as rapid a demobilization as possible. Lend-lease arrangements with allies were cut off even before the Japanese surrender, a step which actually reduced America's international leverage; it weakened friends she would soon be needing, by imposing graver recovery problems upon them at a time when they could not provide a new security system to replace American strength. Nor (even when more of them at last became available) could the use of atomic bombs be envisaged except as a last resort; they were too powerful for use except in extremity. It is much harder to know what was shaping Stalin's policy or, even now, quite what was going on in the USSR. Her peoples had clearly suffered appallingly from the war, more even than the Germans. With the colossal Soviet losses in the war, Stalin may well in 1945 have been less aware of Soviet strength than of Soviet weakness. True, his governmental methods relieved him of any need, such as faced western countries, to demobilize the armies which gave him supremacy on the spot in Europe. But the USSR had no atomic bomb nor a significant strategic bomber force, while the decision to develop nuclear weapons put a further grave strain on the Soviet economy at a time when economic reconstruction was desperately needed. The years immediately after the war were to prove for Soviet citizens as 449

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grim as had been those of the industrialization race of the 1930s. Yet in September 1949 a nuclear explosion was achieved and in the following March it was officially announced that the USSR had an atomic weapon. By then, though, much else had changed.

FRICTION Piecemeal, relations between the two major world powers deteriorated badly by 1948. This was largely the result of events in Europe, an area obviously in need of imaginative and coordinated reconstruction. The division between eastern and western Europe established by Soviet victories had soon deepened. The British, in particular, had from the first been alarmed by the fate of Poland, which seemed to show that Stalin would only tolerate subservient governments in eastern Europe, although this was hardly what the Americans had envisaged as freedom for eastern Europeans to choose their own rulers. Until the war was over, though, neither government nor private persons in the United States had expressed much doubt in public that reasonable agreement with the USSR was possible. Broadly speaking, Roosevelt had been sure, even after his last inter-allied conference (at Yalta, in February 1945), that America could get on in peacetime with its wartime ally; they had common ground, he thought, in resisting a revival of German power and supporting anti-colonialism; he showed no awareness of the historic tendencies of Russian policy. Americans disapproved strongly, too, of British action in Greece against the communist revolutionaries seeking to overthrow the monarchy there, and Roosevelt had deep suspicions of anything looking like the restoration of colonial rule in Asia. President Truman (who had succeeded Roosevelt on his death in April 1945) and his advisers came to change American policies partly as a result of their experience in Germany. At the outset, the three major powers were wholly in agreement that in due course, and under proper safeguards, a disarmed but still united Germany should be their ultimate aim, though the French did not agree with this and opposed from the outset any attempt at a central administration of Germany. The Soviet authorities had been punctilious in carrying out 450

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their agreement to admit British and American (and later French) armed forces to Berlin though they had not fought their way to it as the Red Army had done, and to share the administration of the city they had conquered with their allies. It was clearly a Soviet interest that Germany should be governed as a unit (as envisaged by a meeting of the victorious heads of the American, British and Soviet governments - but not the French - at Potsdam in July 1945), for this would give them a hand in controlling the Ruhr, potentially a treasure house of reparations. Yet the German economy soon bred trouble between West and East. Russian efforts to ensure security against German recovery led in practice to the increasing separation of her zone of occupation from those of the three other occupying powers. Probably this was at first intended to provide a solid and reliable (that is, communist) core for a united Germany, but it led in the end to a de facto solution by partition to the German problem which no one had envisaged and which was to last for most of the rest of the century. The problems of the management of the western zones of occupation soon faced the British, Americans and French with a social crisis. Mass starvation appeared to be in the offing. In May 1946 the reparations delivered to the Soviet Union from the west were halted (as were those previously delivered from the American to the British and French occupation zones), pending new agreement on the economic management of Germany as a whole. This was not something Soviet policy could accept without protest. Meanwhile the social and administrative entrenchment of communism in eastern Germany was going forward and a new 'Socialist Unity Party' was set up to fuse the communists in the old socialist party - whose leaders violently rejected it. This seemed to repeat patterns seen elsewhere. In 1945 there had been communist majorities in elections only in Bulgaria and Yugoslavia; in other east European countries at that moment the communists only shared power in coalition governments. Nonetheless, it increasingly looked as if those governments could, in fact, do little more than behave as Soviet puppets. Something like a communist bloc was already appearing in 1946. In the following year Hungary, Romania and Poland all dropped non-communists from their government. Meanwhile the votes and propaganda of the communist parties of western Europe were evidently being deployed in Soviet interests. 451

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Stalin's calculations remain in doubt; perhaps he was waiting, expecting or even relying upon economic collapse in the capitalist world. There was also always a strong element of opportunism in his undertakings. At bottom, though, Stalin could not accept any reunited Germany except under a government he could control. An independent Germany would always have a potential for aggression which a satellite could not have. Russia had too many experiences and memories of attacks from the west to trust a united Germany. This was likely to have been true whatever the ideology dominant in Moscow; it only made things a little worse that a united Germany might be capitalist. Unsurprisingly, when the foreign ministers of the victorious powers gathered in Moscow in March 1947 they found themselves unable to agree on any basis for a German peace treaty. Outside Europe, the USSR showed more flexibility. While anxiously organizing eastern Germany safely on the Soviet side of the line slowly hardening across Europe, in China she still formally and officially recognized the KMT government. In Iran, on the other hand, there was an obvious reluctance to withdraw Soviet forces as had been agreed and even when they finally departed they left behind a satellite communist republic in Azerbaijan — to be later obliterated by the Iranians, to whom the Americans were soon giving military aid. In the Security Council the Soviet veto was more and more employed to frustrate her former allies. Yet, there had been and still was much goodwill for the USSR among her former allies for years after the war. When Winston Churchill drew attention to the increasing division of Europe by an 'Iron Curtain' he by no means spoke either for all his countrymen or for the American audience that he was addressing;8 some, indeed, strongly condemned him. Yet though a British Labour government that had been elected in 1945 was at first hopeful that 'Left could speak to Left,' it had quickly become more sceptical. British and American policy began to converge during 1946, as it became clear that the British intervention in Greece had in fact made free elections possible there and as American officials had more experience of the tendency of Soviet policy. Nor did President Truman have prejudices in favour of the USSR to shed. The British, moreover, were 8

At Westminster College, Fulton, Missouri, 5 March 1946.

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by then clearly committed to leaving India; that, too, counted with American official opinion.

THE T R U M A N DOCTRINE A N D THE MARSHALL PLAN Europe was facing a hard winter as 1947 began. Weather conditions were unusually severe. In Great Britain electricity supplies were at times cut off. Meat became unobtainable in France except on the black market (and in April the bread ration was to be further reduced). It was against this background that in February the American president took a momentous decision to change American policy in a radical way. It followed messages from the British government which, perhaps more than any other step it had taken since the end of the war, conceded the long-resisted admission that Great Britain was no longer a world power. The Labour government had inherited a British economy gravely damaged by the effort made during the war; there was an urgent need for investment at home. It wished to reward its supporters by extending the 'welfare state', a costly business. The first stages of decolonization, too, were expensive. A part of this expense reflected imperial defence commitments, but there were others in non-colonial areas which were very burdensome.9 A big American loan made in 1945 had soon been used up. Grain had to be paid for in hard currency and bread rationing (not found necessary in Great Britain during the war) had been introduced in the previous July to keep imports down. By 1947 the British balance of payments could no longer support British forces in Greece, or the cost of aiding Turkey and the American government was told so. Yet if such efforts were not maintained, the security of Greece would be threatened; civil war against a communist 9

Military expenditure abroad in 1947 was £209 million; the annual average of all British government expenditure abroad 1934-8, including administrative and diplomatic as well as military costs, had been £6 million. A. S. Milward, The Reconstruction of Western Europe 1945-51 (London, 1984), p.41. In spite of relief received in the next two years, the British government was forced into a devaluation in 1949 (which was, of course, a breach of its IMF undertakings).

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rebellion was still going on there. The country might fall to the communists. The case of Turkey, under diplomatic pressure by the USSR, was less urgent but still dangerous if deprived of foreign aid. President Truman at once decided that the United States must fill the gap. Financial aid was to be given to Greece and to Turkey. In his personal appearance before Congress, though, the President went further by drawing attention to the implication that much more than propping up two countries was involved. 'No government is perfect', he said, (and went on to acknowledge that the Greek, in particular, was not), but nevertheless, he pointed out, it was a virtue of democracy 'that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected'.10 The ideological challenge was explicit. 'It must be the policy of the United States,' he said, 'to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.' Although only Turkey and Greece were to receive aid, Truman was offering the 'free peoples' of the world American leadership to resist threats to their independence, with American help, though 'primarily through economic and financial aid'. This was more than merely a reversal of that turning away from Europe which many Americans had seemed to hanker after in 1945; it was a break with the historic traditions of American foreign policy. The decision to 'contain' Soviet power, as it was soon termed, was possibly the most influential in American diplomacy since the Louisiana Purchase. Behind it lay Soviet behaviour and the growing fears Stalin's policy had aroused over the previous eighteen months, moreover; the British demarche had only been a detonator for the new policy. Ultimately, it was to lead to unrealistic assessments of the effective limits of American power (and, critics were to say, to a new American imperialism) as the policy was extended outside Europe, but this could hardly have been envisaged at the time. Republican though Congress was, its leaders persuaded it to support the president's request for $400 million, though some congressmen 10

The President's message was delivered on 12 March (the British had warned that they would shut down their Greek commitment on 31 March). See Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States - Harry S. Truman, 1 January to 31 December 1947 (Washington, 1963), pp.176-80, for the full text.

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expressed alarm at the potential for dissipating American strength that the 'Truman doctrine' might imply. The next step, though, went further still in its demands for resources. This was the 'Marshall Plan' to assist European economic recovery, named after the American Secretary of State who announced it. It was the product of fierce debate in the United States about the politics of European reconstruction. The continent appeared in 1947 to be heading towards an exchange crisis (in part because of the vigour of its recovery). Many American officials had by now come to see the survival of democratic and friendly regimes in Europe as an American interest. They may have exaggerated the political dangers facing France and Italy, but theirs was a new perception. The way to secure that interest, it now appeared, was to relieve Europe's chronic balance of payments problems, thus assuring its economic recovery and health, and so help to achieve a non-military, non-aggressive form of containment of the USSR. 11 The British Foreign Secretary, Ernest Bevin, appears to have been the first European statesman to grasp the possibilities of the Marshall Plan. With the French, he pressed for the acceptance of the offer by western European nations. It was made to all Europe, but the USSR neither wished to participate, nor would it allow its satellites to do so; the plan was instead bitterly attacked in Moscow. The French communists, who had at first welcomed Marshall's proposal, had to eat their words. Soon (though with obvious regret) the Czechoslovakian coalition government also declined to join up; the Czechs, the only people in eastern Europe still left without a fully communist government and one not yet regarded as a Russian satellite, were obviously having to toe the Soviet line. Any residual belief in Czechoslovakia's independence was then removed by a communist coup in February 1948 and the installation of a puppet regime in Prague. An important signal of a move towards a more intransigent Soviet stance had been the revival of the Comintern under the name of 'Cominform' in October 1947. It at once began the denunciation of what it termed 'the imperialist and anti-democratic camp' whose aim (it said) was 'the world domination of American imperialism and the 11 See Milward, Reconstruction of Western Europe, for the origins and launch of the Marshall Plan.

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smashing of democracy'.12 Once the Cominform had been set up the Italian and French communist parties at once denounced their own earlier participation in coalition governments in their countries and the 'fetish of coalitionism' was condemned in Moscow.13 Finally, when in 1948 western Europe set up an Organization for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC) to handle the Marshall Plan, the Russians replied by organizing their own half of Europe in a Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (Comecon), which was window-dressing for the Soviet domination of the command economies of the east. The first phase of Europe's post-war history can with this step be considered at an end. The next was to be a phase in global history, too. What came to be called 'the Cold War' — an expression whose first recorded use came little more than a month after Truman's message to Congress on Greece and Turkey14 - had begun. One of the fundamental lines of the history of the next forty years was drawn.

12 From the 'Declaration on the Formation of the Cominform', 5 October 1947, printed AR 1947, pp.522-5. 13 The French communists had left the government a month before General Marshall's speech, in order not to continue sharing responsibility for the privations and rationing that the French people were undergoing; the Italian party had been ejected from government when a new coalition government was formed by the Christian democrat leader Alcide de Gasperi in 1947. 14 By the American financier, Bernard Baruch, in addressing the legislature of South Carolina, 17 April 1947.

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Perhaps too often, the story has been told that the Chinese communist leader Chou-en-Lai, on being asked what he thought was the historical significance of the French Revolution, replied, 'It is too soon to say. ' Truly reported or not, it is hard to see why such a prudent response should be thought (as it has been) funny, strange, or as evidence of an extraordinary and exotic viewpoint. What happened in France in 1789 when certain ideas werefirstlaunched on a world career is in fact still influencing many countries as the twentieth century draws to a close, even if it is not much invoked by name, or very obvious. It seems sensible not to lose sight of that. It is a long time since the Bastille fell, but the French Revolution is one of those historical facts (like others, older still, such as the establishment of Confucianism in China, the Spanish conquest of South America, or the Ottoman conquest of south-eastern Europe) with whose consequences we live today. All of which is merely preliminary, but suggests that for all the dramatic changes that followed 1945, we ought not to treat that year (nor of course, any other) as a sudden amputation or severance of history. Although long-term trends and forces alone do not explain everything that happens and (as in all previous ages) much of the second half of the twentieth century arises from accident, circ*mstance, or personality, its explanation must take account of long-term and historical forces, many of which go back far before that year.1 1

The whole British cabinet formed by Attlee in August 1945 had been born while Queen Victoria was on the throne, a majority of its members before 1889, and one twenty years earlier than that. One could make not dissimilar observations about contemporary ruling élites in most of the world.

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consolidation of his position must be reckoned a major advance in Soviet political civility. More significant still, he felt confident enough to take a truly momentous step in that year. At a secret session of the twentieth congress of the CPSU he denounced the misdeeds of the Stalin era and declared 'coexistence' was now the goal of Russian foreign policy. This was to turn out to be one of the most influential acts by a statesman of any nationality since 1945. It shook the monolithic front communism had hitherto presented, and for the first time alienated many communist sympathizers in western countries — or, perhaps, allowed them to express their alienation at no cost to their consciences. In the longer run, it was to allow the emergence in some countries of independent left-wing criticism which was no longer so likely to be tarred with the brush of 'fellow-travelling' since it explicitly abjured the evils of the Stalinist era. The sensational news of the speech was soon given wide publicity (thanks, not least, to the United States Central Intelligence Agency). Together with announcements of Soviet reductions in armaments, it might have heralded a new mood in international affairs, had not the atmosphere in 1956 quickly been fouled by the Suez invasion, severe anti-Soviet rioting in Poland and a revolution in Hungary.1 The first led to Soviet threats to Great Britain and France; Moscow was not going to risk Arab goodwill by failing to show support for Egypt. The Polish disturbances and revolution in Hungary had a deeper background. Ever since 1948 Soviet policy had been almost morbidly sensitive to signs of deviation or dissatisfaction among its satellites. In that year, Soviet advisers had been recalled from Yugoslavia, which was then expelled from the Cominform. Yugoslavia's treaties with the USSR and other communist states were denounced and there followed five years of vitriolic attacks on 'Titoism'. In 1957 the two governments finally came to an understanding and Soviet aid to 1

Originating in economic grievances, the Polish disturbances rapidly took on a nationalist, patriotic tone and helped to bring about the release from solitary confinement of a Polish communist leader, Wladislaw Gomulka, who had been dismissed from government in 1949 and fell victim to a Stalinist purge. At one moment there were even exchanges of fire between Soviet and Polish forces. The return of Gomulka to office (which he was to retain until 1973) represented something of a high-water mark of Soviet concession to 'national communism' until the 1980s.

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Yugoslavia was symbolically resumed. In the end, the USSR had climbed down. The Soviet request to reopen diplomatic relations was conceded. Yugoslavia's damaging and embarrassing survival as a socialist state outside the Warsaw Pact had left Moscow even more sensitive to tremors in the eastern camp. Like anti-Soviet riots in East Berlin in 1953, those in Poland in the summer of 1956 showed that patriotism inflamed by economic discontent could still challenge communism in Soviet Europe. They help to explain how disturbances in Budapest in October 1956 grew into a nationwide movement that led to the withdrawal of Soviet forces from the city, a new Hungarian government and a promise of free elections and the end of one-party rule. Perhaps rashly, the new regime soon went further and too far. When it announced its withdrawal from the Warsaw Pact, declared Hungary's neutrality, and asked the United Nations to take up the Hungarian question, the Soviet army returned. The Hungarian revolution was crushed. Many fled the country. The UN General Assembly twice condemned the intervention, and the episode hardened attitudes on both sides. The Russians were once more made aware of how little they were liked by the peoples of eastern Europe and therefore became even more distrustful of western talk of 'liberating' them. Western Europeans were again reminded of the real face of Soviet power. A more important fact that was part of the context of these events was the emphatic return of China to the international stage as a great power. This was first manifest in the Korean war. If she did not at first possess the nuclear weapons of the two superpowers, she had from the start an enormous potential to absorb punishment undefeated just because of her huge population and vast territory. These facts had implications going beyond the Cold War. Almost inevitably, most observers had at first seen communist China as a clearly aligned participant in that struggle. But there was soon evidence that this might be too simple a view. China's re-emergence as a power in her own right did not intensify the dualist Cold War system, but complicated and even undermined it, though at first only in a limited sphere. As signs multiplied that Soviet and Chinese interests might compete over leadership of the 'Third World', shadow-boxing had begun 650

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between Moscow and Peking over differing attitudes to Yugoslavia. Later in Europe, the violence with which Albania, the tiniest of the communist countries, condemned the Soviet Union and applauded China when the two fell out again showed that not all European Marxists thought alike. Moscow had to endure this pinprick; Albania had no frontier with a Warsaw Pact country and did not need to fear invasion by the Soviet army. It was more striking that Romania's leaders, also with some Chinese encouragement, successfully contested the subjection of their country's economy to Comecon, asserting their right to develop it in her own national interest. Under a ruler who imposed on his countrymen one of the most rigidly dictatorial regimes in eastern Europe, Romania even took up what sometimes sounded like a vaguely neutralist position on questions of foreign policy, though remaining within the Warsaw Pact. But Romania had no land frontier with a NATO country (Albania had one with Greece), and had one 800 kilometres long with the USSR alone; Romanian skittishness could be tolerated, for limits to it could easily be enforced if necessary. It is worth glancing a little further ahead at this point to the next significant revelation that limits would always be imposed by the Soviet Union to any qualification of the old monolithic front of communism. Such limits were next brutally evident in 1968, when the communist government of Czechoslovakia set about liberalizing its internal structures and developing trade relations with West Germany. This was very striking: the impetus for change was coming not from outside the Party but from its members themselves (as in Hungary, twelve years earlier). After a series of threats and attempts to persuade the Czechs to come to heel, Prague was occupied in August by Warsaw Pact forces. To avoid a repetition of the 1956 bloodshed, the Czech government did not resist. A brief attempt to provide an example of a socialism that had not lost its human face, as the secretary of the Czech communist party put it,2 was obliterated. There followed, in a speech to a Polish audience in November 1968 by the general secretary of the CPSU, Leonid Brezhnev, a warning of the dangers of'imperialist' efforts to undermine socialist solidarity and the blunt assertion that any threat to the cause of socialism in one country was the concern 2

Alexander Dubcek, in a newspaper article, 19 July 1968.

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of them all and might properly give rise to military 'assistance' from other communist countries to meet it. This was the formulation of what came to be called the 'Brezhnev' doctrine, henceforth a datum of international affairs, and something of an indicator of the degree to which Moscow no longer felt sure of its satellites. Even those who governed them on the most Stalinist lines (for example, Ceausescu, the dictator of Romania) were capable of showing a measure of independence in defence of their countries' national interests. By 1968, the rulers of the USSR must long since have given up any hope of revolution in Europe west of the Iron Curtain. They had been obliged to face the virtual eclipse of communism as a revolutionary force within the western democracies in the 1960s as the power of communist parties to win votes declined, above all in France and Italy. A few dissidents in western countries had broken — publicly or discreetly, according to taste - with communism because of their dismay over events in Hungary in 1956. Italian party leaders talked of a new ideological stance, 'polycentrism', which implied a liberation of national communist parties from the discipline of Moscow. Often to some effect, though, the fears and idealism of non-communist but left-wing sympathizers and those alarmed by confrontation between the superpowers could still be exploited by the Soviet Union and the western communist parties over such issues as disarmament and anti-colonialism. All such changes added up to subtle changes in the way the superpowers were regarded. But the superpowers were changing, too.

THE S E C O N D B E R L I N C R I S I S In October 1957, Sputnik I had done much more to alarm the American people and promote a hardening of their feelings about the Cold War than any of the brutal events of the last few years in eastern Europe. The age of evident space competition between the superpowers began when the psychological unease provoked by Sputnik I's presence 'up there' shattered any confidence that Soviet technology lagged significantly behind American. Wider implications were lost to sight in alarm over what the exploration and utilization of space might 652

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mean for the military balance. The immediate beneficiaries were the American space scientists who now entered a golden era when they could draw on public money almost without question in the advancement of their art. Soldiers and industrialists also shared in the new bounty as the arms race was technologically intensified. Even American colleges and schools benefited briefly, for the immediate public panic had extended to alarm that there was something deeply wrong with the way America was teaching its children mathematics, science and even foreign languages. A public competition not merely for scientific success but for prestige was soon under way between the two superpowers. In March 1958, the Americans could with relief applaud their own first successful launch of a satellite. Soviet foreign policy in the Khrushchev era meanwhile showed a continuing recalcitrance and uncooperativeness, and sometimes remarkable confidence, as events in Germany soon showed. Fearing the danger of a rearmed West Germany, the Soviet leaders were anxious to strengthen their satellite, the German Democratic Republic. The all too visible success and prosperity of West Berlin - surrounded by GDR territory - was embarrassing. The city's demarcation lines between west and east were easily crossed. Its material well-being and freedom drew more and more East Germans - especially skilled workers — to the west. In 1958, the USSR moved; it denounced the arrangements under which Berlin had been run for the last ten years. It threatened to hand over the Soviet sector of the city to the GDR if better arrangements could not be found. Two years of drawn-out wrangling followed. As an atmosphere of crisis over Berlin deepened there was a huge increase in the outflow of refugees. The numbers of East Germans crossing to the west were 140,000 in 1959, 200,000 in i960 and more than 100,000 in the first six months of 1961. Then, in August of that year, the East German authorities suddenly put up a wall (soon reinforced by land-mines and barbed wire) to cut off Berlin's Soviet sector from the western. Tension shot up in the short run, but the new wall probably eased it in the long. Its gloomy presence (and the sporadic killing of East Germans who tried to cross it) were to be for a quarter- century a gift to western Cold War propaganda. The GDR had succeeded in stopping emigration, though, and Khrushchev quietly dropped more extreme demands when it was clear that the 653

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United States was not prepared to give way over the legal status of Berlin even at the risk of war. This, though, was only the beginning of a period during which Soviet policy tested American resolve much harder than before. The next crisis came not in Europe but in the Caribbean, an area in which the European allies of the United States were much less interested than they had been over possible changes in Germany.

LATIN A M E R I C A E N T E R S WORLD P O L I T I C S The outbreak of the Second World War was at first a new setback for Latin America. Loss of access to continental markets in Europe and, later, Asia — was a severe blow. In the end, though, it made possible a resumption of the process of recovering prosperity. For all the sympathy Argentina's rulers showed for Nazi Germany, most of the southern republics were, under United States pressure, sympathetic enough to the Allies eventually to break off diplomatic relations with all or some of the Axis powers, though few of them actually declared war until 1945. Most of the Central American and Caribbean states had done so soon after Pearl Harbor, but without making significant military or naval contributions to the war. Brazil eventually sent soldiers to Europe to fight in Italy, while a Mexican air force unit took part in the Pacific war. This did not mean that the i93os-born distrust of the outside world of great powers on whom Latin Americans blamed so many of their troubles went away. The most important effects of the war on Latin America, though, were once again economic and benevolent (and they were to be prolonged, in due course, by the Korean war). Many Latin American states were now, on balance, creditor nations. The old dependence on the United States and Europe for manufactured goods had become apparent in shortages in many Latin American countries during the war. The drive to industrialize and provide import-substitution had gathered more speed in some of them. On the urban workforces which industrialization built up there was built sometimes the political power of authoritarian, some said semi-fascist, popular movements. Among the beneficiaries in the post-war era, 654

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Perón in Argentina was the most famous, but Colombia in 1953 and Venezuela in 1954 had similar regimes. Sometimes they were actually called fascist by their opponents, but this was hardly an adequate description. Communist parties had no such conspicuous success among the masses as did native radical movements, though they were organized in most countries by 1939. The European political commitments left in the hemisphere were comparatively few by 1945. The British, French and Dutch had between them still a scatter of Caribbean and Central American possessions, but the British had in September 1940 already allowed the United States to set up naval bases on long leases in some of its island colonies.3 Such as they were, the surviving relics of imperialism were about to participate in the decolonizing era. As for Russia, neither tsarist nor Soviet governments had ever had territorial or investment interests in the area. The United States' political and military predominance in the Caribbean, as well as American economic weight in Latin America as a whole, were more evident than ever after 1945. The 1950s brought about another change. After Korea, American policy was influenced more than before by global perceptions of a communist threat. Washington had not been unduly alarmed by noisy manifestations of Latin American nationalism (which were always likely to look for and find a scapegoat in American policy), but became increasingly concerned lest the hemisphere should provide a lodgement for Soviet influence. There followed covert American subversion operations and greater selectivity in giving support to Latin American governments. In 1954 a government in Guatemala which had communist support was overthrown with United States help, a step that seemed to confirm in the eyes of many Latin Americans a return to old, bad gringo ways. It was consistent with its new nervousness that some in Washington increasingly wanted to see the footholds for communism provided by poverty and discontent removed. The United States began to deliver more economic aid to Latin America. During the 1950s the southern continent, which had hitherto received only a tiny fraction of the 3

Denmark had ceded the Danish West Indies to the United States by treaty in 1916.

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help that went to Europe and Asia, benefited much more. The State Department patronized governments that said they sought social reform and some of them indeed acted effectively (notably that of Bolivia, which carried out significant land reforms in the 1950s). But it remained true that, as for most of the previous century, the worst-off Latin Americans still could obtain virtually no hearing from either populist or conservative rulers; both listened to the cities, but most of the poorest were (as ever) peasants. Unfortunately, though, whenever the programmes of their governments moved towards the eradication of American control of capital by nationalization, American policy tended to veer away again, demanding compensation on a scale and in a way which made reform very difficult. On the whole, therefore, while it might deplore the excesses of an individual authoritarian regime (such as a brutal dictatorship installed in 1933 in Cuba by Batista), the American government tended to find itself south of the Rio Grande, as in Asia, supporting conservative interests. For all the North Americans' uneasiness about the appeal of communism, significant social change for the better in Latin America was small. The only victorious social revolution in Latin America in the post-war period was to be one that began in Cuba in 1958.

CUBA The Cuban revolution was to produce greater political effects than any other event in Latin America in the second half of the century. Yet a crisis that broke in 1962, and led to a confrontation of the two superpowers, was a purely Cold War creation, although it came to be something of a consummation of a phase in Latin American history. Cuba was in a number of respects exceptional. Its island position in the Caribbean, within a relatively short distance of the United States, gave it special strategic significance. There had been an American naval base on the island since 1901 (with a lease running to 1999). The approaches to the Canal Zone had often been shown to matter as much in American strategic thinking as Suez did in British. Secondly, Cuba had been especially badly hit in the world economic depression; it was virtually dependent on one crop, sugar, and that crop had long 656

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had only one outlet, the United States. This economic tie, moreover, was only one of several that had given Cuba a closer and more irksome 'special relationship' with the United States than any other Latin American state. There were historic connxions that went back before 1898 and the winning of independence from Spain. Until 1934 the Cuban constitution had in consequence included special provisions restricting that country's diplomatic freedom. Americans invested heavily in urban property and utilities in an island not far from their shores (about 130 miles away), and Cuba's poverty and low prices made it an attractive holiday resort for Americans, particularly during the Prohibition era and for those with a taste for gambling and girls. All in all, it should not have been surprising that Cubans showed, as they did, particularly strong anti-American and nationalist feelings. In the late 1950s American favour and support were withdrawn from Batista. The United States government looked on with benevolent approval when his regime was overthrown by a young and patriotic guerrilla leader, Fidel Castro. He looked like a liberal. In 1959, when he became prime minister, Castro described his regime as 'humanistic' and he was idolized by many North Americans as a romantic figure (beards now became fashionable among campus radicals). But official relationships soured rapidly. Castro began to interfere with American business interests and to denounce those Americanophile elements in Cuba that had supported the old regime. This turned out to be a rewarding theme; Cubans responded to anti-Americanism by uniting behind the revolution. The island's nationalism found a focus in Castro. There was talk of the completion of a Cuban revolution alleged to have been frustrated by United States occupation in the early years of the century, an idea some have seen as central to Castro's early thinking. One of the first acts of the new revolutionary government was an agrarian reform law that appeared to threaten United States sugar companies with the loss of over a million and a half acres of land. Castro's original aims are nonetheless still not known. Perhaps he was himself not altogether clear what he thought or wanted, except a better life for Cubans. He had worked with a wide spectrum of people who wanted to overthrow Batista, from liberals to Marxists, and this had helped to reassure the United States, which had at first 657

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patronized him as a possible Caribbean Sukarno. When Castro turned towards the USSR for support, though, a new and much more explicit phase of the Cold War began in the western hemisphere. American public opinion now swung round against him. In January 1961 the United States broke off diplomatic relations with his government; the administration had begun to believe that Castro's increasingly obvious dependence on known communists meant that the island was about to fall into their hands. Thus, the Cold War arrived in the western hemisphere. It did not improve matters when Khrushchev warned the United States publicly of the danger of retaliation from Soviet rocket forces if it took military action against Cuba and announced that the Monroe doctrine was dead. The State Department quickly assured the world that reports of its demise were greatly exaggerated and an embargo was imposed on exports to Cuba. By now, President Eisenhower's administration had decided to promote Castro's overthrow by financing and arming Cuban exiles to carry it out. Preparations had been under way for an invasion by them when a new president took office in 1961. Perhaps understandably, John Kennedy was neither cautious enough nor sufficiently informed at that moment to impede it. The outcome, the so-called 'Bay of Pigs' operation, was a fiasco. No one believed official denials of United States complicity, and disapproval of American support for an attack on a popularly-based government was almost worldwide, even among the United States' European allies. Castro now turned in earnest to Moscow for support. At the end of 1961 he declared himself a 'Marxist-Leninist'. The Soviet government must have believed it faced a golden opportunity. It is not known why or when exactly it took the decision to exploit it in the way it did, by deciding to install in Cuba missiles with the range to reach any target in the United States (thus roughly doubling the number of American bases or cities which were potential targets). It was long uncertain whether the initiative came from Havana or Moscow, even though now the second seems likeliest. The outcome, whatever the origin of the decision, was the most serious confrontation of the Cold War and perhaps its major turning-point. In October 1962 American photographic reconnaissance confirmed 658

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that launching sites for Soviet rockets were being built in Cuba. A tense period for American policy-making then ensued while President Kennedy waited until this could be incontrovertibly demonstrated. He then announced that the United States navy would stop any ship delivering further missiles to Cuba and that those already in the island would have to be withdrawn. A Lebanese ship making for the island was boarded and searched. Soviet ships were closely observed and photographed. The American nuclear striking force was made ready for war with the Soviet Union and forces were assembled in Florida for an attack on Cuba. After a few days and an exchange of personal letters between Kennedy and Khrushchev, it was agreed on 28 October that the Soviet missiles should be withdrawn, assurance being given that there would be no American invasion of Cuba once this had been done. It is unlikely that the USSR's allies had been enthusiastic for the Cuban cause, even though Castro's regime proclaimed itself to be Marxist, but publicly they had gone along with their ally. The allies of the United States, as it were, gritted their teeth and did the same. Notably, the Organization of American States had authorized the use of armed force to impose the quarantine on further Soviet arms installations when the crisis was at its height. What had really been at stake for them, as for nations all round the world with no direct stake in the Caribbean, was Cold War solidarity. On both sides it was important that the credibility of the will and power of their own particular superpower patron should be confirmed without a nuclear war. In the end, enough face was saved on both sides. President Kennedy avoided action or language that might have been dangerously provocative. He had left retreat open to Soviet diplomacy by confining his demands to essentials (and discreetly agreeing to a reciprocal withdrawal of American missiles from Turkey after a few months). After something as near to a pure confrontation as is easily imaginable, the USSR appeared to have been forced to give way, but not to have been humiliated. With hindsight's advantage, it is clear that the prospect of nuclear war as the price of a geographical extension of the Cold War had indeed been faced and found unacceptable by the Soviet Union. The setting-up of direct telephone communication between the heads of 659

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the two superpowers — the so-called 'hot line' - was a recognition that the danger of conflict through misunderstanding made necessary something more intimate and immediate than the usual diplomatic channels. It was also clear that in spite of Soviet boasting to the contrary, American preponderance in weapons was as great as ever. What mattered most for purposes of direct nuclear exchange between the two superpowers was the inter-continental ballistic missile (ICBM); at the end of 1962 the Americans had a superiority over their likely opponents of more than six to one in this class of weapon (the Soviet consumer was to bear the burden of the choice between rockets and butter as the USSR set to work to reduce this disparity). Meanwhile, the Cuban confrontation had probably helped to achieve the first international agreement on restricting the testing of nuclear weapons in space, the atmosphere or underwater, between Great Britain (during the crisis the only European state with its own nuclear weapons), the United States and the Soviet Union. Disarmament would still be pursued for many years without further success, but this was a positive beginning to dealing with the problems of nuclear weapons through diplomacy, and an encouragement to the pursuit of further negotiations.

THE A F T E R M A T H IN L A T I N A M E R I C A That she had emerged successfully, even victoriously, from the Cuban missile crisis did not mean that the United States faced no further problems to the south. The anti-Castro initiative that had ended at the Bay of Pigs had incurred disapproval everywhere because it was an attack on a popular regime. Henceforth, Cuba would be something of a revolutionary magnet for Latin American radicals. Even as Castro's torturers and jailers replaced Batista's, his government pressed forward with policies which, with Soviet economic help, very visibly promoted egalitarianism and social reform (in the 1970s, Cuba claimed to have the lowest child mortality rates in Latin America). Though the United States had promised not to invade the island, it went on trying to isolate it as much as possible from its neighbours because of its potential influence elsewhere, and to do as much econ660

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omic damage to the new regime as possible. Unsurprisingly, the appeal of Cuba's revolution seemed just for that reason for a while to wax stronger elsewhere in Latin America. This, though, did not make other Latin American governments more sympathetic towards Castro when he tried to use Cuba as a revolutionary centre for the rest of the continent. In the event, as an unsuccessful attempt to start a guerrilla war in Bolivia showed, revolution elsewhere was not likely to be easy. Cuban circ*mstances had after all been very atypical. Hopes entertained by would-be revolutionaries of mounting peasant rebellions elsewhere proved illusory; there was to be no Latin American Vietnam. There was still to be plenty of rural unrest in specific areas even in the 1990s, but the edge of peasant misery was blunted by land reform and the improvement of rural services. Communists in other states deplored Castro's efforts, too. While there was plenty of revolutionary potential about, it turned out to be urban rather than rural. It was in the major cities that terrorist left-wing organizations were within a few years making the headlines. Though they were often spectacular and even locally threatening to the authorities, it is not clear that the radicals who advocated and turned to violence enjoyed wide popular support, though the brutalities practised in dealing with them alienated middle-class support from government in some countries. Meanwhile, anti-Americanism and a generalized distrust of the United States continued to run high. Kennedy's hopes for a new American initiative, based on social reform, an 'Alliance for Progress' as he termed it with a revealing choice of words, made no headway against the animosity aroused by American treatment of Cuba. Johnson did no better, but he was probably in any case less interested in Latin America than in domestic reform; he tended to leave speculation about hemisphere policy to fellow-Texans with business interests there. The Alliance initiative was never recaptured after its initial flagging. Worse still, it was soon overtaken by fresh evidence of the old Adam of intervention. Four years before, American help had assisted the overthrow and assassination of a corrupt and tyrannical dictator of the Dominican Republic and his replacement by a reforming democratic government. When this was then pushed aside by soldiers acting in defence of the privileged 661

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who felt threatened by reform, the Americans cut off aid; it looked as if, after all, the Alliance for Progress might be used discriminatingly. But aid was soon restored and a rebellion against the soldiers in 1965 resulted in the arrival of 20,000 American troops to put it down. By the end of the decade the Alliance had virtually been forgotten. There was a new wave of threats to American property by governments which did not need to fear the loss of ultimate American support while the CIA remained obsessed by a largely illusory communist threat. As in Asia and Europe, Cold War gave opportunities to the weak. Chile nationalized the largest American copper company, the Bolivians took over oil concerns and the Peruvians plantations. In 1969 there was a historic meeting of Latin American governments at which no United States representative was present and Yanqui behaviour was explicitly and implicitly condemned. A tour undertaken by a representative (bearing the evocative name of Rockefeller) of the president of the United States that year led to protest, riots, the blowing up of American property and requests to stay away from some countries. It was rather like the end of the previous decade, when a 'goodwill' tour by Eisenhower's vice-president (Richard Nixon) had ended in him being mobbed and spat upon. All in all, it looked by 1970 as if Latin American nationalism was entering a new and vigorous period (there was even a war between Honduras and El Salvador, beginning in riots when Honduras was defeated by her neighbour in an early qualifying round of the World Cup). If Cuba-inspired guerrillas had ever presented a danger, they appeared to do so no longer. Once the spur of fear of Castro was gone there was little reason for governments not to try to capitalize on anti-American feeling.

THE C H A N G I N G USSR In 1958, Khrushchev had taken over from Bulganin the premiership; together with the party secretaryship he was to hold it until 1964, when he was removed from office. He had evidently provided a great shaking-up to both government and party, though more to the first. His ascendancy had brought some real 'de-Stalinization' of personnel, 662

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a huge failure over agriculture, and a change in the emphasis of the armed services (towards the strategic rocket services that became their élite arm). Khrushchev's alarming personal initiatives in foreign policy (above all the Cuban adventure) may have been the fundamental cause of his removal. Yet though he was set aside with the connivance of the army by party colleagues he had offended and alarmed, he was not killed or sent to prison; he even succeeded in having his memoirs published abroad. Nor, momentously, could his speech at the Twentieth CPSU Congress ever be unsaid. Though much of it had been aimed at diverting criticism from those who (like Khrushchev himself) had been participants in the crimes of which Stalin was accused, it had provoked uncontainable debate on what the USSR had really been under Stalin. Symbolically, Stalin's body had been removed from Lenin's tomb, the national shrine. In the next few years there had been what some called a 'thaw'. Marginally greater freedom of expression had been allowed to writers and artists, while the regime appeared briefly to be a little more concerned about its standing in the eyes of the world over such matters as its treatment of Jews. But this was personal and sporadic: liberalization depended on who had Khrushchev's ear, and the reemergence of the party as a much more independent factor in Soviet life did not mean that the fundamentally authoritarian nature of Soviet government changed. It now seems odd that for a time there was a fashion to say that the United States and the USSR were growing more and more alike. The once-popular theory of 'convergence' gave undue emphasis to one undoubted truth: that the Soviet Union was a developed economy. In the 1960s many people in many other countries still thought socialism a plausible road to modernization because of that. It was overlooked that the Soviet economy was also by many standards inefficient. Soviet industrial growth, though in the 1950s supposedly faster than that of the United States, had been most evident in heavy industry. The individual consumer in the Soviet Union remained poor by comparison with his American (or, increasingly, western European) counterpart, and would have been even more visibly so but for a costly and inefficient system of subsidies for basic commodities. Russian agriculture, which had once fed the cities of Central Europe and paid for the industrializ-

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ation of the tsarist era, was a continuing failure; paradoxically, the USSR often had to buy American grain. The official CPSU programme of 1961 announced that by 1970 the USSR would outstrip the United States in industrial output. It did not happen. Over the same period, the proposal that President Kennedy had made in 1961 to put an American on the moon was carried out with time to spare. By comparison with many undeveloped countries, though, the USSR was rich; to the poor of the Third World the USA and USSR could look quite similar. In 1961 official Soviet figures announced that the urban population of the Union now outnumbered the rural. Soviet citizens, too, were more aware of the happy contrast with their memories of their stricken and impoverished country in the 1940s than of that with the contemporary United States, about which for a long time they could know little that was true. Moreover, the contest of the two systems was not always one-sided. Soviet investment in education, for example, may well have achieved literacy rates as good as the American. Yet all such comparisons, which fall easily over the line from quantitative to qualitative judgement, could hardly obscure (except in the eyes of the faithful) the basic fact that the per capita GDP of the Soviet Union in the 1970s still lagged far behind that of the United States. There had been a long legacy of backwardness and disruption to eliminate; only in 1952 had real wages in the Soviet Union even got back to their 1928 level. If its citizens had at last been given old age pensions in 1956 (nearly half a century after the British), they also had to put up with health services which fell further and further behind those available in the western countries. One indisputable achievement, by 1970, was the creation of a scientific and industrial base in the Soviet Union which could match in scale and challenge in quality that of the United States. It was able, too, to do some great and very visible things. The first Soviet nuclear power station had begun to operate in 1958, but the most blatant expression of what Soviet science could do, and a great source of patriotic pride to the Soviet citizen, was the exploration of space. The public imagination is so jaded by news from space nowadays that it is difficult to recapture the startling impression made by the first Soviet successes and the many other outstanding Soviet space achievements 664

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that followed. Space exploration fed the patriotic imagination of Soviet citizens and rewarded their patience with the realities of daily life in the USSR. Space technology justified the revolution; it made it clear that, technologically, the USSR could do almost anything that could be done by another nation, much that only one other could, and perhaps one or two things which, for a while, no other could. Mother Russia was modernized at last. Whether this meant that the Soviet Union was in a diplomatic sense becoming a satisfied nation, with leaders more confident and less suspicious of the outside world and less prone to disturb the international scene, is a quite different matter. Their responses to Chinese resurgence were not encouraging; there was muffled talk of preemptive Soviet nuclear attacks on the Chinese border. Soviet society was beginning to show some new strains, too, by 1970. Dissent and criticism, particularly of restraints upon intellectual freedom, mounted, if tentatively, in the 1960s. More was heard of antisocial behaviour such as hooliganism, corruption and alcoholism, though these were neither new nor surprising in a country that had been still so backward and barbarous in 1917. But such weaknesses probably held both as much and as little potential for significant change as they did in other large countries. In the long run less spectacular changes may have turned out to be more important; looking back, an important watershed was surely passed in the 1970s, when native Russianspeakers for the first time became a minority in the Soviet Union. It mattered, too, that much did not change. All Soviet citizens continued to live in a state where the limits of freedom and the rights of the individual were defined in practice by a police apparatus backed up by administrative decisions and prisons. There were still thousands of political prisoners in 1970. Foreign radio broadcasts were still jammed, at enormous cost. The real difference between the Soviet Union and the United States (or any west European nation) was still best shown by such yardsticks.

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THE C H A N G I N G U N I T E D S T A T E S The fact that change in the United States is easily observed, and by none more so or more noisily than by Americans, does not always make it easier to discern what is going on in that country. Of the sheer continuing growth of American power in the mid-century decades there can be no doubt, nor of its importance to the world. In the middle of the 1950s the United States contained about 6 per cent of the world's population but produced more than half its manufactured goods. In 1965 the state of Illinois had a larger GDP than Africa, and California's was larger than China's. More Americans than ever (of a population which passed the 200 million mark in 1968) lived in cities or their suburbs, and the likelihood that they would die of some form of malignancy had much increased since 1901 - a paradoxical but sure sign of improvement in public health, for it showed a growing mastery of other diseases. The immensely successful American industrial structure was dominated by very large corporations, some of them already commanding resources and wealth greater than those of some nations. Concern was sometimes expressed for the interests of the public and the consumer, given the power and influence of these giants. But few doubts existed in the 1960s about their ability to create wealth. American industrial strength was and has remained the great constant of the post-war world. It sustained a huge military potential, too, which encouraged illusions about limitless international power and about the inevitable tendency of other countries to follow American models. In the 1950s, the second of President Truman's and both President Eisenhower's terms in office were marked by noisy debate and shadowboxing about the danger of governmental interference with free enterprise; most of it was beside the point. Ever since 1945 the federal government had held and indeed increased its importance as the leading customer of the American economy, and American voters had grown fonder of the welfare state. Government spending was the primary economic stimulant and to benefit from it was the goal of hundreds of interest groups; hopes of balanced budgets and cheap, businesslike administration tended to run aground upon this fact. As 666

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for what looked like a distrust of social service provision in European eyes, the United States was a democracy and whatever the rhetoric devoted to attacking it, the welfare state inexorably advanced because voters wanted it that way. These facts made the old myths of free enterprise unchecked and uninvaded by the influence of government more unrealistic than ever in the 1950s and 1960s, even if the country was committed to market economies as was no other leading industrial power. The Democratic coalition that had been Roosevelt's political masterpiece was still in being in 1970. Though a Republican president had been elected in 195z, benefiting from war-weariness, Eisenhower had not been able to persuade Americans that they should also elect Republican congressmen. Yet by i960 the first cracks were appearing in the Democratic bloc; the Republican presidential candidate appealed to many southern conservative voters. The 1950s had nonetheless left an impression of domestic quiet in all but one very visible respect. The Truman administration's last year had witnessed the rise of an embarrassing public concern, fanned by interested politicians, over allegations of dangers presented to the United States by subversive action and disloyalty in various areas, and especially in branches of the executive government. Uproar and embarrassment mounted to come to a climax in the early Eisenhower presidency. In so far as the roots of concern were real, they lay in some well-founded revelations of Soviet espionage activity (not only in the United States, but in Canada, too), in puzzlement and unease over what many Americans regarded as the inexplicable 'loss' of China to communism, in the frustrations of a Korean war, which was won, but not obviously nor in some eyes decisively, and in uneasiness after the USSR had revealed its possession of nuclear weapons. At least one highly-placed State Department employee was revealed as a spy and the outcome was great public alarm. There followed much socalled 'witch-hunting', as a congressional inquiry sought evidence of other potentially subversive individuals (membership of the Communist party or a refusal to answer incriminating questions on that topic were taken as prima facie evidence of guilt). This was often led and was much exploited by a United States senator, Joseph McCarthy, who for a couple of years won much popularity - as well as notoriety and opprobrium among liberally minded Americans — by a demagogic 667

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and totally unscrupulous pursuit of the supposed guilty men and women. The investigations of the congressional committee began to damage the executive branch of government itself, and many loyal and innocent American public servants, as well as many unconnected with government, suffered obloquy, intimidation and social and professional harassment. The McCarthy episode was in part prolonged because it was not part of Eisenhower's vision of the presidential office that he should provide a strong lead to public opinion on such a matter. Over 6,000 government employees were moved from their jobs in the eighteen months during which excitement was at its height but, in the end, the senator went several steps too far in attempting to interfere with the US army. The implausibility of his charges began to dawn on the public and, slowly, other senators began to recover their nerve. McCarthy was condemned by a formal vote of the Senate and McCarthyism at last subsided. But it had done great psychological and ideological damage to the confidence of American democracy, and its wounds took a long time to heal. In i960, a very narrow majority of the popular vote after an election in some respects questionable in its propriety brought to the presidency a Democratic candidate, John Kennedy. He was also, as presidents go, a youngish one. This helped to create a misleading sense of striking change. Too much was made of the more superficial aspects of this at the time, but in retrospect it can certainly be agreed that both in foreign and domestic affairs, the eight years of renewed Democratic rule from 1961 indeed brought great change to the United States, though hardly in a form that Kennedy or his vice-president, Lyndon Johnson, would have hoped for when they took office. Nor did the 1960s reverse the slow crumbling of Roosevelt's Democratic coalition of voters. This was in part because of what could still in the 1960s be called the Negro question. Once again, the long-term dynamics were fundamental to it. A century after emancipation and sixty years after the century had begun, the black American was still likely to be poorer, more often on relief, more often unemployed, less well housed and less healthy and more often murdered than the white American. As the twentieth century ended, this would still be the case, although in 668

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the 1950s, there had been some optimism about evolutionary change. Three new facts had then begun to make their impact. One was internal migration from south to north, which had begun during the Second World War and turned a local southern question into a national problem. Between 1940 and i960 the black population of northern states almost trebled, as first the wartime boom and then the long surge of economic growth made their impact. Jobs - or the belief that they were available - sucked people into manufacturing areas and northern cities; New York came to have the biggest black population of any state in the Union. This brought the black problem into view in new places and in new ways. It gave prominence not only to the thwarting of the exercise of black Americans' legal rights, but also to more complex disadvantages, and to new issues of comparative economic and cultural deprivation. The second fact pushing the question of the black American forward on to the national stage originated outside the United States, as new nations of black, brown and yellow peoples grew in numbers at the UN. It was an embarrassment — of which communist propaganda always made good use - for the United States to display at home so flagrant a contravention of the ideals she spoke up for abroad as was provided by the plight of many of her blacks. The third and final fact bringing about change was the action of black Americans themselves under their own leaders, some inspired by Gandhian principles of passive resistance to oppression. This not only frightened conservatives, it won over many liberal-minded whites. The first and most successful phase of the campaign for black Americans' equal status was a struggle for civil rights. The most important of these was the unhindered exercise of the vote (always formally available, but often actually not in many southern communities), but access to equality of treatment in other ways was also sought. Winning battles over these issues began with decisions of the Supreme Court in 1954 and 1955, with, that is, judicial interpretation, not legislation. These important first decisions provided among other things that the segregation of different races within the public school system was unconstitutional and that where it existed it should be brought to an end within a reasonable time. President Eisenhower's decision to use federal power and to use it very visibly, in the form 669

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of soldiers - there were unlikely to be many votes lost in doing this in the solid Democratic South — to support this decision challenged the social system in many southern states. By 1963 some black and white children were attending public schools together in every state of the Union, even if all-black and all-white schools still survived in many places. After a successful campaign of 'sit-ins' by black leaders (which itself achieved important victories in individual states), Kennedy in his turn initiated a legislative programme that addressed itself to segregation and inequality in other forms. Poverty, poor housing, bad schools in run-down urban areas were symptoms of deep dislocations inside American society, north as well as south and were inequalities made more irksome by the increasing affluence in which they were set. The Kennedy administration appealed to Americans to see their removal as one of the challenges of a 'New Frontier'. Even greater emphasis was given to legislation to remove them by Lyndon Johnson, who succeeded to the presidency when Kennedy was murdered in November 1963. This crime struck and alarmed both his countrymen and the world far more than had done the murder of President McKinley sixty-two years before and not merely because it was seen by huge audiences on television. It caused much heart-searching about the state of the national life. Not only had a young president died with his promise unfulfilled after millions had come to believe he would become most worthy of his office had he been but put upon. Much more also seemed to depend on and was expected of the presidential office in the second half of the twentieth century than when it had begun. Not only had executive and political power been much amplified in two world wars and economic disaster, but also Americans were conscious of the dangers of navigating waters very different from and much more dangerous than those of 1901. The processes of the constitution worked in their orderly way and the vice-president, Lyndon Johnson, was at once sworn into the highest office in the aeroplane carrying Kennedy's body back to Washington for his funeral. In the tragedy of the moment, it was easy to overlook the stability and durability of such constitutional practice. President Johnson, though, was to see his presidency, too, cut short, though not by personal violence. 670

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One of his earliest preoccupations was to win support in Congress for further attacks on the injustices of black Americans' lives. He was the first national leader to speak of giving his less fortunate fellow Americans 'a stake in society'. Unhappily, laws were to prove not to help much; the deepest roots of the American black problem appeared to lie beyond their reach in what came to be called the 'ghetto' areas of great American cities. Altering the legal and political position of black Americans for the better by no means solved all the problems tangled up with colour. Bitterness and resentment were not eliminated, and in some places they increased. More blacks than ever remained evidently poor and actually deprived and in 1965 (100 years after slaves had been emancipated throughout the whole United States) a ferocious outbreak of rioting took place in Watts, a black district of Los Angeles. It was estimated to have involved at its height as many as 75,000 people, and left thirty-four dead and over 800 injured. There were disturbances in other cities, too, though not on the same scale. It had been a hot summer, and youth unemployment, it was agreed by an investigative commission, lay at the root of the Los Angeles outbreak, but the explosion had dramatically exposed much wider social problems for black Americans. To President Johnson this must have been deeply frustrating. His own far from affluent southern background had made him a convinced and convincing exponent of a 'Great Society' in which he discerned America's future and that seemed to hold promise for the handling of the black economic problem more effectively. Yet, for all his aspirations, experience and skill, that was not happening. Nor was it to do so, for Johnson's potentially great reforming presidency was soon to end in tragic failure. His constructive work was to be forgotten and his achievements lost in the shadows of a disastrous Asian war.

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A few years after Kennedy's assassination it became a famous quip that violence was 'as American as apple pie'. In 1968, Kennedy's brother, whom many expected to become president and who was already attorney-general of the United States, had been shot dead.1 So, earlier in the same year, had been the most celebrated of the leaders of the struggle for civil rights, the black minister of religion Martin Luther King. Yet it was more than political murder or attempted murder that seemed to many to give plausibility to the smart-alec phrase. By the end of the decade the United States was in huge disarray because of the concomitants and consequences of a disastrous foreign war. In the 1950s, American policy in south-east Asia had come to rest on the dogma that a non-communist South Vietnam was essential to national security. That country had to be kept in the western camp, it was believed, if others in the region - or even, perhaps, as far away as India and Australia - were not to be subverted. The policy had perhaps been influenced by the infection of the American imagination with fear of communist subversion in the McCarthy years. Thus the United States became the occasional midwife, continuing nurse and virtual prisoner of conservative and incompetent governments in Saigon. 1

Sixteen attempts to kill US presidents have been made in this century, none successful except those on McKinley and Kennedy, though Mr Reagan was wounded and Mr Ford was the victim of two attempts in the same year (1974) - both, curiously, by women.

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On taking office, Kennedy no more questioned the Asian policies he inherited than that towards Cuba. Indeed, he almost at once took them further by providing more American military aid to South Vietnam in the form of 'advisers'. At the time of his murder there were already 23,000 there, many in action in the field. President Johnson followed the same course, believing that American pledges to other countries had to be shown to be sound currency. But government after government in Saigon turned out to be broken reeds. At the beginning of 1965, just after a presidential election which he had won with a huge Democratic majority,2 Johnson was advised that South Vietnam might collapse. Under authority to act given to him by Congress after North Vietnamese attacks on American ships the previous year, he now ordered American air attacks against targets in North Vietnam. Soon afterwards, the first officially acknowledged American combat units were sent to the South. After this, American participation quickly soared out of control. In 1968 there were over half a million American servicemen in Vietnam; by Christmas that year a heavier tonnage of bombs had been dropped on North Vietnam alone than had fallen on Germany and Japan together in the entire Second World War. The outcome was politically disastrous, and militarily ineffective. It is now almost forgotten that the first of President Johnson's State of the Union messages had envisaged a reduction of military expenditure, and that a few weeks later he sent a bill to Congress proposing to spend $5,000 million in fighting poverty in the United States. The American balance of payments was wrecked by the war's huge cost. That money was diverted from the badly needed reform projects at home, though, was almost the least of Johnson's tragedies. Worse was the bitter domestic outcry that arose as casualties mounted and attempts to negotiate seemed to get nowhere. The young (among them a future president) sought to avoid the machinery of conscription. Rancour grew, and with it the alarm of moderate America. It was small consolation to know that Soviet costs in supplying arms to North Vietnam were heavy, too. 2

He won approximately 61 per cent of the votes cast - afigurewhich had not been reached by any president since Franklin Roosevelt in 1936.

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As domestic uproar mounted over Vietnam, more came to be involved than the agitation of young people rioting in protest and distrust of their government, or the anger of conservatives who found their ideals outraged by ritual desecration of the symbols of patriotism and the refusals of the young to carry out military service. Vietnam brought about a transformation in the way many thoughtful Americans looked at the outside world. In south-east Asia it was at last borne in on them that even the United States could not obtain any result she wanted, far less obtain it at any reasonable cost. For the first time in its history, the republic experienced a major and unqualified military defeat. The late 1960s saw the sunset not of American power but rather of the illusion that American power was limitless and irresistible. Americans had entered the 1960s confident in the knowledge that their country's strength had decided two world wars. Far back behind them there stretched a century and a half of virtually unchecked and unhindered continental expansion, of immunity from European intervention, of unthreatened hegemony in their hemisphere. Nothing in that history had been wholly disastrous or irredeemable, hardly anything in it had ended in real failure, and it presented to most Americans' consciences nothing over which most of them felt any guilt. It had been easy and natural against that background to sustain a careless assumption of limitless possibility and for optimism to be carried over from domestic to foreign concerns. It is hardly surprising that Americans should forget the special circ*mstances in which their success for history had been possible. Most contented peoples do forget such things; it is the circ*mstances of failure that linger in the mind. The reckoning had in fact already begun to be drawn up in the 1950s though few could then acknowledge it. Some Americans had even then regretted having to accept a lesser victory in Korea than they had hoped for. There had followed twenty years of frequent frustration in dealing with nations often enjoying not a tenth of the power of the United States, yet sometimes able to thwart her, even if they were also, in specific confrontations with the USSR, years of successes. At last, in the Vietnam disaster, both the limits of power and its full costs were revealed. In March 1968 the strength of domestic opposition to the war was shown clearly in the primary elections. 674

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Johnson had already drawn the conclusion that the United States could not win, had restricted the bombing campaign and asked the North Vietnamese to negotiate. Dramatically, he also announced that he would not stand for re-election in that year. Just as war-weariness and the casualties of Korea had helped to win Eisenhower election in 1952, so the body bags and wounded from Vietnam, the pictures on television of its battlefields and the psychic divisions they provoked at home, helped to elect another Republican president in 1968; with a third candidate in the race, Richard Nixon was able to achieve a narrow margin over his Democratic opponent. Vietnam had not been the only factor, but it was one of the most important in helping to finish off the old Democratic coalition. Among others were the shift in the allegiance of southern conservatives, the 'Dixiecrats' who had long delivered the Democratic vote of the 'Solid South'; they had been increasingly offended by policy made in Washington which favoured black Americans; many of them voted in the presidential election of 1968 for the third, diehard and segregationist candidate. President Nixon began to withdraw American ground forces from Vietnam soon after his inauguration; of a total (at its highest) of over a half a million only 40,000 were still there at the end of 197z. Peace-making was slow, nevertheless. In 1970 secret negotiations had begun with North Vietnam, accompanied by withdrawals (but also by renewed and intensified bombing of the north) by the Americans. The diplomacy was tortuous and difficult. There were further American tactical offensives while it went on. The war was extended to Cambodia, too, a nominally neutral country, in search of Vietnamese forces and supply dumps there, with tragic results. The United States could not admit it was abandoning its ally in the south, though it became clear it would have to do so. Yet the North Vietnamese would not accept terms which did not leave them able to harass and bring down any southern regime. Amid considerable public outcry in the United States, bombing was briefly resumed for the last time at the end of 197z. Soon afterwards, on 27 January 1973, a ceasefire was signed in Paris. The war had gravely damaged American prestige, eroded American diplomatic influence, ravaged domestic politics and had frustrated social reform. In 1971 President Nixon had been obliged to end the convertibility of 675

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the dollar to gold, and the uncertainty of unstable exchange rates had further complicated the management of the domestic economy. What had been achieved at the cost of immeasurable suffering, vast sums of money and 57,000 American dead was a brief extension of the life of a shaky South Vietnam saddled with internal problems which made its survival improbable, while terrible further destruction had been inflicted on much of Indo-China. The last tended to be overlooked, as did the deaths of, possibly, as many as 3 million Indo-Chinese. Perhaps the abandonment of the illusion of American omnipotence somewhat offsets this bill.

THE CHANGING ASIAN CONTEXT It was a major domestic political success to disentangle the United States from the morass, and President Nixon reaped in 1972 the benefit in re-election with an absolute majority of the popular vote like Johnson's of 1964. The liquidation of the venture followed other signs that he recognized how much the world had already changed since the Cuban crisis. In 1971 the American secretary of state was sent secretly to China to meet its prime minister. Later that year, China had been admitted to the UN and Taiwan had been cast out: a step formally approved by the United States.3 One of the first declarations of the new delegation as it took its seats was that China was part of the 'Third World'. Nixon now launched a new policy of establishing normal and direct relations with mainland China with a startling initiative, making a presidential visit to that country in February 197z, an attempt to begin to bridge what he described as '16,000 miles and twenty-two years of hostility'. As the first visit by an American president to mainland Asia, it might almost have been said to have been a step towards the bridging of 2,500 years of civilization and history, too. One of Mao's last major initiatives was to encourage 3

Thefinaldebate on the issue took six days to complete and on the crucial proposal to recognize the representatives of Beijing as 'the only legitimate representatives of China in the United Nations' seventy-six states voted in favour, thirty-five against and seventeen abstained. The majority for the expulsion of Taiwan's representatives was smaller. 676

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rapprochement with the United States (he later claimed to have known where he was with Nixon)4 and the presidential visit was followed by an exchange of diplomatic representation. Formally, full diplomatic relations with the United States were not opened until 1979 when American relations with Taiwan were officially closed down but even before Mao's death in 1976 one of the greatest changes in post-war diplomacy had taken place. When Nixon followed his Chinese trip by becoming also the first American president to visit Moscow (in May 1972) and this was followed by an interim agreement on arms limitation, it seemed that another milestone had passed. The stark polarized simplicities of the Cold War were becoming blurred, however doubtful the future might look. In achieving a Vietnam settlement, both Moscow and Peking had needed to be squared before there could be a ceasefire. China's attitude to Vietnam was, we may guess, by no means simple; it was complicated by potential danger from the USSR, by the United States' use of its power elsewhere in Asia, notably Taiwan and Japan, by Vietnamese nationalism, and by rivalry with the Soviet Union. For all the help China had given, it knew its Indo-Chinese satellite could not be trusted; the Vietnamese had centuries of struggle against Chinese imperialism behind them. In the immediate aftermath of the American withdrawal, what happened in Vietnam (and then spread to Cambodia) had become more and more evidently an Indo-Chinese civil war. The North Vietnamese had not waited long before resuming operations. For a time the United States government had to pretend not to see this; there was too much relief at home over withdrawal from the Asian commitment for scruples to be expressed over the actual observation of the peace terms. When a political scandal forced Nixon's resignation, in August 1974, his successor (and formerly vice-president), Gerald Ford, faced a Congress now suspicious of what it saw as dangerous foreign adventures and ready to thwart them. Distrust of the executive power was in the air. Confidence in the traditional foreign policy leadership of the presidency crumbled. There could be 4

Sir Edward Heath, The Course of My Life, My Autobiography

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no American attempt to uphold the peace terms of 1972 as any sort of guarantee of the South Vietnamese regime against overthrow. Early in 1975, American aid to Saigon came to an end. A government that had lost virtually all its other territory was now reduced to a backs-to-the-wall attempt to hold the capital city and the lower Mekong with a demoralized and defeated army. At the same time, the Cambodian communists were destroying another regime the United States had supported, but Congress prevented the sending of further military and financial help to it. The pattern of China in 1947 was being repeated; the United States cut her losses, mainly at the expense of those who had relied on her (though 117,000 Vietnamese fled with the Americans). This outcome was doubly ironic. In the first place it suggested that the hardliners on Asian policy had been right all along - that only the knowledge that the United States was in the last resort prepared to fight for them would guarantee that post-colonial regimes would resist communism. Secondly, a swing back to isolationism in the United States was accentuated, not muffled, by defeat. Those who reflected on the American dead and missing and the huge financial cost now saw the whole Indo-China episode as a pointless and unjustifiable waste on behalf of peoples who would not fight to defend themselves. As for the allies of the United States, an alternative reading of the American position in East Asia was possible. It was arguable that better relations with China mattered much more than the loss of Vietnam, and that they could now become a reality. Yet the United States looked and Americans felt confused and worried as the 1970s drew to an end. When President Ford faced a Congress unwilling to countenance further aid to its allies in Indo-China, and Cambodia collapsed, to be quickly followed by South Vietnam, questions inevitably began to be asked at home and abroad about how far what looked like a worldwide retreat of American power might go. If the United States would no longer fight over Indo-China, would she, then, do so over Thailand? More alarmingly still, would she fight over Israel - or even Berlin? There were good reasons to think the Americans' mood of resignation and dismay would not last for ever, but while it lasted, their allies felt uneasy and all the more so in the aftermath of an oil crisis and the revival of tension in other parts of the world. 678

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The situation was not easy to read. Objectively, there were good grounds for reassurance, though they were so familiar that they were easily overlooked. The American democratic system showed no sign of breaking down, or of not being able to meet the country's needs, even if it could not find quick answers to all its problems. The economy had astonishingly been able for years to pay for a hugely expensive war, for a space exploration programme that put men on the moon, for garrisons around the world, and for a rising standard of living. In the end the burden proved too heavy but such facts offset the continuing plight of black Americans, the urban decay visible in some of the country's greatest cities, and the deep psychological wounds felt by many who had hitherto believed unquestioningly in the traditions of American patriotism. As the presidential election of 1980 came in sight, though, a new source of alarm and confusion appeared, this time in the Middle East.

OIL AND THE I S R A E L P R O B L E M Politics and economics in the Middle East were already by 1970 being shaped by more than the Cold War and Arab-Jew antagonism. In the 1950s two important developments had owed nothing to ideology or regional rivalries. One was a much-increased rate of oil discovery, particularly on the southern shores of the Persian Gulf, in the small sheikdoms then still under British influence and in Saudi Arabia. The second was a huge acceleration of energy consumption in western countries (especially in the United States) and in Japan. The prime beneficiaries of the oil boom were Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Libya and, some way behind, Iran and Iraq, the established major Middle Eastern producers. This had two important consequences. Industrial countries dependent upon Middle Eastern oil - the United States, Great Britain, Germany and, soon, Japan - had to give even greater weight to Arab views in their diplomacy. It also meant big changes in the relative wealth and standing of Arab states. None of the three leading oil producers was either heavily populated or traditionally of much weight in international affairs. A more remote consequence, too, was a new vigour in searching for oil in other parts of the world. 679

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The importance of oil was still not very evident in the crisis which had followed when an extremist Ba'ath party government took power in Syria with Soviet support in 1963. It soon began to agitate for a new campaign against Israel. The king of Jordan was threatened if he did not support the Palestinian guerrillas (organized in 1964 as the Palestine Liberation Organization, or PLO) on Jordanian territory and Jordanian forces began to prepare to join Egypt and Syria in an attack on Israel. But in 1967, provoked by an Egyptian attempt to blockade their only Red Sea port, the Israelis struck first. In a brilliant campaign they destroyed the Egyptian air force and army in Sinai and hurled back the Jordanians, occupying Arab Jerusalem and winning new borders on the Suez Canal, the Golan Heights, and the Jordan in six days of fighting. For defence, these were far superior to their former boundaries and the Israelis announced that they would keep them (in the event, they later withdrew from much of the Sinai). This was not all. Defeat ensured the eclipse of the glamorous Nasser, who had briefly looked like a plausible leader of pan-Arabism, but now had a decade of sterility and failure behind him. He was now left visibly dependent on Russian power (a Soviet naval squadron arrived at Alexandria as the Israeli advance guards reached the Suez Canal) and on subsidies from the oil states. Both demanded more prudence from him, and that meant difficulties with the radical leaders of the Arab masses; he died in 1970, his charisma already much dissipated. Yet the Six-Day War of 1967, like the Suez crisis and, for that matter, many previous wars of the Ottoman succession in the Near East, solved no problems, changed nothing that was fundamental and made some things worse (notably by the Israeli seizure of all Jersualem, duly condemned without dissent - though with some abstentions - by the UN General Assembly). It had produced new waves of Palestinian refugees and by 1973 about 1,400,000 Palestinians were said to be dispersed in Arab countries, a similar number remaining in Israel and Israeli-occupied territory (the Jewish population of Israel was then about 2.5 million). When the Israelis began to establish Jewish settlements in their newly-won conquests, Arab resentment grew even stronger. Time, oil, and birth rates might seem to be on the Arab side, but not much else was clear. Al-Fatah, the most powerful Palestinian guerrilla group, led by Yasir Arafat, gave up reliance on the Arab 680

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states and turned to terrorism outside the disputed lands and revolution within them to promote their cause. After 1969, when the king of Libya was displaced by a young soldier, the Palestinians could look to a different sort of oil-rich patron. Like the Zionists of the 1890s, they had decided that the western myth of nationality was the answer to their plight; a new state should be the expression of their nationhood, and like Zionist militants in the 1940s, they turned to assassination and indiscriminate murder as weapons. It was clear that in time there would be another war. If American and Soviet interests were identified with opposing sides, as seemed likely for a time, it could be feared that a world war might suddenly blow up out of a local conflict, as in 1914. There was indeed a fourth Arab-Israeli war, in 1973. It produced a major crisis, too, though one whose nature had not been anticipated. It began when Egypt and Syria, exasperated by the failure of the UN to make Israel comply with its resolutions, launched a new attack on the Jewish holy day of Yom Kippur (6 October). For the first time the Israelis seemed in danger of defeat by the much improved and Soviet-armed forces of their opponents. Nonetheless, they beat off the onslaught successfully, though only after the Russians were reported to have sent nuclear weapons to Egypt and the Americans had put their forces on the alert around the world. This grim background, like the possibility that the Israelis, too, had nuclear weapons which they might use in extremity, was not fully discernible to the public, perhaps, but clearly, the Middle East retained all its alarming potential to detonate crises which went far beyond it. A ceasefire followed on 25 October; terrorist activity then continued on Israel's border with Lebanon, provoking strong Israeli counter-measures. Israel had survived, but with heavy losses, while the war cost her economy dear. Tension was high when the UN General Assembly agreed in 1974 t o receive a delegation from the PLO, and to be addressed by Arafat; subsequently a large majority voted that Israel be not allowed to present its case in a debate on the Middle East. In the following year the General Assembly denounced Zionism as a form of racism and granted the PLO 'observer' status at its meetings. That organization was henceforth a major fact of world politics, though still unrecognized by Israel as anything but a mask and cover 681

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for terrorists. Later, a 'Group of 77' supposedly non-aligned countries achieved the suspension of Israel (like South Africa) from certain international organizations and, perhaps more important, a unanimous resolution condemning the Israeli annexation of Jerusalem. Another called for Israel's withdrawal from Arab lands in exchange for recognition by her neighbours. Even the Americans accepted a resolution in 1976 criticizing Israel's behaviour in her occupied territories. Secure in the knowledge that, nonetheless, in the last resort help would always be available from the United States (which had on several occasions used its veto to protect her), Israel could survive such gestures and slights though inconvenienced and made unhappy by them. The most immediate and obvious outcome of the 1973 war on world history had been economic: the impact of the announcement by other Arab states, led by Saudi Arabia, that they would restrict oil supplies to Europe, Japan and the United States. There had long been talk of an 'energy crisis' on the way, in the sense that demand would outrun supply. This was something different, a very large rise in the world price of oil. Now the tensions of Arab—Israeli relations were brought home to the man in the street all over the world except the communist bloc. Oil prices quadrupled in a single year. Suddenly, the implication of twenty years of a historic change largely unnoticed by most of the world was made evident. The developed world was overwhelmingly oil-dependent. Sweden and the Netherlands actually introduced petrol-rationing and the United Kingdom got ready to do so. Throughout the 1950s and most of the 1960s the western world had enjoyed and got used to stable and cheap oil supplies. They had been assured by the informal influence of the United States and United Kingdom in the Gulf States and Saudi Arabia (and in Iraq until 1963, when the Ba'ath seized power there). In the 1970s this assurance broke down. Overnight, economic difficulties that had gone grumbling along but had still been manageable in the 1960s became acute (and among these had been lower rates of investment and exploration by the United States oil industry for a decade or so). The international monetary problems that had followed the end of dollar convertibility to gold were suddenly made far worse. Exchange problems, as the 682

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dollar fluctuated violently, drove France and Germany to seek liberation from the hitherto benevolent dollar despotism. Subsequent institutional bickering and squabbling on economic and financial matters reminded Europeans of the limits to any continental cohesion their governments had so far achieved. Dependence on oil imports played havoc with balance-of-payment issues. The United States was badly shaken and Japan suffered deeply. There was suddenly talk of a new world depression like that of the 1930s. The golden age of economic growth that had begun with post-war recovery seemed to be at an end.

THE I R A N I A N

REVOLUTION

Though oil prices again fell somewhat and steadied in the mid-1970s, they were to rise steeply again at the end of the decade. Egypt had fallen out with Syria, her ally of 1973. Nasser's successor had turned to the United States in the hope of making a face-saving peace with Israel, and Egypt drifted away more and more into isolation from other Arab states. Meanwhile, the PLO's activity across Israel's northern border was not only harassing Israel, but was steadily driving Lebanon, once a bastion of western values, into ruin and disintegration. In 1978 Israel invaded southern Lebanon in the hope of ending the PL O raids and inaugurated an occupation of a 'security zone' of Lebanese territory that was still to be in place twenty years later. President Carter, who had won back the American presidency for the Democratic party in the election of 1976, threw himself vigorously into the cause of negotiating peace between Israel and Egypt. After lengthy discussion (and the commitment of a promise of large-scale American financial support for both states) he was successful. The non-Islamic world applauded when the Israeli and Egyptian prime ministers met in Washington in 1979 to sign a peace treaty providing for Israel's withdrawal from Sinai. Two years later the Egyptian was to pay the price of assassination by those who felt he had betrayed the Palestinian cause by making peace. Nonetheless, this settlement looked for a moment like a sign of recovery in the American position in the Middle East when one was badly needed by Mr Carter. American 683

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morale was by then very low, and it was not to improve during his presidency. The Asian settlements of Nixon and Ford had been real, but they had also been built on the management of American withdrawal and were soon forgotten or looked on as hollow successes. In the background a continuing fear was felt by many Americans over the alleged rising Soviet strength in ballistic missiles. All this shaped American reactions to a virtually unforeseen event. In 1978 the Shah of Iran, long the recipient of American favour as a reliable ally, was driven from his throne by a coalition of outraged liberals and Islamic conservatives. Millions of Iranians had found their traditional ways dislocated by the modernization in which the Shah had followed - with less caution — his father Reza Khan. Western diplomacy had been notably unperceptive in gauging what this meant for the political volatility of the country. Riots began in the first weeks of January and successive attempts to pacify the religious leaders who led the masses failed until, in December, the country was virtually out of control. The Shah went into exile in January 1979. An attempt to set up constitutional government in the aftermath soon collapsed. Popular support rallied to the Islamic revolutionary faction. In April, a Shi'ite Islamic Republic led by the Ayatollah Khomeni, an elderly and intransigent cleric returned from exile abroad, was proclaimed. The United States quickly recognized the new regime, but to no avail: Americans were tarred with guilt by association, as the patrons of the former Shah (the Soviet Union had stood by him, too, in early 1978, but had thereafter smoothly disengaged itself from support for him). The United States was morally denounced by religious radicals, too, as the stronghold of capitalism and western materialism. As they unavailingly sought accommodation with the revolutionary leaders, American diplomats could draw only small consolation from the fact that the Soviet Union was soon undergoing similar Iranian vilification. Students in Teheran relieved some of their personal exasperations by storming the American embassy and seizing members of its staff and others as hostages, while demanding that the Shah be sent back from exile in the United States to face trial for his supposed misdeeds. A startled world suddenly heard that the Iranian government supported the students, had taken custody of the hostages and endorsed the demand for the return of the Shah. 684

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President Carter could hardly have faced a more awkward situation. At that moment American policy had also to adjust itself to a sudden Soviet intervention in Afghanistan. That country, too, had been the scene of a revolution in 1978, which (unlike that in Iran) had brought to power a left-inclined, though self-proclaimedly 'non-aligned' regime. The USA recognized it, but in 1979 it turned to the USSR for help. Soon, substantial Soviet forces had entered the country. It was this that led to the denunciation of the USSR as another 'Satan' by the Iranian leaders. By then, the USA had responded to the Iranian seizure of hostages with economic sanctions and a freezing of Iranian assets in the USA. Then came a dismal failure when a botched American rescue operation cost eight lives. The unhappy hostages were in the end to be recovered by negotiation and, in effect, a ransom: the return of frozen Iranian assets in the United States. Once again the United States appeared humiliated. It was some consolation and Americans took heart when the ferocious Ba'ath regime in Iraq, already viewed with favour in Washington for its ruthless execution and pursuit of Iraqi communists, fell out with its neighbour, the new Iran. In spite of Ba'athist secularism, this was a conflict inflamed by the traditional animosity of Mesopotamian Suni and Persian Shi'ite Muslims; ancient history was again at work. In July 1979 a secular-minded Ba'athist ruler called Saddam Hussein had taken over as president in Baghdad. To the State Department he seemed likely to offset the Iranian danger in the Gulf.

I S L A M IN I N T E R N A T I O N A L

AFFAIRS

The Iranian revolution threw into relief much more than just the American loss of a client state. The seizure of the hostages and acceptance of responsibility for that by the Iranian government had been symbolic acts of major scope. They gave a shock (registered in a unanimous vote of condemnation at the UN) to the established convention that diplomatic envoys should be immune from interference, a European convention developed over more than three centuries throughout the civilized world. The Iranian government's action had announced that it was not playing by the accepted international 685

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rules. It was a blatant rejection of western assumptions and made some in the West wonder what else Islamic revolution might imply. Further cause for alarm soon appeared. A coalition of grievances had made possible the overthrow of the Shah, but speedy reversion to archaic traditions (visible to western observers most strikingly in the treatment of women) confirmed that Iran had repudiated more than a ruler. The Iranian Islamic republic soon began to be seen as an expression of a rage shared by many Muslims elsewhere. In the Middle East, as nowhere else, western nationalism, socialism and capitalism, the great answers of Europe to the problems of modernization, had failed to solve the region's problems, let alone satisfy passions and appetites they had aroused. Nor had they assuaged long and deeply felt awareness of humiliation by western power. The fading of the promise of modernization, moreover, had not only left behind disappointments, but had also revealed threats. The onset of secular westernization challenged Islamic orthodoxy in many particulars of behaviour. Muslim rigorists proclaimed that Atatürk, Reza Khan and Nasser had all led their peoples down the wrong road. Islamic societies might have successfully resisted the rival faith of atheistic communism, but to many Muslims the material and moral contagion of the West seemed more threatening as the century drew to a close than they had done in the past. Paradoxically, western left-wing doctrines of capitalist exploitation themselves helped to feed this revulsion of feeling. The Iranian revolution expressed a deep and complex background of discontents within many Islamic societies. It was also a background brought vividly to western attention in recent years, as Israel catalysed Islamic feeling. In 197z a gang of terrorists from the Middle East had seized, held as hostages and then murdered eleven members of the Israeli team competing in the Olympic Games at Munich. Thanks to plentiful television coverage, this was one of the most spectacular and therefore successful acts of political terrorism in twenty years. Random acts of murder, kidnapping and violence - and not just those carried out by Muslims - had multiplied since the 1960s. There had long been a tradition of terrorism in Europe itself that continued to produce bloodshed (for example, the massacre when a bomb was set off, apparently by extreme right-wing Italian political groups, at the Bologna railway station, and the murder of 686

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the British ambassador at The Hague by the IRA). But terrorism mounted by Arabs or Islamic organizations came to exercise a growing and special fascination for the European and North American imagination and media. In the 1980s this preoccupation was reinforced further by the rhetoric of the Iranian revolution, by talk of jihad (holy war) by some terrorists, by dramatic events inside the Arab world itself such as the murder in 1981 of the Egyptian prime minister who had negotiated peace with Israel (another television spectacular) - by the bizarre statements and behaviour of the Muslim dictator of Libya, and by political changes in Muslim countries. As well as raising the international temperature over the chronic issue of Arab-Israeli conflict, the Iranian revolution thus also appeared to entangle old economic and political problems with other, vaguer but much larger confrontations. These sometimes came to be seen and proclaimed - as conflicts between the western world as a whole and Islam. Such a view could tap the long history of friction and conflict between Islam and Christianity to nourish its enthusiasms. In the early 1990s this even led commentators in western countries to talk of a forthcoming struggle of civilizations, an exaggeration too manifest to be taken seriously, but an interesting symptom of the importance which came to be attached to a contrast, and sometimes clash, of cultures. As the Cold War ebbed, what was somewhat inadequately labelled by the blanket term 'Islamic fundamentalism' (by ill-judged analogy with conservative 'Christian fundamentalism' in the United States) even somewhat replaced the old communist nightmare as a bogey haunting western consciousness. Nevertheless, symptoms visible across most of the Muslim world could also give western politicians occasion to recall once again that Islam is the creed of many very different lands and peoples. They stretch from Morocco in the west to China in the east. Indonesia, the largest south-east Asian country, Pakistan, Malaysia and Bangladesh between them contain more than half the world's Muslims. Outside those countries and the Arabic-speaking lands, the tsarist government of Russia had been alarmed by revolution in Persia because of its possibly disturbing effect on its own Muslim subjects, and the USSR now had more still, while Nigeria, with a majority of Muslims, was the most populous and potentially (thanks to her oil) the richest of 687

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the ex-colonial African 'new nations'. But new perceptions of the Islamic world took time to appear, and well into the 1970s the rest of the world seemed obsessed with the Arab countries of the Middle East, when it thought of Islam. The Iranian revolution, in a non-Arab land, helped to change this, with its hard anti-western (and occasionally anti-Christian) rhetoric and its coupling with a new discipline and austerity in the imposition of Islamic law and custom on westernized élites. There soon followed, too, a successful struggle of the Afghan muhjaheddin ('holy warriors') against the communist government in Kabul and its supporting Soviet army, and a subsequent Islamic radicalization of Afghanistan under the influence of its Iranian neighbour. In its brief communist days that country had not undergone such modernization as had Iran under the Shah, but its religious leaders found plenty of popular support for rejection of what little social modernization there had been and for renewed emphasis on Islamic tradition. It was merely a predictable paradox that this should lead quickly in the 1980s to clandestine American support for the muhjaheddin (they were, after all, on the 'right' side of the Cold War). As the 1980s proceeded, electoral successes for avowedly 'Islamic' parties in several countries led to the installation of other 'Islamic' regimes, notably in the Sudan.5 The winning of a majority of votes by an Islamic party in the Algerian election of 1990 had an immediate European repercussion, for France felt itself obliged to support the Algerian military regime's attempts to repress what it claimed to be another fundamentalist movement, although what soon appeared to be going forward was straightforward repression of political opposition. Before long, the world began to be used to hearing reports of Pakistan's bans on mixed hockey, of Saudi Arabia's Islamic punishments of death by stoning and amputation of limbs, of the segregation of men and women students during lectures at the splendid new university built by the ruler of Oman - and much more. Even in a comparatively 'westernized' Egypt students had already in 1978 voted for those the West now called fundamentalists in their own elections. Some Egyptian girls were by then refusing to dissect male corpses in 5

Some prefer the adjective 'Islamist'. 688

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medical school and demanding a segregated, dual system of instruction. Everywhere in the Arab lands, the pressure of radical Islamicizing forces was felt in some degree; it could always find something to feed on in opposing governments which upheld privileged, sometimes overtly westernized, minorities, showed signs of growing tolerance towards Israel, or pursued programmes of social modernization. In Europe and the United States, such varied phenomena were easy to misjudge. They seemed to form a more coherent pattern than was in fact the case, even, perhaps, a coordinated anti-western movement, aspiring to Islamic unity. Islamic rhetoric often seemed to confirm this. Yet Islamic 'fundamentalism' is full of qualifications and complexities and has obvious limitations as an explanatory term. It is not of equal weight in all Islamic countries. Indonesia and Nigeria have not shown the continuing excitement expressed in some Arab countries and Iran. Moreover, the expression of Muslim unease in political action (including terrorism) outside Muslim countries is a more limited phenomenon than is sometimes recognized. Its emergence has in fact aroused new disunity and division within Islamic societies and has brought old problems to the surface. By 1990, it could certainly not be said to have opened an era in which the Islamic peoples of the Middle East and North Africa could feel that the tide of history had turned in their favour. In the first place, nothing had happened to qualify or remove a fundamental flaw in radical Islamic thinking, its violent but inconsistent anti-modernism. Even Islamic conservatives usually wanted to have the benefits of a selective, controlled modernization; could they combine their own cultural goals (and rejection of those of the western world) with economic, technological, scientific advance? There was no sign that this was likely. A second weakness soon became evident, too. In the 1980s division within the Islamic world erupted in one of the bloodiest wars since 1945, between Iraq and Iran. Religious difference between Suni and Shi'ite gave it a uniquely deep historic background. The struggle lasted eight years and cost a million lives. Evidently, bitter struggles could go on between Islamic countries, whatever their attitudes towards Europeans and Americans. Finally, to the dismay of Muslims all over the Middle East, no progress was made in solving what they saw as the Israel problem (which might mean at a maximum 689

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the elimination of that country, or, at its most modest, satisfaction of reasonable Palestinian demands). Many Arabs came to feel that the western principle of nationality so often advocated since the 1880s as an organizational remedy for the instability that followed Ottoman decline had not worked. Nor, evidently, were the wars of the Ottoman succession over, although, in fact, the pattern of states that emerged from the Mandates and decolonization has proved broadly stable. A favourable conjunction of embarrassments for superpowers and above all the USA had made things look promising after the recent revelation of the potency of the oil factor (during 1979, world oil prices had again almost doubled), but pious Muslims had become increasingly aware that western commerce, communications and the simple temptations offered to those rich with oil were more dangerous to Islam than any earlier (let alone purely military) threat had been. When the descendants of Mehemet Ali sent their sons to Harvard and Oxford, they did not acquire only academic instruction there but, it was feared, bad habits as well. Nor were such issues all that divided and infuriated Muslims. Even in the 1940s, the Ba'ath socialist movement which inspired many Muslims and which became entrenched in Iraq had become anathema to the Muslim Brotherhood, which also deplored the 'godlessness' of both sides in the Palestinian quarrel. Popular sovereignty was a goal fundamentalists rejected; they sought Islamic control of society in all its aspects. That Islamic 'radicals' should happily espouse obviously reactionary causes can partly be understood in the context of a long absence within Islam of any statist or institutional theory such as that of the West. Even in orthodox hands, and even if it delivers some desirable goods, the state as such is not self-evidently a legitimate source of authority in Islamic thought. Moreover, the very introduction of state structures in Arab lands since the nineteenth century and of the idea of legal sovereignty itself had been in imitation, conscious or unconscious, of the West. Youthful radicalism which had tried and found wanting the politics of left-wing socialism (or what was thought to be that, and was in any case another western import) felt that no intrinsic value resided in states or nations; its disappointed advocates looked elsewhere. This in part also explains efforts shown first in Libya, and then in Iran, to arrive at new ways of legitimating authority 690

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in new experiments with institutions. Whether the age-old Islamic bias towards tribalism and the brotherhood of Islam can be sustained remains to be seen, but the violence of politics in many Arab states now frequently exhibits a simple polarization between repressive authoritarianism on the one hand and the fundamentalist wave on the other. Both Morocco and Algeria were to find their domestic order thus troubled. The situation was made all the more dangerous and explosive by the demography of the Arab lands. The average age of most Islamic societies in the Mahgreb and Levant is said to be between fifteen and eighteen, and they are growing at very fast rates. There is just too much youthful energy and frustration about for the outlook to be benign.

AN U N E A S Y L A T I N A M E R I C A Though they were of a very different order and nature from those of the Middle East, it was clear also in the 1970s and 1980s that many of the problems of another continent, Latin America, were not being met. An old thesis was heard renewed, the analysis which blamed general economic backwardness or lack of development throughout Latin America, for all its variety, on an alleged economic dependency on outsiders, first the Europeans who had sucked surplus value out of basically export-oriented and monoculture economies they had imposed on the region, and then the North American investors who succeeded them. Latin American intellectuals revelled in associating themselves with the concept of a dependent 'Third World'. Their continent had not at first been associated with this, of course, for the simple reason that the American liberation from colonial imperialism had taken place about a century and a half earlier than that of the countries that had met at Bandung. Such over-simplified thinking won some support among middleclass intellectuals as Latin America's economic troubles worsened until they seemed to be crippling steady growth. One of them was that for all its new industrialization, the continent could not keep pace with its very rapid population growth. At rates current in the 1980s, it could confidently be predicted that there would be 500 million 691

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Latin Americans and Caribbean islanders by the year zooo (there were about ioo million at mid-century). Such possibilities began to attract attention just as the difficulties of the Latin American economies were again beginning to look intractable. The aid programme of the Alliance for Progress had patently failed to cope with them, and did little but spawn quarrels over the use of American funds. Mismanagement in individual countries produced huge foreign debts that crippled attempts to sustain investment and achieve better trade balances. Currencies readily went out of control and very steep inflation was common. Social divisions remained menacing. Even the most advanced Latin American countries continued to display vast discrepancies of wealth, well-being and education. Constitutional and democratic process, where they existed, seemed increasingly impotent to confront such problems. In the 1960s and 1970s, Peru, Bolivia, Brazil, Argentina and Paraguay all underwent periods of prolonged authoritarian rule by soldiers. Some who sympathized with those regimes undoubtedly believed that only authoritarianism could bring about changes of which nominally democratic and civilian government had proved incapable. In the 1970s, Latin Americans' problems began to be more vividly brought to the world's notice through reports of torture and violent repression from countries like Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay, all once regarded as civilized and constitutional states. Chile, which had a longer and more continuous history of constitutional government than most of its neighbours, had enjoyed a period of moderate and even reforming right-wing government under an administration elected by a large majority in 1964, but this collapsed when, in the 1970 election, a divided Right let in a minority socialist coalition. When the new government embarked upon measures which brought economic chaos and seemed to be slipping further leftwards, and even into a breakdown into lawlessness, the outcome was, in 1973, a military coup. Elected though the displaced regime had been, it had too little support for a programme of building socialism. The counter-revolutionary movement had United States approval and undercover support, and many Chileans went along with it, too, in the belief that the overthrown government had been under communist control. They had been frightened by what looked like a worsening revolutionary situation. Chile's 692

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new and authoritarian military government soon showed it had no qualms in mounting a brutal and wide-ranging persecution of its opponents and critics, using the most savage methods to do so. In the end it rebuilt the economy and even, in the late 1980s, began to look as if it might be able to restrain itself. But it drove ideological division deeper into Chilean society than the country had ever hitherto known, and Chile became the outstanding symbol of dangers undoubtedly latent in other Latin American countries. It was thus on a troubled and distracted continent that there had fallen, to cap its troubles, the oil crises of the 1970s. The first finally sent the foreign debt problems of its oil-importing countries (that is, most of them other than Mexico and Venezuela) out of control. In the next two decades, many economic remedies were to be tried in one country or another, but all turned out to be unworkable or unenforceable. It seemed impossible to deal with runaway inflation, interest charges on external debt, the distortion in resource allocation arising from past bad government, and simple administrative and cultural inability to sustain good fiscal policies. Latin America still appeared to be, perhaps more than ever, an explosive, disturbed continent of nations growing less and less like one another, for all their shared roots, except in their distress. Culture itself was still a divisive force. To the layers laid down by Indian, slave, colonial and post-colonial experiences, all strongly reflected in differences of economic well-being, had now been added the differences brought by the arrival in the 1950s and 1960s of the assumptions of developed, high-technology societies, whose benefits were available to the betteroff but not to the poor who envied them. Just as in Asia, though it has been less obvious, the strains of the impact of modern civilization on historically deep-rooted societies are now more visible than ever before, even if Latin America has been undergoing some of them since the sixteenth century. In the 1980s they were expressed additionally through the terrorism displayed by radical revolutionaries and reactionary soldiers alike, and they continued to threaten civilized and constitutional standards achieved earlier. The 1990s, though, were to bring change. A major recovery of constitutional and democratic government in Latin America was at last observable. In all the major states, military government was 693

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formally set aside, though there were still clangers of attempted coups (for instance in Paraguay in 1996), and though some states (notably Colombia, where normal problems of government were exacerbated by criminal drug-dealing interests and a heavy dependency of peasant farmers on growing and selling cash crops of drug-producing raw materials) continued to experience considerable violence. Elsewhere, improvement in government was linked to economic recovery, until it was again interrupted by continent-wide financial problems in the middle of the decade. Argentina, Brazil and Peru once again suffered inflation; only Chile seemed able to navigate these troubled economic waters. One Brazilian finance minister, after building an earlier career as a sociologist on the reiteration of an anti-capitalist and anti-colonial interpretation of the continent's history, succeeded finally in mastering an inflation rate of 7,000 per cent per annum with a firm deflationary, free-market economic programme. He was in due course rewarded by being made president. There were some hopeful continent-wide factors at work, too. Mercosur, a customs union of Brazil, Argentina and Uruguay, which aimed to achieve free movement of goods and services between its members by the end of 1994, was a sign of a growing self-confidence based on real growth in economic strength.6 At a 'summit' meeting of American nations held at Miami in 1994, the main topic for discussion was a possible free-trade area of the Americas, including the northern continent. When the next such meeting was held, four years later in Santiago de Chile, further progress proved impossible along this line, largely thanks to the domestic politics of the United States; nonetheless, there were signs (not least over the issue of the continued isolation of Cuba so fervently sought by Washington) that Latin America was beginning to assert itself more effectively than in the past against the hemisphere's preponderant power.

Paraguay had also signed up, but later dropped out.

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2-3 The Reshaping of Europe

S E E D S OF U N I T Y For a long time, the idea of Europe has inspired some and dismayed others. To most Europeans most of the time it has hardly mattered at all. Those who have tried to think about it have often found themselves grappling with an abstraction that eluded their grasp. It has had to be invented and reinvented. Only after 1945 did a significant number of European politicians in western countries begin to interest themselves in the nature of Europe as a whole with an eye to its future and the possibilities of shaping it. The disaster of the war had been the stimulus; in no sense could Europe be said to have benefited from it except in averting an even more barbaric fate than the one she had undergone. The roots of new thinking lay in horrified feelings of revulsion about what had occurred and fears of possible repetition, but also in idealism. Nationalism had twice demonstrated its terrible power, in 1914 and 1939; it was understandable that it should be identified as a fundamental source of European weakness. Some felt that history showed it to be a matter of life and death that the continent's old divisions should be overcome. Still others turned to Europe simply as a solution for the German problem; in 1945, though, what lay beyond occupation was impossible to say. Yet, for the second time in the century, the question had to be posed sooner or later: how was that potentially mighty nation to be contained except by reorganizing Europe? Many other sources — some of them traceable even further back, to the aftermath of the Great War, for example — also contributed to what came to be called the 'European Movement'. But circ*mstances, 695

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too, were crucial, first those of 1945 and, soon, those of the Cold War. They gave a special twist to European integration; they encouraged and gave opportunities to those who sought a new way of organizing Europe. Such enthusiasts threw themselves enthusiastically into trying to do so, though within a context decisively shaped by non-Europeans. As might be expected, national governments responded in different ways. Properly and unsurprisingly, they looked to national interest for guidance. Broadly speaking, their views, in so far as they were not wholly pragmatic, tended in the late 1940s and early 1950s to take one of two directions on questions of European organization. One fairly consistently that of British governments, usually with support from Scandinavia and Ireland - looked to inter-governmental cooperation to achieve defined and specific ends. European institutions would thus give further protection to proper national interests, rather than set them aside. In contrast, some continental European governments were more quickly and more willingly to listen to plans for further, far-reaching, supranational integration, perhaps even going so far as federal structures and a European parliament.1 Such plans could be and were influenced by the hopes of enthusiasts prepared to override, if necessary, national state objectives in the pursuit of Europe-wide policy goals. Even by 1948, this difference had led to important divergences. In that year, the British deeply opposed the development on any but a minimal basis of what became a 'Council of Europe' (formally inaugurated early in 1949), and thwarted a Franco-Italian proposal that the new body should be called the 'European Union'. The Marshall Plan had been followed up by a specific and local European defence arrangement, when Great Britain, France, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg signed what was known as the Brussels Treaty in March 1948, a fifty-year alliance against armed attack. It was soon to be transcended in practice by the formation of NATO. There followed the emergence of the two Germanys. The major new institutional facts confronting European statesmen in the post-war years were then in place, just as at last signs began to appear 1

In the jargon of the specialists, this second tendency is sometimes called the 'competence accretion' view of integration. 696

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that economic recovery was under way. It was soon, at least in the western half of the continent, going ahead at a notable pace, especially in western Germany. The fact of decolonization was another historical experience affecting Europe's internal arrangements, but much less important. Economic ties with former overseas dependencies proved quite durable in the era of decolonization (as they had done when Great Britain made peace with her newly independent American colonies in 1783, the historically minded could note), and the soon to be ex-colonial powers seemed little affected. Some sociological consequences - the return (or first arrival) in a few countries of returning settlers or indigenous natives from former colonies - and some psychological effects, as familiar assumptions slowly dropped away and old ties withered, may have seemed more significant than the economic impact of decolonization. There were obvious and persistent obstacles to political integration. Portugal and Spain, for instance (allowing for certain nuances and compromises dictated by circ*mstance) had remained neutral during the war and were still ruled by dictators in 1945. Spain had only broken off diplomatic relations with Germany on the very day of Hitler's suicide.2 Some called their regimes 'fascist', and they posed psychological and political problems to other European governments. In the event, it proved easier for Salazar's Portugal than for Spain, which, under Franco, had even sent troops to help Hitler on the Russian front, to resume its full place in international life. A resolution of 1946 barring Spain from entry to the United Nations led for a time to the withdrawal of the British, Italian and Dutch ambassadors from Madrid and was not rescinded until 1950. In the early 1950s, nonetheless, both Iberian countries were clearly on the western side of the Cold War, and Spain, which had suffered particular economic hardship since 1939, began to enjoy American loans and military aid. The great divide of Cold War mattered more than constitutional orientation or past ideology. Yet, in the long run, that rapprochement with the Spanish dictator would prove to have advanced the cause of 2 The Irish government, which had remained neutral during the war, was more punctilious in preserving diplomatic formalities; the prime minister and minister for external affairs went in person to the German embassy to express their official condolences on 3 May.

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democratic and constitutional government in Spain too. Another step significant for the future had in fact been taken by Franco himself in 1947, when it was announced (and approved by referendum) that Spain was to resume her monarchical constitution.3 The psychological changes of perspective and psychology brought about by Cold War also very broadly (and often without acknowledgement) favoured aspirations to European unity and ideological arguments that had first surfaced at the end of the First World War. The growing sense of a Soviet threat, the need for, and then the experience of, economic reconstruction and recovery, led some to try to rediscover shared civilized values that they could identify as 'European'. They were encouraged, too, by the facts of the decline of the power of individual European states in global affairs and the loss of the nerve or taste of European peoples for colonialism. Intellectuals argued enthusiastically that nationalism's grip on the human potential for large-scale organization was loosening in the very continent where nationalism as a political doctrine had been born. Nonetheless, it was national interest itself that was to supply the main driving force of European integration in the next few years. The Marshall Plan and NATO turned out to be only among the first of a series of milestones on a road leading to a more coherent Europe. A major simplification became possible once the emergence of two Germanys had provided in partition an institutionalized and seemingly durable solution to the German problem. Old fears in France were quietened, even if not removed, and the likelihood of another great civil war in the West over Germany's place in Europe seemed to have receded. Western European countries slowly worked out, largely through economic change and by implication, a peace settlement with West Germany (that of the USSR with her had to wait until the 1970s). Soviet policy, too, gave western European countries conscious of their individual weakness new reasons to cooperate more closely. Events in eastern Europe in the late 1940s and 1950s, large and active communist parties in France and Italy, 3

The monarchy was in due course restored in 1975, on Franco's death, Juan Carlos (whose father as pretender to the throne had denounced the 1947 decision) ascending the throne on 22 December. A few months earlier, Portugal had held its first free democratic elections for a half-century.

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and the propaganda of the Cominform provided warnings of what might happen if the Americans ever went home. They also made it more likely that they would not. A month after the signing of the NATO treaty, political bodies representing ten different European states appeared under the umbrella of the new Council of Europe. Economic forces making for integration were developing more rapidly than the political, though. Customs Unions had already been set up in 1948 between the 'Benelux' countries (Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg), and (in a different form) between France and Italy ('Francital'). The most important of these early steps towards European economic (and, in due course, political) integration emerged in the end from a proposal about specific industries. A plan by the French foreign minister, Robert Schuman, for the international organization and management of Europe's main industrial resource, coal and steel production, came to fruition in 1951. France, Italy, the Benelux countries and, most significantly, West Germany, then signed a treaty agreeing to set up a European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC). 4 This was based on good principles of economic rationalization, but was also intended to provide an insuperable obstacle to future Franco-German conflict and assured access to German coal for French steel-making. Coal and steel resources in western Europe were to be administered by a new supranational authority likely to improve the market by removing tariff and technical barriers to integration and (it was hoped) to allow better management of fluctuations and mismatches in coal and steel supply. But the major significance of the treaty was political; it is not too much to say that the ECSC resolved many of western Europe's central political difficulties. It opened the way to much broader political horizons, too, bringing with it the settlement of the problem of the control of the Saar basin, an issue that had quickly begun to envenom Franco-German relations after 1918 and had popped up again with the ending of the Second World War. Jean Monnet, the mastermind of the French Planning Commission, saw the ECSC as more than this, though; it was indeed the first supranational organization embodying significant European integration. 4

The Treaty of Paris, 18 April 1951.

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The most important of the immediate diplomatic consequences was that the ECSC brought about the first formal incorporation of West Germany into a new international structure. It had provided a way of containing the strength of a country that, it was becoming increasingly clear, would be needed in a western Europe menaced by Soviet land-power. The German share in intra-western European trade had already begun to grow strikingly. To the consternation of some, moreover (above all, the French), American official opinion under the influence of events in Korea was fast coming round to the view that Germany had to be rearmed, a spectre bound to awake memories of 1871, 1914 and 1939 which had been lulled by the occupation and division of Germany and the creation of the ECSC. Franco-German cooperation anchored in economics was still the goal of French governments. The subsidence of the political weakness symptomized by falling communist votes in both France and Italy also helped somewhat to ease the way for further European integration. Whether Stalin had ever envisaged allowing the French and Italian parties to act in a truly revolutionary role is a debatable point, but communists had ceased to sit in the governments in those two countries as early as 1947 and the danger that their democracies might go under as Czechoslovakia's had done had disappeared by 1950. By then French and Italian anticommunist opinion tended (as it did elsewhere in western Europe except the Iberian peninsula) to coalesce about parties whose integrating forces were either Roman Catholic politicians or social democrats vividly aware of the fate of their comrades at the hands of communists in eastern Europe (though this did not prevent vigorous campaigning against them by opponents who insisted that all Marxist roads led, in the end, to Moscow). Broadly speaking, these changes meant the predominance in western Europe during the 1950s of moderate right-wing governments pursuing similar aims of economic recovery, welfare service provision, and western European integration when it suited them, as it often did. Christian Democracy in its various national manifestations drew upon a hitherto somewhat overlooked current in European politics, the Catholic social ideas first set out authoritatively in the encyclicals of Leo XIII. It produced economic and social regimes comfortable with the idea of intervention in the economy in 700

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the interests of the needy and willing to provide substantial welfare benefits. Between 1952 and 1954 efforts were made to form a European Defence Community to supersede the Brussels treaty arrangements; this seemed to be a possible way of getting round the problem of rearming West Germany by doing it within a larger whole. Although the French government had taken the lead in this, French suspicions in the end brought these initiatives to nothing. In 1955, the Federal Republic was nevertheless admitted to NATO. Arguments about European defence organization died away (together with Italy, Germany had joined the Brussels Treaty group - renamed Western European Union or WEU - already in 1954). The Federal Republic was to be denied nuclear or chemical weapons (it would appear, to the great relief of German voters), but she could now provide manpower for the NATO land forces which were the shield of western Europe (and which were bound to be stationed on German soil). The main thrust towards greater unity, as before, remained economic. Crucial steps were taken at Rome in 1957: the signing of treaties establishing the European Atomic Community and (more importantly) the European Economic Community (EEC). France, Germany, Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg and Italy joined in the latter, whose first significant outcome was the institution of a Customs Union (as had been agreed at Messina in 1955). It finally became operative in 1968, on a basis that there should be no differential duties on trade within the EEC (a goal still unachieved as the century ended), and a common external tariff with the objective of promoting economic and social progress within the signatory states. The means envisaged to the accomplishment of this goal were the establishment of the 'Common Market', as the EEC was itself soon called, the progressive removal of restrictions on the movement of labour and capital, and the availability of services, and certain common economic and social policies (notably, in agriculture and transport). These changes took up most of the early 1960s. The 1957 Treaty was a major creator of new institutions, too. It provided for a system of Commissions presiding over a bureaucracy to monitor the treaty and promote further integration, for a Council of Ministers as a decision-making authority, for a Court of Justice and, 701

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finally, for a European parliament with advisory (and emphatically not legislative) powers. There was talk of the reconstitution of Charlemagne's heritage; a geographical correspondence of sorts could, indeed, be detected. The Treaty spurred countries that had not joined the EEC to set up their own, looser and more limited, European Free Trade association (EFTA) two and a half years later.5 By 1986, the six countries of the original EEC (by then it had become simply the EC — the word 'Economic', significantly, had been dropped) were twelve, while EFTA had lost all but four of its members to it. Five years later still, and what was left of EFTA was envisaging a merger with the EC. Western Europe's movement towards greater unity was slow and complicated but by i960 it had already demonstrated clearly enough (among many other things) the determination of those of Europe's rulers who mattered that armed conflict could never again be an acceptable alternative to cooperation and negotiation between their countries. The era of war between western European powers, rooted in the beginning of the national state system, seemed to be over. Sadly, though recognizing that fact, Great Britain's government had not seized at the outset the chance to join in giving it institutional expression; when more imaginative successors came along, they were twice to be refused admission to the EEC before finally being allowed to join. Meanwhile the Community's interests were steadily cemented together by the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) agreed in principle at Rome in 1957, but not defined until 196z. It was, to all intents and purposes, a huge bribe to the farmers and peasants who were so important a part of the German and, above all, the French electorates (one third of the French workforce was in 1945 still employed in agriculture), and, later, to those of poor countries which sought to become members. It was to prove, as the years passed, to be much more effective in assuring the prosperity of large farmers than in sustaining peasant smallholders. This was not what all those who supported it had envisaged, though hardly surprising; farmers turned out to be divisible into different interest groups, too. As time passed, 5

The 'Outer Seven' who constituted EFTA were the United Kingdom, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Austria, Portugal and Switzerland.

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new members of the EC rapidly supplied new claimants to share in the generosity of European consumers who provided most of the taxes, and silently endured the high food prices that paid for CAP. From the inauguration of'Benelux' and 'FrancitaP in 1948 onwards, economic concerns and their technical demands had thus driven forward the generation of new institutions. Although some disappeared with time, others endured (together with some functional noneconomic bodies). But the working of the Rome Treaty itself imposed a new factor, the necessities and ambitions of an administrative apparatus. This was focused at Brussels. The budgetary needs of the Community required a new treaty in 1970 to give it what were called its own budgetary resources. The outcome was somewhat confusing and was bound to create some new tensions. The life of the headquarters of the Community at Brussels, meanwhile, brought about an unprecedented surge of true transnational experience for individuals: a new 'European' self-consciousness was by 1970 beginning to be visible among some civil servants, industrialists and businessmen in several countries. Inevitably, its emergence more and more provoked hostile nationalist feelings. The evolution of institutions, many overlapping in function and membership, complicated the notion of what 'western' Europe ought to be or in fact was. The OEEC of 1948 was in due course joined by the new Federal Republic of Germany, by Spain and by Finland before becoming in 1961 the Organization of Economic Cooperation and development (OECD) - of which the United States and Canada, too, were members. The ten members of the Council of Europe of 1949 would grow to twenty-three by 1990. The mere increase in complication in arriving at agreements on special problems and the practical and human consequences of this (for example in the integration of civil servants from so many countries) would alone have been sufficient to encumber further definition of the goals and nature of the 'Europe' which was in the making. All the time, too, any notion of how western Europe might be organized (and therefore defined) always tended to be overshadowed by American perceptions of Cold War realities. Western Europe could never be identified solely with the EEC or its successors — which disappointed some enthusiasts. On the other hand, it reflected what might be thought a beneficent trend in western 703

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European political culture. The eventual entry of such countries as Spain, Portugal and Greece to the community after their replacement of authoritarian by liberal and democratic domestic government registered a triumph of government by consent that had eluded Europe after 1918.6 The heart of the integration process nonetheless for a long time remained strongly pragmatic; it had been, and was to remain, essentially a process for the pursuit of economic self-interest by a predominantly prosperous small group of western states, and for the removal for ever of the danger of renewed Franco-German conflict.

THE D I V I S I O N OF E U R O P E Europe continued well into the 1960s to be the main focus of the Cold War and the German Federal Republic and the GDR moved further and further apart. On two successive days in March 1954 Moscow announced that the eastern republic now possessed full sovereignty and the West German president signed a constitutional amendment permitting the rearmament of his country. In 1955, when the Federal Republic entered NATO, the Soviet riposte was the creation of the Warsaw Pact, an alliance of its satellites. Berlin's future was still in doubt, but it had been clear from the outset that NATO would fight to resist changes in its status except by agreement. In the east, the GDR agreed to settle with old enemies: with Soviet approval the line of the Oder-Neisse became the frontier with Poland. Paradoxically, Hitler's dream had ended not only in the obliteration of the united Germany which had been Bismarck's triumph, but historic Prussia was now ruled by revolutionary communists, while the new West Germany was federal in structure, non-militarist in sentiment, with Roman Catholic and Social Democratic politicians (Bismarck's Reichsfeinde, or 'enemies of the state'), the only realistic competitors for power. Though at times with the help of others' votes in parliament, the Christian Democratic Union dominated the Federal Republic and excluded the Social Democrats from power until 1969. Without a peace treaty, the problem of containing the German power that had 6

Greece joined in 1981, Spain and Portugal in 1986.

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twice devastated Europe by war was in the end managed with relative ease because of partition for thirty-five years. The ascendancy of the moderate Catholic Right was something of a European as well as a German fact, too; everywhere in Europe it exercised an ascendancy reminiscent of that of the German socialists over the international Left before 1914. A further settlement of land frontiers in central Europe had taken place in 1955, when occupying forces were withdrawn from Austria, which then re-emerged as an independent nation. At the same time, a long-running Italian-Yugoslav border dispute was settled, and the last American and British troops were withdrawn from Trieste. The two Europes were settling down.7 This no doubt helped to ease the position of the two communist countries that had somehow slipped out of the Cold War alignments, Yugoslavia and Albania. Their ambivalence, together with periodic tremblings within other eastern bloc countries, gave some credibility to suggestions that the communist world was abandoning bipolarity for 'polycentrism', a word coined by an Italian communist. This qualification of Cold War simplicities was much remarked. Less interest was taken in the closing of the story of European empire in Africa, which was largely accomplished in the 1960s. Integration could now be the unobscured focus of western Europeans' political attention, though not all Europe's leaders saw it in the same way.

NATIONAL I N T E R E S T S All western European governments had since 1945 tended to show similar commitments to social provision by means of what had come in the United Kingdom to be labelled the 'welfare state', and to the achievement of economic well-being (which meant, above all, maintaining a high level of employment). Nonetheless, they did so against the background of different histories and psychologies. In

Peace treaties had been signed in February 1947 between the victorious powers and Italy, Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary and Finland.

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particular, two old nation-states stood somewhat apart from political integration in the 1960s. The United Kingdom was one. Like the Russians, the British did not feel that nationalism and the nation-state had failed them in the Second World War. They had, too, the tie of language and the illusion of partnership in victory with the USA around which hopefulness was easily built to help sustain a special national psychology and some special fantasies after 1945. When Winston Churchill, no longer in office, but a figure of weight in the international scene, spoke in a much-applauded speech of 1946 at Zürich of a more integrated Europe, he was careful to distance his own country from involvement in the process of achieving it, and indicated that the first need was Franco-German rapprochement. There followed, as a major preoccupation of British policy, twenty years or so of largely successful, virtually bloodless and almost total decolonization. Along with other circ*mstance, this preoccupation meant that the British retained (and their elected representatives sometimes encouraged) some damagingly unquestioned assumptions over the fundamental direction of their foreign policy. It was too long diverted by old imperial legacies (even when decolonization was virtually complete) and distracted by old 'Atlanticist' ideas. In consequence, the United Kingdom remained too long outside the process of integration going on across the Channel. In so far as European integration had political dimensions, though, there had also been a slowing in its pace while France was ruled by General de Gaulle, who returned to politics in 1958 with a mandate for change. The Fourth Republic was at that moment threatened with civil war over Algeria, and de Gaulle's first task after forming a government of 'national safety' was to prepare to negotiate these rapids by carrying through a constitutional revolution. By the end of the year, a new constitution, approved by referendum, initiated the Fifth Republic whose dominant feature was the allocation of much enhanced power to the executive — of which de Gaulle, as president, was the head.8 He performed a service to France as great as any in his wartime career, by liquidating in 1962 her Algerian connexion, though on terms much less favourable than he had originally intended 8

The formal proclamation of the presidency of de Gaulle came on 8 January 1959.

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and sought. The legions came home, some disgruntled (there were plots and attempts against de Gaulle's life), but the general could settle down after this decisive withdrawal to giving France an independent and powerful voice in world affairs once more. A referendum almost immediately approved the further constitutional change of making the presidency directly answerable to election by universal suffrage, and armed with this he proceeded to reorganize and re-equip the army (France had acquired an atomic bomb in i960, and was to have a hydrogen bomb in 1968). The general's view of Europe's future was clear and not surprising to those who had studied his past. Sweeping aside the dream of those who envisaged a sovereign Europe based on a European parliament ('the Council of Europe', he once said, was 'dying on the shore where it was abandoned'), he wanted integration to be limited to political action based on agreement between independent states, or (as in his promotion of agreement on the Common Agricultural Policy) to clear satisfaction of a national interest. His foreign policy vigorously expressed this. He saw the EEC as above all a way of protecting French economic interests and was quite prepared to strain its organization to get his way. A Franco-German treaty of cooperation was ostentatiously signed in 1963 just as de Gaulle in effect vetoed British application to join the EEC. Wartime experience had left de Gaulle with a deep distrust of the 'Anglo-Saxons' and a belief, by no means ill-founded, that British statesmen still hankered after intimacy with an Atlantic community embracing the United States, rather than with continental Europe. De Gaulle also suspected those (like Jean Monnet) whom he thought were 'Atlanticists' and, he believed, too much influenced by the United States. In 1964 he annoyed the Americans by exchanging diplomatic representatives with communist China. He insisted that France go ahead with her own nuclear weapons programme, scorning to be dependent on American weapons technology and patronage, and had refused in 1963 to sign an Anglo-American-Soviet nuclear test ban treaty (to which some ninety-six other states in the end adhered). The Treaty of Rome had anticipated moves towards the adoption of majority voting by the EEC by 1967, but in 1965 French representatives were withdrawn from EEC meetings in Brussels. What might be 707

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termed the Gaullist ascendancy in Europe reached its climax in 1966 in a 'Luxembourg compromise' which institutionalized a national right to veto within the EEC's Council of Ministers. This substantially offset the further degree of formal integration which was achieved in the following year. Finally, after causing much trouble within NATO, in 1966 he withdrew France and the use of French territory from that organization. In 1969, though, de Gaulle resigned the day after defeat and before the count was over in a referendum he had himself sought (but which his ministers had divided over) on his proposals for further constitutional change in France. With him disappeared a force that had made for uncertainty and disarray in western Europe. Those who led France for the next couple of decades, while trying to sound like him (and perhaps sometimes feeling like him, notably in their suspicion of the British whose second application to join the EEC had been blocked by de Gaulle in 1967: six centuries of national prejudice do not easily evaporate, north or south of the Channel), were to prove much less intransigent than he, although French policy always hesitated over evolution towards a true Common Market, free from internal restraints on trade, or towards a politically united Europe on any terms that would sacrifice national independence to European cohesion. France provided an outstanding instance of the way in which the EEC was the creature of national interests and went on being shaped by them. For many Frenchmen, the construction of Europe still only meant, in the last resort, the paying of a necessary price to contain Germany. Increasingly, though, Germany's economic strength would drive up that price.

OSTPOLITIK As the 1970s opened, though, there had already begun to appear other new forces operating upon Europe in such a way as to suggest that the old ideas of the 1940s and 1950s on integration would no longer suffice. One was technology. Some Europeans began to worry whether, without much closer political and economic integration, European nations could in fact provide the base required by (for example) 708

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effective information technology or aeronautical manufacturing industries. Such doubts easily connected with a sense of political weakness. Superpower rivalry left some Europeans feeling that perhaps the only way for them to preserve their own independence in political action was for Europe to become a superpower, too, though it was not easy to see how. More specifically and immediately, though subtly, West German policy, too, was evolving. Goals which could hardly have been dreamt of in the 1950s were becoming thinkable. Old political landmarks had begun to disappear. At their congress at Bad Godesberg in November 1959 the socialists had accepted free enterprise and competition as appropriate (they used the word 'important') features of the economy they envisaged, thus renouncing at last the old Marxist tradition which went back to the 1870s. Ten years later a coalition government of liberal and socialist politicians took power under a new chancellor, Willy Brandt; for the first time since 1930 Germany had a socialist chancellor (and, as it happened, for the first time since 1925 also a socialist president). Brandt introduced his government's programme to parliament in a statement that made special reference to the GDR; while, he said, its formal international recognition by the Federal Republic was impossible, he spoke of it as one of the 'two German states within one German nation'.9 This mysterious formula excited much interest. It was clear (and other facts soon confirmed this) that the German chancellor was willing to soften West Germany's tone towards her neighbour, and to extend to it a measure of informal recognition it had not earlier received. Without abandoning the goal of reunification, he sought to make sure the two Germanys did not move further apart and to bring about real contacts which might eventually help to change the GDR. In 1969, this was both idealistic and pragmatic, given a contemporaneous superpower tendency to move towards some measure oí detente in the Cold War. It frightened some, nonetheless, that the Federal Republic might be acquiring real independence of its western allies in its relations with the eastern states and the USSR. The implications for further European integration were that its advocates would in future have to take account of the possibility of embracing German reunification 9

AR 1969, p.247.

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and a special role for Germany in the east. It was also certain that the new German government was less enthusiastic about any advance towards supranational European integration, were that to be confined only to western Europe, than its predecessors had been. On the other side of their common frontier, the GDR began to benefit from loans and credits from the Federal Republic that sustained a standard of living for its subjects that its economy could not itself sustain. The communist state was to become more and more dependent on this prop asa supplement to the cosseting of its economy through artificially low prices for raw material and energy from the USSR. 10 From this time, the ill-defined notion of Ostpolitik became a primary theme of German politics, and a source of worry to American policymakers. Whether or not a unity of state form could be achieved between the two German regimes (and it long seemed unlikely in any foreseeable future), a gradual process of informal association through cultural and commercial links, advocacy of reform from the western side and even a few signs of greater understanding and psychological détente became more apparent. Ostpolitik increasingly seemed to be an acceptable alternative if reunification was not available.

THE PATH TO H E L S I N K I By the end of the 1960s the USSR had to face the truism proclaimed by Marxism (and overlooked by some Sovietologists) that consciousness evolves with material conditions. Soviet society had indeed given its citizens some real but limited rewards since Stalin's day, both material and institutional. The concessions made might not look very liberal in western eyes, but they were noteworthy after the ice age of the Stalinist era. One outcome was a visible dissidence, trivial in scale, a matter of individuals rather than significant groups, which nevertheless suggested a growing demand for greater spiritual freedom. Less explicitly, there could be sensed also a ground swell of opinion that further material gains should be forthcoming. The Soviet Union never10

By 1989, 60 per cent of the GDR's yearly export earnings was being spent on servicing its foreign debt. C. S. Maier, Dissolution. The crisis of Communism and the end of East Germany (Princeton, 1997), p.60.

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THE RESHAPING OF EUROPE

theless continued to spend colossal sums on armaments. Advances in western technology might well mean it would have to go on doing so into the indefinite future in order to keep up the USSR's impressive military power. Yet, for all the harshness of their rhetorical exchanges, there were real pressures towards new accommodations between the superpowers. The deepest of them derived from the compelling tie between the USA and USSR that had been visible in the Cuban emergency and had grown more evident since. Americans, with their gift for the arresting slogan, concisely summed it up as MAD; that is to say, both countries had weapons able to bring about 'Mutually Assured Destruction' if they went to war. More precisely, each of two potential combatants had enough striking power to ensure that even a successful surprise nuclear attack by one of them would still leave its victim able to retaliate with devastating power. The outcome would be not one but two incinerated societies and, because of fall-out, perhaps a ruined globe. These facts turned out to have great cautionary and conservative force. Even if madmen (to put the matter bluntly) are occasionally to be found in seats of power, the knowledge that a blunder may be followed by extinction can be a stimulus to prudence. Here may well lie the most fundamental explanation of a new degree of cooperation that began to be shown by the United States and the Soviet Union in spite of their continuing irritation of one another on specific issues. The two powers had, inevitably, very different notions of what detente, a popular word at the time, might mean. Many of the efforts to make it a reality grew out of circ*mstance as much as design. It had long been a Soviet aim, put forward more than once in the 1960s, to hold a European conference which would agree a settlement of European boundaries. This, it was hoped, would give international sanction to the realities established in 1945; it would be at least, in effect, a peace settlement that would leave Germany divided. In the 1970s talks began on further arms limitations, as well as about the possibility of a comprehensive security arrangement in Europe. A treaty in 197z on missile limitation showed that not all military research made for an increase in tension: it embodied a new awareness that science could now monitor infringements of such agreements more effectively. Discussion on arms limitation continued while other 711

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talks begun at Helsinki in 1973 finally came to fruition there two years later at the conclusion of a Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), in which representatives of thirty-three European states (including the Holy See) as well as the United States and Canada took part. Its conclusions were embodied in a 'Final Act' signed on 1 August 1975 and were very important. In return for agreement by the participating states to refrain from using force or the threat of force in their mutual relations and to recognize and respect the frontiers of all states in Europe (above all and implicitly, that between the two Germanys), Soviet negotiators agreed to encourage economic intercourse between eastern and western Europe, to non-intervention in one another's affairs, to recognition of the principle of selfdetermination and guarantees of 'human rights and fundamental freedoms', and to the promotion and effective exercise of civil, political, economic, social, cultural and other rights and freedoms. These last, of course, were unenforceable provisions. Yet in a decade when it was to become increasingly difficult and finally impossible to keep information and messages from and about the West from east Europeans and Soviet citizens (thanks to improved television broadcasting and a virtual cessation of radio jamming), Helsinki had silently set aside restraint on what had hitherto actually been deemed interference in the internal affairs of communist states. It was, indeed, to encourage publicity about what were seen as infringements of rights. Though very slowly, there began to flow more freely between East and West a generalized public criticism that eventually came to challenge longheld assumptions in the communist states. It may not at first have been clear to the Soviet leaders that this was part of the price to be paid for Helsinki; as it became clearer, they did not like it. Yet they had secured at Helsinki the success they most wanted, the nearest thing that there was to be to a peace treaty ending the Second World War in Europe and a recognition of the territorial consequences of Soviet military victory. This could be reckoned a great foreign policy success. It could be reasonably asserted that the position of the USSR after 1975 was diplomatically stronger than ever and, indeed, in comparison with that of the United States on the global stage at the moment, a more favourable one than for some time. But there was the other side to the equation. While the 712

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USSR saw the Final Act as an underwriting of territorial stability and non-interference in the affairs of eastern Europe, western Europeans and Americans stressed the CSCE's symbolic and practical value (there were to be a number of follow-up conferences) as the legitimator of interest in human rights and a reminder of ties which transcended a divided Europe. Significantly, they spoke of a Helsinki 'process'.

THE B R I T I S H C R I S I S Great Britain was the nation which, alone in Europe, long strove to behave as if the world of 1939 was still alive.11 This was most notable in foreign policy, but was reflected in a certain economic conservatism, too. The vulnerability of the traditional British economy's commitment to old-established patterns of international trade was a handicap. Others lay in its old staple industries, starved of investment, and the deeply conservative attitudes of its people. Though the United Kingdom was undoubtedly growing richer (in 1970 virtually no British manual worker had four weeks' paid holiday a year and ten years later, after an economically disastrous decade, a third of them did), it fell further and further behind other developed countries in wealth and in its rate of creating it. Yet it was assumed that the basic structures of the country needed little change, while for a quarter-century all British governments sought and failed to combine economic growth, rising welfare provision and a high level of employment. The second depended ultimately on the first which, when difficulties arose, was always sacrificed to the other two. The United Kingdom was a democracy; its gullible voters had to be placated and for a long time lived in a dream world that only began to collapse when industrial strikes hamstrung Conservative and Labour governments alike in the 1970s, and finally provoked the acceptance of harsh terms for an IMF loan in 1976. The British had by then one great achievement and creative acceptance of change to their credit: they had managed to dispose humanely 11

This was allegedly once put rather more sardonically by West Germany's first chancellor, Konrad Adenauer, who is supposed to have said that the British reminded him of a millionaire who did not know he had lost all his money.

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and rapidly, without violence and domestic division, of the greatest empire the world had ever seen. A decision to join Europe would have complemented that withdrawal from empire had it come earlier. It gradually became unclear, though, whether the country could shake off enough of its past to ensure itself even a modest prosperity outside Europe, and two attempts were made to join the EC in the 1960s. The mainland electorate remained preoccupied by its material concerns. Inflation was to rise during the 1970s to unprecedented levels (the annualized rate 1970-80 was over 13 per cent) and was accompanied by a new turbulence in industrial relations as the oil crisis bit. There was speculation about whether the country was 'ungovernable'. When a miners' strike brought down one government, leaders and interpreters of opinion turned obsessively to themes of social division. By then, though, that government had joined the EC in 1973. This was the major achievement of the Conservative party led by Sir Edward Heath and the climax, though not quite the end, of an era of uncertainty that had lasted almost since 1945. When continued membership was finally submitted to the constitutionally revolutionary device of a referendum in June 1975 the outcome was an unambiguous majority for it.12 Many politicians were surprised. Perhaps this was the first sign for a decade or so that the views of the country at large were not necessarily represented by those who claimed to be its spokesmen. Bad times continued; inflation (prices in mid-1975 were going up at an annual rate of 26.9 per cent and wages at 35 per cent) was at last identified by a Labour government as the major threat. Wage demands by trade unions by then habitually anticipated inflation still to come but it began to dawn on some that the era of unquestioned growth in consumption was over. There was a gleam of hope offshore; a few years earlier vast oil fields had been discovered under the seabed off the coasts of northern Europe and some were British. In 1976 the United Kingdom became an oil-exporting nation. That did not at once help much; in the same year, a loan from the IMF on terms which imposed stringent restraints on the British government was required. When Mrs Thatcher, the country's first woman leader of a major political party (the Conservatives), and Europe's first woman 12

17,378,581 votes for, 8,470,073 against membership.

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prime minister, took office in 1979 she had, in a sense, little to lose; her opponents were discredited. So, many felt, were the ideas which had been long accepted uncritically as the determinants of British policy: full employment and rising social provision, with their implications of ever-rising public expenditure. The British government had by then also had to face another problem in Northern Ireland, a part of the United Kingdom where Protestant and Catholic hooligans at times seemed alike bent on destroying their homeland rather than live at peace with one another. Irish nationalism had not been appeased by the 1922 settlement that set up the Irish Free state, because the northern six counties had remained part of the United Kingdom.13 Ulstermen's fears of republican nationalism had meanwhile grown as demography slowly turned against the Protestant majority in the north. Violence in the six counties that remained under the British crown was to cost the lives of over 3,000 British citizens — soldiers, policemen and civilians, Protestant and Catholic, Irish, Scotch, and English alike - in the 1970s and 1980s. After a particularly grave error on the part of the security forces in 197z, when ill-disciplined fire killed thirteen nationalist demonstrators in a few minutes, the province slid into a state of contained disorder for the rest of the decade. The best that could be said of this situation was that in 1969 this did not poison British party politics as Irish questions had done in the previous century.

The transformation of the Free State into the Republic of Eire in 1949 had encouraged republican nationalism in Ulster again.

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BOOK 8

T H E E N D OF AN E R A

24 A World in Evolution

T H E LAST Y E A R S OF C H A I R M A N M A O The world was deeply interested as the 1960s came to an end in China in a noisy and puzzling upheaval. The 'Cultural Revolution', as it was called, lasted ten years, from 1966 to 1976. It had its mysterious origins in an article published in a Shanghai newspaper criticizing a play about a wicked emperor. The play had been written by a deputy mayor of Beijing and it was thought to contain allusions to Mao's autocratic style of rule. In what followed, millions were killed, imprisoned, deprived of their jobs or purged as an intensely moralizing campaign revivified the sense of revolution and the cult of Mao was reasserted. Senior party members, bureaucrats and intellectuals were harried, universities were closed and physical labour was demanded of all citizens in order to change traditional attitudes. In a conscious imitation of May Fourth Movement attitudes, Chinese youth was mobilized to conduct the persecution. By 1968 the country had been turned upside down by these 'Red Guards', who were terrorizing their seniors in every walk of life. Opportunists struggled to join them before themselves being destroyed by them. Even Mao himself at last began to show signs that he thought things had gone too far. A substantial delegation and decentralization of power had taken place, probably unintentionally. The army in the end restored order, though, often at the cost of the students. New party cadres were installed and a Party Congress confirmed Mao's leadership. The Red Guards' enthusiasm had been real, though, and the ostentatious moral preoccupations which surfaced in this in some ways still mysterious episode remain striking. Mao's motives were no doubt 719

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complex in utilizing them as he did. Besides seeking vengeance on those who had brought about the abandonment of the Great Leap Forward, he appears really to have felt a danger that the revolution might congeal and lose the moral élan that had carried it so far. He had been deeply troubled by what he believed to be the dangerous 'liberalization' (if so it could be termed) of Khrushchev's 'thaw'. In seeking to protect the revolution, old ideas that might resurface if allowed to do so had to go. Society, government and economy had been enmeshed and integrated with one another in old China as nowhere else. The traditional prestige China accorded to intellectuals and scholars had endured even if the examination system had been swept away fifty years earlier; now it had to be demolished. The 'demotion' of intellectuals was urged as a necessary consequence of making a new China. Deliberate attacks on family authority, too, were not merely attempts by a suspicious regime to encourage informers and delation, but attacks on the most conservative of all Chinese institutions. Similarly, the advancement of women and propaganda to discourage early marriage had dimensions going beyond 'progressive' feminist ideas or population control; they were an assault on the past such as no other revolution had ever made, for in China the past meant a role for women far inferior to those in pre-revolutionary America, France or even Russia. The attacks on party leaders accused of toying with Confucian ideas were much more than the jibes which comparable attacks would have been in Europe; they could not have been paralleled in countries where for centuries there had been no past so solidly entrenched as China's to reject, and cultural pluralism was widely accepted. To the extent that it can be rationally understood, the Cultural Revolution was an exercise in modernization politics, therefore (and, almost unnoticed, a reaffirmation of the primacy of local initiative over Stalinist centralization). Yet rejection of the past is only half the story of the Chinese revolution, of which this was only a fleeting episode. More than 2,000 years of remarkable historical continuities lie behind that much greater upheaval, which, for all its cost and cruelty, was a heroic endeavour, matched in scale only by such gigantic upheavals as the spread of Islam, or Europe's assault on the world in early modern times. Much more than they, though, it aspired to 720

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central control and direction in pursuit of goals set out in moralizing language. It was a paradox of the Chinese revolution that it rested on popular fervour and talked the language of a western rationalist creed, yet remains unimaginable without the idea of a state inheriting all the mysterious prestige of the traditional bearers of the Mandate of Heaven. Chinese tradition respects authority and gives it a moral endorsem*nt that has been harder and harder to find in the West in this century. No more than any other great state could China shake off its history, and as a result its communism has sometimes had a paradoxically conservative appearance. For centuries, perhaps millennia, Chinese government drove home to its peoples the lessons that the individual mattered less than the collective whole, that authority could rightfully command the services of millions at any cost in order to carry out great works for the good of the state, that authority should be unquestioned so long as it is exercised for the common good. The notion of opposition other than in extremity was distasteful to the Chinese; it suggested social disruption. The Chinese revolution, as Sun Yat-sen understood, required a rejection of the kind of revolution involved in the adoption of western individualism, and the evolution of a conception related more closely to indigenous culture. Mao benefited from this past though he turned against much of it, because he was easily comprehensible within its idea of authority. He was presented as a ruler-sage, as much a teacher as a politician; western commentators have been amused by the status given to his thoughts by the idolization of 'the Little Red Book' of extracts from his writings and speeches (though in Europe and North America after the Protestant Reformation similar extravagant adulation was sometimes given to the Bible), but the utterances of great teachers have always commanded respect in China. Mao was the spokesman of a moral doctrine that was to provide a core for society, just as Confucianism had been. There was even something traditional in his artistic interests; he was admired by the people as a poet whose writings won the respect of qualified judges. In China power had always been sanctioned by the notion that the ruler who did good things for his people and sustained widely accepted values was justified. Mao's actions could long be presented and read in such a way, not least during the Cultural Revolution. 721

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NEW P A T T E R N S China's prime minister, Chou En-lai, died on 8 January 1976 and this opened a notable year for China. In the months that followed, uncertainties about the succession led to riots on a scale not witnessed since 1949. Then, during the summer, a succession of earthquakes (the worst for centuries) took a heavy toll of lives and did much damage. This provided a portentous background to the news of Mao's death on 9 September. Some thought that there was even a danger of civil war. But any threat that a 'Gang of Four' of his former coadjutors (one of them Mao's widow) who had promoted the policies of the Cultural Revolution and still advocated radical courses might seize power was quickly averted by their arrest. Under a leadership dominated by party veterans, it was soon clear that the excesses of the past were to continue to be corrected. In 1977 there rejoined the government as a vice-premier the twice-previously disgraced Deng Xiaoping. His son had been crippled during the Cultural Revolution by beatings from Red Guards, and Deng was notoriously associated with the causes of restoring public order and relaxation in economic policy through the encouragement of rural development, local entrepreneurship, and the retention of profit in community enterprises. Albeit after contentious debate, change was now to begin in earnest. One early indicator that a new course was to be steered was the party's Central Committee ruling in 1978 that the new focus of work was to be 'socialist modernization', not the pursuit of class struggle. In the following year, opprobrious social designations - 'landlord', 'rich peasant' - were officially removed from those to whom they had been applied. In April, it was announced that the Sino-Soviet Friendship treaty would not be renewed. As 1981 opened, the Gang of Four and their confederates were sentenced to long terms of imprisonment (and in two cases, to death, though this penalty was suspended). Finally, in June that year the Central Committee at last committed itself to drawing an explicit line under the past. In a long 'resolution on certain questions in the history of our Party since the founding of the People's Republic of China' the history of over thirty 722

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years was given officiai reinterpretation.1 Even in the 1950s, it was said, 'Comrade Mao Zedong and many leading comrades had become smug about their successes, were impatient for quick results and over-estimated the role of man's subjective will and efforts' and the result had been the disaster of the Great Leap Forward. The Cultural Revolution and 'erroneous "left" theses' were condemned as not merely wrong, but for having caused great positive damage. The resolution was, nevertheless, careful to note that in spite of his errors Mao was 'a great proletarian revolutionary . . .' whose 'contributions to the Chinese revolution far outweigh his mistakes' and that 'Mao Zedong Thought' was 'a crystallization of the collective (sic) wisdom of the Chinese Communist Party'. 2 It was a gentle setting-aside of what had almost been a religion. A few weeks before Mao's death, the president of the United States had followed his predecessor in making an official visit to Beijing. The adjustment of his country's complicated and deep-seated attitudes towards the People's Democratic Republic of China had begun with the slow recognition of the lessons of the Vietnam disaster. Now a new wave of changes within China had to be grappled with. They had to be understood in a deeper perspective than that provided by a loss of a war in Vietnam. As well as in domestic revolution, China was engaged in a slow resumption of the international and regional role appropriate to her historical stature and potential. Her admission to the United Nations in 1971 had been a clear turning-point, even if the diplomatic liquidation of the Vietnam imbroglio had only opened the way to normal relations with the United States and did not at once realize them. In 1978, though, came solid and formal recognition of what had happened, a Sino-American agreement in which the United States made the crucial concession that its forces should be withdrawn from Taiwan and that official diplomatic relations with that island's KMT government should be ended. If only because of its sheer size, whatever happened to China mattered over a wide area. The effects of changes in its economic policies were soon also to be seen in its relations with countries 1

For the text, and other related documents, see Resolution on CFC History (194981) (Beijing, 1981). 2 Ibid., pp.28, 33 and 56-7.

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other than the USA. By 1985 the whole of east and south-east Asia constituted a single trading zone of unprecedented potential. Within a few years it seemed plausible for an informed observer to envisage the likely emergence of a 'de facto Chinese common market'.3 The sources of its vigour, nonetheless, lay not in China, but in the new centres of industrial and commercial activity that had developed there, particularly after 1970. Some of these matured so fast as to lead some observers to take the view that the old global balance of economic power was disappearing. There was much talk of the new young 'Tiger' economies of South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore. They had already by 1980 shed any aura of undevelopment; in the next decade Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia began to move up rapidly towards joining them. As east Asia changed, what appeared did not always fit easily into western stereotypes of left or right. Much was to be heard in due course of the coherence of 'Asian values' with development based on a capitalism given its head in societies amply supplied with low-cost labour and great market potential. There was something in this, no doubt. But Confucian society is not only a matter of self-discipline and attention to social duty. It is also a matter of patrons and clients, of cautious respect for authority that meant that government could take a far more active role in promoting capitalist enterprise than western admirers of 'free' markets always conceded. Furthermore, while (in the terms of Cold War rhetoric) eschewing communist models of development even in their varied and somewhat ambiguous Asiatic forms (China, Vietnam, Cambodia, North Korea), South Korea, Singapore, the Philippines and Indonesia all looked to strongly authoritarian regimes to preserve and buttress the market institutions which they valued. 'Managed' capitalism was often the key to development, and management was sometimes a cover for cronyism and corruption. It could by no means be said as the century drew to its end that liberal democracy was the unqualified beneficiary of the new prosperity of east Asia.

M. Weidenbaum, q. in S.P. Huntingdon, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (London, 1997), p-i33-

724

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J A P A N : THE NEW W O R L D

POWER

Japan had been indispensable to the building of this prosperity. The rapidity with which she, like China, recovered her former status as a power (and economically surpassed it) had obvious implications for her place both in the Asian and the world balance. By 1970 the Japanese enjoyed the second highest GDP in the non-communist world. They had renewed their industrial base and had moved with great success into new areas of manufacture. Only in 1951 had a Japanese yard launched the first Japanese ship built for export, yet within twenty years Japan had the largest shipbuilding industry in the world. At the same time she had won a commanding position in consumer industries such as electronics and motor-cars, of which the Japanese came to make more than any country except the United States (to the resentment of American manufacturers who sought protection from their government, a sincere compliment). In 1979 it was agreed that Japanese cars should be made in England, a step taken with an eye to penetration of the EC market. The debit side of such advances was provided by the ample evidence of the cost of economic growth in the destruction of the Japanese environment and the wear and tear of Japanese urban life. Japan had been specially favoured by circ*mstances in her advance to the status of a world economic power since the disaster of 1945. An American enforcement of a bias towards investment rather than consumption during the occupation years had helped. The war in Vietnam, like that in Korea, had been a stroke of luck for her, another boost to an already thriving economy. Yet human beings have to seize opportunities and to take advantage of favourable circ*mstances, and unusually positive social attitudes appear to have been crucial in Japan. Even in the immediate aftermath of defeat, her people were able to deploy their intense national pride and showed an unrivalled capacity for collective effort. In the next decades of recovery and growth, they continued to display the deep cohesiveness and readiness to subordinate the individual to collective purposes that had always marked Japanese society. Strangely, such pre-modern attitudes seemed to survive the coming of political democracy, just as old hierarchical 725

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forms and assumptions of obligation and dependence survived acceptance of market economics. Other survivals of the past were visible in the successful careers of many politicians whose earlier successes had been won under the wartime regime (sometimes in circ*mstances by no means always wholly savoury). In 1955 the Liberal Democratic Party was formed, a union of conservative and bureaucratic forces which was to monopolize power for nearly forty years. In 1958 there took office as prime minister a man who had been serving a sentence of imprisonment as a war criminal ten years earlier, and who had only been officially 'purged' in 1952 of his undertakings during the war. It may be too early to judge how deeply democratic institutions are rooted in Japanese society; after 1951, though there soon appeared something like a consensus for one-party rule, there were also strong opposition campaigns over particular issues. More alarmingly, there were also disquieting signs in the emergence of more extreme groupings, some of which were anti-liberal, even quasi-fascist. Mounting uneasiness was felt, too, over what was happening to traditional values and institutions. The costs of economic growth loomed up not only in huge conurbations and pollution, but also in social problems straining even Japanese custom. Great firms still operated with success on the basis of group loyalties buttressed by traditional attitudes and institutions. At a different level, even the deeply conservative Japanese family sometimes seemed to be under strain. Yet the material recovery was remarkable. Japan's exports reached pre-war levels again in 1959, GNP having doubled in the previous five years. In i960 the prime minister announced a plan to double national income by 1970; the period of economic growth which followed was so successful that by 1973 straight line growth since i960 had been at a rate of 10 per cent per year. This had been achieved by major political interventions. A deliberate policy of running down dependence on coal as a source of primary energy had been by no means unquestioningly received but in ten years it reduced the country's dependence on this relatively expensive fuel as an energy source from 31.3 per cent to 6.1 per cent of its needs. National plans in the 1960s for the rationalization of the steel industry, the development of electricity supply and the petrochemical industry were all based on 726

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the assumption that cheap oil imports would continue to be available. From such interventions flowed substantial real wage increases and benefits to Japanese consumers, which underpinned social support for them. Economic progress helped to change the context of Japanese foreign policy, which moved more clearly away in the 1960s from the somewhat stark Cold War simplicities of the preceding decade. Economic strength had made the yen internationally important and had drawn Japan into the world's monetary diplomacy. Prosperity involved her in the affairs of almost every part of the globe. In the Pacific basin, she became a major consumer of other countries' primary produce, in the Middle East a large buyer of oil. Japan's investment in Europe was soon thought alarming by some Europeans (even though her aggregate share was not large), while imports of her manufactured goods threatened European producers. Even Japanese eating habits raised international questions; in the 1960s, 90 per cent of their requirements for protein were met by fishing and this led to alarm that the Japanese might be over-fishing some important areas. Japan had entered the United Nations in 1956. By then, she was already evidently on the road to resuming her great power status. The heart of the conduct of her foreign relations was the maintenance of Japan as a key factor in the United States security system. The rearmament of the former enemy, which had begun with MacArthur's innocent-looking authorization of a 'national police reserve' (which enabled four American divisions to be withdrawn from garrison duties in Japan and to be sent to serve in Korea), proceeded even more rapidly after his dismissal in 1951. Ironically, he had begun the process of undermining his own dream of a neutralized, non-nationalist, democratic Japan. By 1958 Japan had a 'Land Self-defence Force' of 180,000 men, and 1,300 aircraft. As these and other matters changed the atmosphere and content of foreign relations, so did the behaviour of other powers, especially in the Pacific area. As Japan became the world's largest importer of primary resources, she increasingly assumed in the 1960s an economic position in relation to other Pacific countries not unlike that of Germany in central and eastern Europe before 1914. New Zealand and Australia found their economies increasingly and profitably tied to 727

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Japan rather than to the old British market; their embassies in Japan began to matter to them as much as their High Commissions in London. Both of them supplied Japan with farm produce (particularly meat) and Australia minerals, notably coal and iron ore. The Russians and the South Koreans meanwhile complained about Japanese fishing, thus adding new complications to the old story of involvement with Korea which helped to keep alive that country's distrust of Japanese motives. South Korea was Japan's second biggest market (after the United States) and Japanese investment had begun again there soon after 1951. South Korean nationalism always had a strongly antiJapanese tone, and in 1959 the president of South Korea could be heard urging his countrymen to unite 'as one man' not against their northern communist neighbour, but against Japan. Within twenty years, too, Japanese car manufacturers were looking askance at the vigorous rival they had helped create. As in Taiwan, so in South Korea industrial growth was built on technology diffused by Japan. Japan's dependence on imported energy meant a nasty shock when oil prices shot up in the 1970s. There was a sharp decline in manufacturing output 1973—5 a n d a similar, though less violent, fall in 1979 when the suspension of Iranian production during the revolutionary crisis sent up prices again. 4 Yet this was not to be the end of the Japanese success story. Growth continued overall and such valid grounds for concern as higher inflation and speculative booms in land investment for a long time seemed hardly to affect overall progress. Japanese exports to the United States grew tenfold between 1971 and 1984. In the 1980s GDP was less only than those of the USA and USSR. As her industrialists turned to advanced information technology and biotechnology, and talked of running down car manufacturing, there was no sign that she had lost her power of disciplined self-adaptation. Altogether, the Japanese economy had the potential to develop in various directions; in 1978, when the Chinese vice-president visited Tokyo, trade between China and Japan was already worth as much as China's trade with the United States and West Germany combined. Growing strength brought greater responsibilities. The withdrawal 4

Revealingly, in 1973 Japan abruptly shifted her support away from Israel at the UN and began to court the friendship of Arab states.

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of American direction was acknowledged openly when it was agreed in 1971 that Okinawa should be handed back to Japanese administration. Though the Americans retained control of their military bases there, this was the first of Japan's former overseas possessions to be reacquired since the war ended. There remained question marks over the main three islands of the Kuriles, still in Russian hands. Taiwan, in the possession of the Chinese nationalists and claimed by the Chinese communists, posed diplomatic problems, too, but Japanese attitudes on all these matters remained - no doubt prudently - reserved and there was at least no question of the resumption of old imperial conquests there. There was also the possibility that the question of Sakhalin, the whole of which had been consigned to the USSR at Yalta, might be reopened. All such issues began of course to look much more susceptible to revisions or at least reconsideration in the wake of other changes in the Asian scene, not all of which stemmed from Chinese and Japanese resurgence. Sino-Soviet bickering gave Japan much greater freedom for manoeuvre towards the United States, her erstwhile patron, as well as towards China and the USSR. The embarrassment that too close a tie with the Americans might bring became clearer as the Vietnam war unrolled and political opposition to it grew in Japan. Her freedom of action was ultimately limited, in the sense that the three greatest powers in the region were by 1970 equipped with nuclear weapons and Japan was not, though she of all nations had most reason to know their effect, but there was little doubt that her industry could produce them within a relatively brief time if needed. Indisputably, Japan was once more by 1990 a world power.

THE I N D I A N

DEMOCRACY

If the test of a world power is the habitual exercise of decisive influence, whether economic, military or political, outside a country's own geographical area, then by the 1980s India was clearly not yet one. This is perhaps one of the surprises of the second half of this century. India had moved into independence with many advantages enjoyed neither by other former European dependencies, nor by Japan in 729

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the aftermath of defeat. The new republic had in 1947 an effective administrative tradition, well-trained and (it proved) dependable armed forces, a well-educated élite, seventy or so thriving universities, and much international benevolence and goodwill to draw upon. Soon, Cold War opportunities enhanced her freedom of diplomatic manoeuvre. India of course confronted poverty on a large scale, malnutrition, illiteracy and major public health problems, but so did China. The contrast between the two countries was very great and even visible by the 1980s; the streets of Chinese cities were by then filled by serviceably (though drably) dressed and well-nourished people, while those of India still displayed horrifying examples of poverty and disease. If visitors saw less of what could be (and was) hidden in the Chinese countryside and provincial towns, such appearances were nonetheless impressive. India's problems could not be concealed, in spite of strenuous efforts by her public relations officers to discourage television reporting of her poverty. Bitterly remembered too by some Indians was the fact that China had defeated India in the fighting of the 1960s. In considering India's poor development performance it is easy to be pessimistically selective. In some sectors growth was substantial and impressive. But achievements were overshadowed by the fact that a rising population always trod hard on the heels of economic growth; most Indians apparently remained as poor as, or only a little better off than, those who had welcomed independence in 1947, even if they lived longer lives. It can, of course, be argued that to have kept India together at all was a great achievement, given the country's fissiparous potential and ethnic, linguistic, religious and cultural variety. No doubt it helped that the Indian revolutionary left had divided sharply at the time of the Sino-Soviet quarrel of the 1960s when the Indian communist party again split in two under the strain. Somehow a democratic electoral order was maintained successfully, even if with qualifications, and peaceful changes of government occurred as a result of votes cast. In other ways, nonetheless, India's democratic record looked less encouraging, particularly after 1975 when the prime minister, Indira Gandhi (Nehru's daughter), proclaimed a state of emergency and the imposition of presidential rule akin to that of viceroys in the old days (one of the two Indian communist parties 730

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supported her). This was followed, it is true, by her loss of the elections in 1977 and her judicial exclusion from office and parliament (though only briefly) in the following year, which could be thought a healthy sign.5 More alarming, perhaps, was the recurrent use of president's powers to suspend normal constitutional government in specific areas and the frequent reports of brutalities of the police and security forces towards minorities. Under the Raj, Congress had sought for westernized Indians the constitutional rights of Englishmen: it was not very successful in guaranteeing them after independence, far less still in extending them to the masses. Mrs Gandhi had been defeated in 1977 by an alliance of anti-Gandhi interests around an orthodox and explicitly conservative Hindu party, Janata, which was the first plausible threat to appear to the hegemony of Congress. For three years its government gave India its first taste of non-Congress rule since independence, though it had quickly been riven with divisions of its own. The hegemony of Congress was in fact to persist longer yet. In the fourth decade after independence, Congress was more visibly than ever not so much a political party in the European sense as an India-wide coalition of interest groups, notables and controllers of patronage. Even under the leadership of Nehru, for all his socialist aspirations and rhetoric, Congress had never shaken off its intrinsically conservative character. Once the British were removed it was never its function to bring about change. It would seek, rather, to accommodate it. This was in a manner symbolized by the dynastic nature of Indian government. Nehru's daughter was to be followed by her son, Rajiv Gandhi, as prime minister, after she was assassinated.6 Though democracy had briefly given India a non-Congress government, Indira Gandhi had been returned to power in the elections of January 1980. Her son won another overwhelming electoral victory in 1985 and Congress returned to office until 1989 when elections produced a minority coalition (it, too, contained two members of the 5

Her arrest was followed by that of 50,000 Indians who had demonstrated in her favour and the hijacking of an airliner by two of her supporters at Lucknow airport. 6 When he, in turn, was blown up by an assassin (though he was not in office at the time), Congress leaders at once showed an almost automatic reflex in seeking to persuade his Italian widow to take up the leadership of the party.

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Nehru family) dependent on Janata and left-wing parties for its votes. By then, though, there had been ominous signs that even the success of Congress in keeping the country united might not last much longer. Sikh particularism brought itself vividly to the world's notice when Indira Gandhi was murdered by Sikh members of her own bodyguard in October 1984. This had followed an attack by the Indian army on the foremost shrine of Sikh faith at Amritsar, the Golden Temple, causing heavy casualties and much damage in the process and followed by pogroms. In the next seven years, more than 10,000 Sikh militants, members of the security forces and bystanders were to be killed. Fighting with Pakistan over Kashmir, too, broke out again in the later part of the decade. This issue continued to poison the relations of the two countries. Although they had been able to come to an agreement in i960 over the distribution of the Kashmiri waters, there had been serious fighting between their forces in 1964—6 and 1971, and it began again in 1990 and 1991. Another ceasefire then held out no better prospects of final settlement than had its predecessors. In 1990 it was officially admitted that 890 people had died in HinduMuslim riots that year. Once again, it is difficult not to return to banal reflexion on the heavy weight of the past in India; no dynamic force has yet emerged to throw it off. As memories of pre-independence India faded, the reassertion of Indian tradition was always likely. Symbolically, when the moment of independence had come in 1947 it had been at midnight, because the British had not consulted the astrologers to provide an auspicious day and a moment between two days had therefore to be chosen for the birth of a new nation: this was a mark of the cultural incubus whose hampering weight would hardly be diminished much in the next forty years. It was even strengthened; partition had, after all, redefined the Indian community in terms much more Hindu than had been hoped either by Indian patriots or their British friends, or than the Constitution suggested. By 1980 the last Indian civil service officer recruited by the British had retired. India had then, and has still, not reached the point of being assured of its modernization. It lives still with a conscious disparity between an engrafted western political system and the traditional society on which that has been imposed, and a widening gap 732

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between the Indian masses and the Indian élites. For all the great achievements of many of its leaders, an entrenched past and huge economic backwardness and all that they mean in terms of privilege, injustice and inequity, still stand in India's way. Perhaps those who believed in her future in 1947 were bound to underrate the difficulty and painfulness of fundamental change. It is hardly for those who have often found it hard to accomplish much less radical redirection in their own societies to be supercilious or censorious about that. India's neighbour Pakistan had turned with the years more consciously to the Islamic aspect of her own tradition. This was not what Jinnah had hoped, but he had died. In so doing Pakistan participated in the movement of Islamic renewal visible across most of the Muslim world. In practical effects outside Pakistan this was most visible in the support she gave to the Afghan anti-communist guerrilla forces and the sympathy she came to express towards the unattractive Taleban movement that came to dominate Afghanistan after its overthrow of the communist regime. So far as it went - and sensitivity to the area's problems was much heightened after the oil crisis of 1974 — even limited perceptions of the complexities of Islamic reality available in the West were themselves for a long time obscured and confused in Pakistan as elsewhere by the perspectives of the Cold War. That conflict sometimes made older spectres walk again. To some British observers a traditional Russian desire for influence in the Middle East, Gulf and Central Asia seemed now nearer satisfaction than at any time in the past. The Soviet Union had built up by 1970 a worldwide naval presence rivalling that of the United States and had established itself even in the Indian Ocean. Following British withdrawal from Aden in 1967, that base had been used by the Russians with the concurrence of the South Yemen government. All this was taking place at a time when further south, too, the Americans faced strategic setbacks. The coming of the Cold War to the Horn of Africa and the former Portuguese colonies had added significance to events taking place further north. The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan when it came in 1979 could thus be seen as a new expression of an old geo-political threat.

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A F R I C A ' S ENDURING P R O B L E M S In the 1980s great events in Europe tended to eclipse important changes elsewhere. Yet though it directly affected far fewer people, what was happening in southern Africa may have been of comparable significance. The emergence of Zimbabwe as a new black state had left the Republic of South Africa the only white-dominated country on the continent. It was also the richest African economy, a fact that had ensured its continuing denunciation as the focus of black African hostility and, indeed, of spiteful resentment elsewhere in the world. Whatever else divided them (the OAU had been riven asunder over civil war in Angola), African (and other Third World) leaders could usually find common ground against South Africa. In 1974 the General Assembly of the United Nations had forbidden representatives of the Republic to attend its sessions because of apartheid, and in 1977 the UN Commission of Human Rights deftly side-stepped demands for the investigation of the horrors perpetrated by blacks against blacks in Uganda, while castigating South Africa (along with Israel and Chile) for misdeeds it was easier to denounce without political embarrassment. From Pretoria, the view northwards looked more and more menacing. The arrival of Cuban troops in Angola suggested a new power of strategic action against South Africa by the USSR. Both that former Portuguese colony and Mozambique provided bases for South African dissidents who strove to foment unrest in the black townships and sustained urban terrorism in the 1980s. These were among the facts helping to change the thinking of the South African government. They became apparent when a new prime minister took office in 1978 and, to the dismay of many Afrikaners, began slowly to make concessions. True, it was not long before Mr P. W. Botha's initiative slowed; continuing hostility to South Africa in the United Nations, urban terrorism at home, an increasingly dangerous and militarily demanding situation on the northern frontiers in Namibia (allocated to South Africa years before as a UN trusteeship territory), and increased Afrikaner distrust of Botha (shown in elections), all led him back towards repression. By the middle of the 1980s, though, the issue already seemed fundamentally changed: it was no 734

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longer a question of whether the more obnoxious features oí apartheid should be dismantled, but whether black majority rule could be conceded by South African whites, and, if so, whether it could happen without armed conflict. Mr Botha's furthest and last gesture of relaxation was a new constitution in 1983. This provided representation for non-white South Africans in a way that outraged black political leaders by its inadequacy, and disgusted Afrikaner conservatives by conceding the principle of non-white representation at all. Meanwhile, the pressure of economic sanctions approved by the United Nations against South Africa was growing. In 1985 even the United States had imposed them to a limited extent; by then, international confidence in the South African economy was falling, and the effects were showing. Straws before the wind of change could be discerned. The Dutch Reformed Church acknowledged that apartheid was at least a 'mistake' and could not (as had been claimed hitherto) be justified by Scripture.7 There was growing division among Afrikaner politicians. It was an important symbolic event that the first legal 'mixed' marriage in the Republic was celebrated in 1985. It probably helped, too, that in spite of its deepening isolation, the South African army successfully mastered the threats on the borders of the Republic, though it could not defeat the Marxist Angolan government so long as Cuban forces remained there. Peace was made with Angola after Namibia came to independence on terms South Africa found tolerable in 1988. This was the background when Mr Botha (president of the republic since 1984) reluctantly and grumpily stepped down the following year, to be succeeded by Mr F. W. de Klerk, who soon made it clear that the movement towards liberalization was to continue. Indeed, he said it would go much further than most whites thought possible, even if this did not mean the end of apartheid in all respects. Political protest and opposition were to be tolerated. Meetings and marches were permitted; imprisoned black leaders were released. Meanwhile, there was taking place an important change in the relations between the superpowers. Agreements between the United States and the Soviet 7

In 1998 its conference voted overwhelmingly that apartheid was 'wrong and sinful not only in effects and operations but in its fundamental nature'.

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Union had helped to bring to an end the struggles in Angola and Mozambique and in due course led to freedom for Namibia. Suddenly, in 1990 the way ahead seemed to open up dramatically. In February Mr de Klerk announced that 'a new South Africa' was in the making and nine days later the highly symbolic figure of Mr Nelson Mandela, the long-imprisoned leader of the African National Congress, was released from jail. Before long he was engaged in discussion with the government about what might come next. For all the firmness of his language, there were hopeful signs of a new realism that the task of reassuring the white minority about a future under a black majority must be attempted. Just such signs, of course, prompted other, more extreme, black politicians to greater activity and more violent opposition. By the end of the year, though, Mr de Klerk had gone a long way. He had taken his followers further than Mr Mandela had taken his, even saying he would rescind the land legislation which was the keystone of apartheid. It was an interesting indicator of the pace with which events had moved in South Africa that the interest of the world was by then focused less on the sincerity or insincerity of white South African leaders, than on the realism (or lack of it) of their black opponents and their ability (or inability) to control their followers. There were plentiful signs of division among black South Africans. Clearly, a stony path still lay ahead, even if once unthinkable steps towards a democratic South Africa had already been taken. Yet there were also grounds for a cautious qualified optimism. Talks began between the Afrikaner Nationalist Party and the African National Congress (ANC) in which Mr de Klerk and Mr Mandela took the lead. Yet 1993 was the most violent year in South Africa yet. The numbers of political murders and acts of terrorism shot up. The death rate of victims of political violence, already high in the first six months of the year, soared to over 100 a month in July and August alone. By the end of June 109 policemen had been killed and the majority of them (like most victims of violence in South Africa) were black. The security forces were clearly under strain. Yet in the autumn the South African parliament approved the bill that had emerged from the politicians' negotiations. For the first time it offered black South Africans a real share in political power. There followed, just before Christmas, parliamentary acceptance of a new interim constitution. 736

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In January 1994 the militant Pan-African Congress, which had broken away from the ANC, announced it was suspending its armed struggle against the state and would take part in the multiracial elections announced for April. As polling day approached, new divisions appeared among political leaders, both black and Afrikaner, some reflecting tribal fears, some, ideological extremism. Acts of violence continued. Yet the elections duly took place as had been planned, and in an orderly and impressive manner. On 9 May the new parliament met. Its ANC majority at once elected Mr Mandela first president of the new South Africa. His presidency was inaugurated the following day at Pretoria, in the heart of Afrikanerdom, the capital of the old Transvaal republic with which the British had been at war as the century began. Soon South Africa joined the Organization of African Unity and, perhaps even more surprisingly, re-entered the British Commonwealth of Nations. The picture in other parts of the continent had nonetheless darkened during the 1970s and 1980s. As the end of the century approached, sub-Saharan Africa, with a tenth of the world's population, contained a quarter of the world's refugees. There were thirty-four sub-Saharan countries with a quarter of their inhabitants infected with HIV; in one of them, Botswana, life expectancy at birth dropped from sixty-one to forty-seven years in six years (1992—8). This posed a grave demographic threat. Positive economic growth in much of black Africa had virtually come to an end after the oil crisis and a notable slackening of the interest of the old colonial powers in their former territories. The economic policies of many African countries had, too, often sacrificed the interests of food-producing peasants to swelling urban populations by keeping agricultural cash crop prices low while seeking to encourage industrial development that would reduce the need for imports. Population rose while agricultural production slowed and sometimes fell. Famine became more common. Political and administrative failure meanwhile blocked the way to solution for such problems. In 1993 Africans received $36 per capita of external aid, to little obvious beneficial effect; the comparable contemporary figure for south Asia was $4, and for Latin America $8. In 1998, ten years after Africa had seemed to turn decisively towards democracy, the legacy of apartheid overshadowed the South African 737

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Republic as heavily as Boer mythology and memory had overshadowed the opening of the century there. Outside its borders the prospects for civilized government often looked as grim as ever. Sudanese still starved because food was used as a weapon in their civil war, and a cycle of genocidal horrors in Rwanda that had opened in the mid-1980s was still going on. A rising in the Congo (formerly Zaire) was exacerbated by the interventions of neighbours, and Eritrea and Ethiopia were at war. Only in Nigeria did the death of a dictator suggest even a gleam of a possibility that one important African country might return to civilian rule, while in Angola a fragile peace looked as if it might collapse anew into outright civil war. Per capita income in sub-Saharan Africa still lagged below the level reached twenty-five years earlier. The continent's peoples seemed to have achieved nothing since independence except, remarkably, to preserve most of the boundaries they had inherited from colonialism. Mr Mandela's deputy had said in 1997 that 'the African Renaissance is upon us', but it was hard to see why he thought so as the century drew to its close. Though often kaleidoscopic change was visible inside many African countries, over much of the continent an overall stagnation seemed to prevail.

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S E E D S OF D O U B T The closer one is to events, the harder it is to be sure that the perspective is right. Yet from time to time some events so unfold that they obviously and instantly mark a special change, sometimes in the pace, sometimes in the direction of history, sometimes in both. Events in the last couple of decades have struck many people as change of that sort, immediately and obviously significant because after them the historical landscape looks different, even in the context of a whole century. The full meaning- and even some of the most relevant details - of what has happened since 1980 can still be argued about. The starting-point for understanding it is the outstanding fact that the Cold War that had dominated world history since 1945, and can be traced back as far as 1917, came to an end. By itself that implied at least a shift in assumptions about international relations on the global scale, and one interconnected with all sorts of other changes in many countries. Nor were such changes limited merely to political and ideological matters. Yet nothing like them seemed likely in 1980, when the seeds for it, as now appears, were already germinating. On the contrary, hopes of détente encouraged a few years earlier seemed at that moment to be crumbling fast, the rhetoric of Cold War was heard as loudly as ever in the United States and the leaders of the USSR were before long seriously wondering whether an American nuclear attack might be on the way. Other views of the future that had recently been in vogue were also having to be set aside. The Iranian revolution had seemed to herald sweeping change in the Near and Middle East but it remained very difficult to 739

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assess in a balanced way what it had actually achieved (as was still, in fact, to be the case in the 1990s). Certainly anyone who had hoped for emergence from the Arab-Israeli impasse (in whatever form they might have wished to see it, and regardless to whom they thought the benefits would accrue) was to go on being disappointed as the 1980s unrolled. Nor had it become any easier to be sure what Islamic 'fundamentalism' really signified. What had looked for a time like a great resurgence would also within a few years look like just one more of many waves of puritanism that have from time to time broken into the Faith across the centuries. It owed much to circ*mstance; Israel's occupation of Jerusalem, the third of Islam's Holy Places, had enhanced a sense of Islamic solidarity, and the oil crisis had given a new sharpness to the sword of Islam. Yet Islam had its own difficult legacies, often pulling in different directions. The attack by Sunnite Iraq on Shi'ite Iran in 1980 began a war which was to last eight years and cost a million lives; doctrinal difference had hardly contributed to the origins of the quarrel, but not until 1997 would representatives of all the Islamic states meet (in Teheran) in a gathering that ignored it. It soon appeared to the rulers of Iran, too, that although they could irritate and alarm the superpowers (especially the USSR, with its millions of Muslim subjects), they could not easily thwart them. At the end of 1979, they had been able only to watch what looked at first like Soviet success in propping up its puppet communist regime in Afghanistan against Muslim rebels. One reason why the Iranian government backed terrorists and kidnappers was that (like the very different Libyan government) it was the best or worst it could do in an unfavourable international environment. In spite of its play with American hostages it could not get back the former Shah to face Islamic justice (he died in exile in 1980). All in all, the successful tweaking of the eagle's tail feathers had been humiliating for the United States, but now seems to have mattered much less than it did at the time. In retrospect, a declaration by President Carter in 1980 that the United States regarded the Persian Gulf as an area of vital interest looks more important. It was an early sign of the waning of a dangerously exaggerated mood of American uncertainty and defeatism.

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AMERICAN MISGIVINGS The roots of that mood can easily be understood. Eighteen years before, the Cuban crisis had been thought by Americans to show the world that the United States was top dog. They had then enjoyed a consciousness of superior military strength and the usually dependable support of allies, clients and satellites the world round. The American public will had long sustained a world diplomatic and military effort while still grappling powerfully with domestic problems. But American citizens had come to feel differently even by 1970. After that, disillusion had deepened in a bad decade. Over the first half of the 1970s there had hung the psychological disaster of defeat in Vietnam. The turmoil over Nixon's fall from office followed and overshadowed the extent of his real international achievements. Then came the setback in Iran and the country's seeming powerlessness in the hostage affair. Finally, the United States had to stand by while the USSR seemed able to extend its own reach in Asia by sending an army to Afghanistan, when there was for a moment a whiff of a Korea replay in the air. That the Soviet adventure might not in the end turn out as satisfactorily as planners in Moscow had hoped, was foreseen only by a few at the time. Yet in 1980 the central reality of world politics was in fact about to reassert itself. For all the pace of change since the Cuban crisis, the American republic was still in that year one of only two states in the world whose might gave them unquestioned status as (to use an official Soviet definition) 'the greatest world powers, without whose participation not a single international problem can be solved'. Even of the Chinese, that could not be said. It was true only of the USA and USSR and was the fundamental and determining fact of the way the world worked. Spectacular economic challenges in the Far East, oil blackmail by Middle Eastern princes, could not change that, far less could international terrorism. History, moreover, has no enduring favourites. Though some Americans had been frightened by the apparent growth in Soviet strength after the Cuban crisis, there were plenty of signs even in the 1970s that the USSR was already facing major difficulties. Cold War 741

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commitments in help to Cuba and Vietnam heavily taxed her resources. She continued to spend colossal sums on armaments (of the order of a quarter of her GDP in the 1980s), but they appeared hardly sufficient in an era of ever-more expensive weaponry and supporting technology. Afghanistan added to the bill, to little advantage. To carry the burden, more resources were needed. What that might mean was debatable, but that it would require some change was certain. In that setting, it could only be reassuring that between the governments of the two superpowers the compelling tie of nuclear terror had grown even stronger. Both knew that nuclear superiority was in the last resort little but notional. A new degree of cooperation in seeking arms limitation voiced in the 1970s had persisted in spite of specific quarrels, even if as the year of a presidential election approached many Americans were still very worried at the end of the decade. Against this background, that election was, for understandable if not easily avowable domestic reasons, fought in a way that played much on the voters' sense of national weakness and on their fears of the USSR. The winner, Ronald Reagan, won a majority of the popular votes cast and, memorably for a Republican candidate, all the southern states except Georgia (his opponent's native state). Hopes of detente had wilted and it is unsurprising that the conservative Soviet leadership should have voiced renewed suspicion of the trend of American policy as the new president prepared to take office, for all the difficulties he inherited. The new administration was soon to engineer a remarkable recovery in American confidence that would increase Soviet anxiety.

D I S O R D E R E D ISLAM On the day of Mr Reagan's inauguration as president in 1981, the Iranians released their American hostages. That closed a humiliating and frustrating episode (suspicious Americans who voted Democrat believed the timing of the release to have been stage-managed by the new administration's supporters to discredit the outgoing Mr Carter). But this was by no means the end of problems in the Middle East and the Gulf. The question of Israel's borders, and even of her very right to existence, had not gone away. The war between Iran and Iraq soon 742

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reminded the world of the dangers of the tinder lying about. The instability of the Lebanon was becoming more obvious. Ordered government virtually disappeared there and the country collapsed into an anarchy disputed by bands of gunmen, some patronized by the Syrians and Iranians, and others by the Israelis. This gave the revolutionary wing of the PL O a much more promising base for operation against Israel than in the past. Israel responded by mounting increasingly violent and expensive military operations on and beyond her northern borders, heightening tension still further and provoking ever more vicious conflict with the Palestinians. The United States was not alone in bemoaning the volatilities of the Near and Middle East; there were many Muslims inside the Soviet Union to worry Moscow, too. Some observers thought this a hopeful fact, believing that what looked like growing disorder in the Islamic world might induce caution on the part of both superpowers, and perhaps would lead to less unconditional support for their satellites and allies in the region. Should this happen, it was likely to matter most to Israel. While that might please some conservative Arabs, Iran's aggressive and Shi'ite puritanism caused alarm in the oil-rich Gulf states and Saudi Arabia; their rulers feared that sympathy for the radical conservatism of the Iranian revolution could spread to other Islamic countries. The more alarming manifestations and sometimes absurd rhetorical exaggeration of Iranian revolutionaries and Arab Islamic sympathizers meanwhile continued to preoccupy western observers more than they should have done. A swift manifestation of what the intransigence of enthusiasts might mean was the murder of the president of Egypt in 1981 as a punishment for his reconciliation with Israel. The government of Pakistan meanwhile continued covertly to help the anti-communist Islamic rebels in Afghanistan while proclaiming and imposing Islamic orthodoxy even more strongly at home (yet by the end of the decade Pakistan had a woman as prime minister, a situation unique in the Islamic world, and in 1989 rejoined the British Commonwealth). As the decade drew on, though, North Africa presented the most alarming evidence of radical Islamic feeling. It was most noisily evident in the bizarre sallies and pronouncements of the easily excited Colonel Qadaffi, dictator of Libya, who called upon other oil-producing states to stop supplying 743

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the United States (while one third of Libyan oil continued to find a market there). In 1980 he had announced, among other things, both that he was sending a large bill to Italy, the United Kingdom and West Germany for the damage done by their battles in North Africa in 1940-43, and that all Libyans abroad were traitors and thieves who should be 'ferreted down and physically liquidated'.1 He also briefly 'united' his country to Ba'athist Syria. Political developments further to the west mattered much more, though, than such gestures. The new Algeria was a depressing spectacle as the century drew to a close. Victory in the war of independence had been followed by yet further atrocious bloodletting (mainly that of those who had collaborated with, or were suspected of collaboration with, the French regime). There had been optimism for a time that life for Algerians would change for the better. Over a million of them, mainly, but not all, of European extraction, had fled to France and this had disposed of the major problem set by the pied-noir community, so that no further ethnic cleansing was needed. Some of the omens at the outset were good. Algeria looked forward to enjoying substantial oil and natural gas revenues; French attempts to retain control of the Sahara (whose attachment to the coastal region of the north in the first place had been the artificial creation of French colonialism) had evaporated in the peace negotiations. Though on a world scale hardly significant - she had, after all, only 16 million or so people in 1962 Algeria had the second largest industrial base in the continent (after South Africa). There was even talk in the 1970s of her becoming Africa's 'first Japan'. 2 But this was not to be. By 1980, the economy was flagging badly. There had been wasteful investment in the promotion of state-owned heavy industry. Manufacturing output had fallen. Population continued still to rise inexorably (it tripled between i960 and 1995), and the country's agricultural production remained stagnant. Algeria had to face increasing import bills, dwindling oil revenues and mounting external debt. Emigration to Europe (and, above all, France) was the favoured outlet for the energies of Algeria's young men, and the 1

AR 1980, pp.2.10-13. He appears to have begun the implementation of the last injunction. 2 D. S. Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations (London, 1998), p. 507.

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remittances they sent home became indispensable. Without them (and, paradoxically, aid and loans from French governments until expropriation of agricultural holdings and oil and gas resources put a stop to them), the country faced bankruptcy. Earlier optimism withered in this increasingly bleak setting. Hopes of a North African Islamic union of Algeria, Libya, Morocco and Mauritania soon evaporated. At home, the political consensus that might have been forged immediately after victory was sacrificed by the intransigence of the FLN-based government, whose members soon fell out in power struggles of their own. A gap began to open between Berber and Arab interests. The broadly socialist and secular tone of the regime, meanwhile, alienated conservatives who did not share the urban and francophone background of the revolutionary leaders. This came to matter when a long-delayed democratization of Algerian politics was attempted in 1989-91, and was botched. In local elections in 1990 an overtly Islamist party for the first time in any African country won a resounding democratic victory. The candidates of the ruling FLN suffered heavily, and with them any support for their policy of IMF-inspired economic reform. There were disturbances and, for a time, a state of siege was imposed by the government but as the year ended the regime was again routed, this time in national elections, by the extremists of an 'Islamic Salvation Front'. This success was to be their last, though; in July 1991 the army struck, installing an authoritarian regime without representative sanction. It then embarked on what turned out to be an increasingly savage campaign against the Islamists - who, in turn, took to terrorism and guerrilla warfare. The army was to be for the rest of the decade the dominant force in Algerian politics, more and more openly showing itself determined to maintain a political system rather than any particular party regime, and, it seemed, increasingly careless of the ways in which it did so. In 1989, too, a military coup had also brought a military and militant Islamic regime to power in Sudan. It at once suppressed what little civic freedom was left in that unhappy land, most of whose existence had been spent under military rule.3 The government established close 3

The republic had been proclaimed 1 January 1956. Sudan had earlier been ruled jointly by Great Britain and Egypt.

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relations with Iran and pursued with renewed vigour attempts to crush a rebellion going on in the south of the country (where both Christianity and paganism resisted Islamization) since the achievement of independence. To date it is estimated that 1.4 million have died in that war. For all the apparent advances by radical extremists in many Islamic countries, there were even by 1990 many signs that moderate and conservative Arab politicians were being antagonized by the radicals. Indigenous opposition to extremism was sometimes effective. Would-be revolutionaries had to confront other Muslims who sought goals of power and modernization which were incompatible with Islamic teaching and custom. Libya might destabilize other African countries and arm Irish terrorists, but could achieve little else. Such military support to Islamic regimes as Iran could spare from her own war with Iraq was largely confined to Afghanistan. There, with the help of Pakistan and the American CIA, Afghan forces were maintained in the field against the Soviet army of occupation successfully enough not only to bog down the USSR in support of a minority regime but also to be a major drain on Soviet resources. Afghanistan was in effect becoming a Soviet Vietnam. As time passed, too, the decade provided growing evidence that Saddam Hussein, ruler of Iraq and American protege, was only tactically and pragmatically a supporter of Islamic unity. Muslim by upbringing, he led what should have been a secular Ba'athist regime based in reality on patronage, family and the self-interest of soldiers. He sought power, and technological modernization as a way to it; there is no evidence that the welfare of the Iraqi people ever mattered to him. The prolongation of his war with Iran and evidence of its costs were greeted with relief by other Arab states - notably the other oil-producers of the Gulf - because it appeared at the same time to pin down both a dangerous adventurer and the Iranian revolutionaries, even if it was regrettable to them that war between Muslim countries distracted attention from the Palestinian question and strengthened Israel's hand in dealing with the PLO. During nearly a decade of alarms and excursions in the Gulf, some of which raised in western eyes the horrid spectre of further interference with oil supplies, armed conflict between Iran and the United States 746

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seemed at times possible. Meanwhile, the international stalemate in the Levant grew more embittered. Israel's vigorous operations in Lebanon against Palestinian guerrilla bands and their patrons, her annexation of the formerly Syrian Golan Heights after the Six-Day War, and her government's encouragement of further Jewish immigration (notably from the USSR) all helped to buttress her against the day when she might once again face united Arab armies. She had to meet in the process both costs and foreign criticism, particularly when, in late 1987, the first outbreaks of mass violence among Palestinians occurred in the Israeli-occupied territories. They were to grow into a major insurrection, the intifada* The PLO, meanwhile won further international sympathy by officially conceding Israel's right to exist, to the irritation of some of its Arab paymasters.

THE L A S T P H A S E OF C O L D WAR There was, in fact, to be no transformation of the international scene in the Middle East in the 1980s, but an enormous one elsewhere, unpromising though things had looked at the outset. In his election campaign of 1980 Mr Reagan had deliberately played on the public's fears of the Soviet Union and what he called America's 'weakened defence'. This was a politician's shorthand for the assertion that the United States could no longer be sure it had preponderance in intercontinental missiles sufficient to deter the USSR. Unsurprisingly, such language reawoke alarm in Moscow; the conservative Soviet leadership denounced with fresh vigour the trend of United States policy. Matters were not helped when, within a few months of Mr Reagan's inauguration, America's nuclear striking force was twice in one week activated following erroneous computer warnings that Soviet missile attacks were on the way. It seemed likely that the few but promising steps towards disarmament so far achieved might be swept aside - or even worse. In the event, Mr Reagan's administration showed more flexibility in foreign affairs than his language as a 4

Between 1987 and 1994, reported The Times, 9 December 1997, the intifada cost the lives of 1,306 Palestinians killed by Israelis, 192 Israelis killed by Palestinians, and 822 Arabs who died in violence between Arabs themselves.

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presidential candidate had suggested, and even a measure of pragmatism, while, on the Soviet side, internal change was about to open the way to an unexpected future. Nonetheless, the Soviet position in the early 1980s was very different from that often years earlier. The USSR had to face military stalemate at great expense in Afghanistan. Her east European satellites, far from being of economic benefit to her, were costly, required expensive garrisons and therefore increased her defence bills.5 This was the setting when in November 198z Leonid Brezhnev, Khrushchev's successor and for eighteen years general secretary of the Party, died. The head of the KGB who replaced him soon followed him to the grave, to be succeeded by a septuagenarian whose own expiry was even more rapid. Finally, there came to the office of general secretary in 1985 the youngest member of the Politburo, Mr Mikhail Gorbachev. Fifty-four years old, he had behind him a political life lived almost entirely in the post-Stalin era. His impact upon history is still difficult to assess accurately, but of its decisiveness and scope there can be no doubt. Mr Gorbachev's personal motivation and the conjunction of forces that propelled him to the highest office remain in many ways unclear. The KGB, presumably, did not oppose his promotion, and his first acts and speeches were orthodox enough, though he clearly saw himself as a reformer within communist parameters. Yet he soon began to articulate a new political tone. He had, in the previous year, made an impression on the British prime minister as 'a man with whom I could do business'.6 He spoke of 'we Europeans' sharing a culture and a 'common home' (a remark potentially highly provocative in a country whose history had been agitated for nearly two centuries by the debates of 'westernizers' and 'slavophiles' over its cultural destinies).7 The word 'communism' was heard less and less in his speeches, which reinterpreted 'socialism' to exclude egalitarianism (though from time to time he reminded his colleagues that he was a communist). For want of a better term, his aim was economic and 5

In this respect, the USSR's position was like that of the USA in NATO - but the USA could afford it. 6 M. Thatcher, The Downing Street Years (London, 1993), p.463. 7 In a speech in Prague in April 1987. See also Gorbachev's Perestroika: New Thinking for Our Country and the World (London, 1987), pp.194-8.

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political liberalization, an inadequate western gloss on two Russian words he used a great deal: glasnost (openness) and perestroïka (restructuring). For all the scepticism with which it was greeted by many western sovietologists who began by seeing it as windowdressing, the full implications of his new course were to turn out to be profound and dramatic. For the rest of the decade Mr Gorbachev grappled with them. They could hardly have been what he had in mind when he set out. It now seems clear that Mr Gorbachev took office with a reforming goal: he sought to avoid the collapse of a communist system by opening it to his own vision of Leninism, a more pluralist system, involving the intelligentsia in the political nation. Perhaps his attempt to achieve political and economic reform at the same time was a mistake that was a fatal flaw at the root of an eventual failure. His starting-point had been his recognition that without radical change the Soviet economy had not been and would not be able to provide the USSR with its former military might, sustain its commitments to allies abroad, improve (however slowly) living standards at home, and assure continuing self-generated technological innovation. Essentially, it was at last being admitted that the great experiment of arriving at socialism through modernization which had been going on for nearly seventy years had failed. Neither material well-being nor freedom had been forthcoming. And now the costs of modernization were becoming too heavy to bear. Mr Reagan was in the end to draw great dividends on the change in Soviet leadership, but it took almost all of his two presidential terms to do so. In the early 1980s he was encumbered by a flagging economy, significant inflation and a huge budgetary deficit. Although there were further troubles to come he had by his second term apparently overcome these to the extent that he won re-election with the largest percentage of the popular vote in American history. Lower taxes produced something like enthusiasm over the administration's handling of the economy and optimism and confidence spilled over, too, into Americans' views of the international situation. Among other things they were promised wonders by their government in the shape of new defensive measures in space. Though thousands of scientists said the project was unrealistic, the Soviet government only too 749

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evidently could not face the costs of competing in order merely to demonstrate the point. Americans had been heartened, too, in 1986 when American bombers were launched from England on a punitive mission against Libya, whose eccentric and unpredictable ruler had been giving support to anti-American terrorists. The Soviet Union expressed less concern about this operation than did many west Europeans. Mr Reagan was less successful in convincing many of his countrymen that more enthusiastic assertions of American authority in Central America were truly in the national interest, and a Congressional inquiry in 1987 concluded that he should have done more to uphold the law when arms had been sold to Iran in the previous year, and the proceeds used to finance rebels against the government of Nicaragua. There were resignations and the president said in effect that he had made a mistake but had meant well, and he survived until 1988 to leave office then as an outstandingly popular president. Meanwhile, the USSR had been showing for years signs of growing division and difficulty in reforming its affairs. The alarm and fear with which the 'evil empire' (as Mr Reagan had once memorably termed it) of the Soviet Union was regarded by many Americans in 1980 had begun to evaporate, even if the dislike they felt for it did not. The foreign policy oí the administration, too, had brought soiid grounds for satisfaction with the Reagan presidency once Mr Gorbachev's new course soon became clear in meetings with Mr Reagan. The first took place in 1986 at Reykjavik; it seemed a failure but discussion of arms reduction was renewed at it and in 1987 further negotiation on arms control brought about an agreement over intermediate range nuclear missiles during another 'summit' meeting in Washington. In spite of so many shocks and its partial erosion by the emergence of new foci of nuclear power, the arms balance had held long enough for the first stand-downs by the superpowers. They had shown they could still manage their conflicts and the world's crises without war, and now were doing better than that.8 They at least, if 8

The 'INF treaty', as the formal agreement was called, was signed on 8 December 1987 and the heart of it was provision for all land-based missiles with ranges of between 500 and 5,500 kilometres to be destroyed within three years. 3,000 Soviet and 800 American warheads were believed to be covered, and there were provisions for on-site inspection to assure compliance. For the text, see AR 1987, pp.558-66.

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not other countries seeking to acquire nuclear weapons, appeared to have recognized that nuclear war, if it came, held out the possibility of the virtual extinction of mankind. Two years later, the Soviet forces were withdrawn from Afghanistan. In 1991 there were to be further dramatic developments as the USA and USSR agreed to major reductions in existing weapons stocks. There were further indications in Soviet policy that Mr Gorbachev the reformer was, perhaps willynilly, proving to be a revolutionary.

CHANGING E A S T E R N E U R O P E Any change in the international scene was bound to offer new prospects to others than the superpowers. Only for convenience of exposition can superpower détente be separated from what was going on in eastern Europe. One process could not have occurred without the other, they were not only contemporaneous but also interdependent. At the end of 1980 few western experts on the communist world could have believed that the peoples of eastern Europe and the Soviet Union were about to enter a new phase of their destiny, and engage in changes unmatched in scope and scale since the 1940s. All that then could be safely predicted was that communist countries would go on finding it more and more difficult to maintain even the modest growth rates they had so far attained (about which there were many qualifications to be made, in any case, as later examination of the official statistics of the time has shown). Not all western 'experts' would have risked going even so far as that, though it should at least have been clear that comparison with the market economies of the noncommunist world had become more and more unfavourable to the command economies. Yet even if that was conceded, no possible challenge to the verdict of 1945, and those hardly less resounding of 1953, 1956 and 1968, seemed possible in 1980. Soviet power in that year still seemed to hold eastern Europe in its grip as firmly as ever. Some social and political change had nonetheless been going on for thirty years, almost concealed inside what had looked superficially like an unchanging, monolithic Soviet bloc. The outcome of a long experiment with a particular model of development seemed much the 751

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same in each communist-ruled country. In all of them the party was supreme; careerists built their lives round it as, in earlier centuries, men on the make clustered about courts and patrons. All of them maintained formidable internal security forces and secret police surveillance.9 In each, (and above all in the USSR) there was also an unspeakable, unavowable and unexaminable past which could not be mourned or deplored, whose weight overhung and corrupted intellectual life and political discussion, so far as there was any. In most of the east European economies, investment in heavy industrial and capital goods had produced a surge of growth in the 1950s (in some more vigorous than in others), within a system of trading arrangements with other communist countries dominated by the USSR and rigidified by aspirations to central planning. Increasingly and obviously, these economies could not by the 1970s meet a growing desire for consumer goods; commodities taken for granted in western Europe remained luxuries in the east, cut off from the advantages of international economic specialization. Yet there were important differences among the communist countries themselves. On the land, private ownership had been much reduced in some of them by the middle of the 1950s, sometimes to be replaced by a mixture of cooperatives and state farms. Even by i960, though, Polish peasants were already moving back into smallholdings; eventually, something like four-fifths of Polish farmland was back in private hands even under communist government. Whatever the tenure arrangements, though, output remained low in most eastern European countries. Their agricultural yields were usually only from half to three-quarters those of the European Community. By the 1980s all the countries of the eastern bloc were in some degree in a state of economic crisis. An economic transformation was clearly necessary, but seemed impossible. The supposed exception was the GDR but this was illusory; even in that much-touted instance of communist economic success, per capita GDP stood in 1988 at only $9,300 a year, against $19,500 in the Federal Republic. 9

For the minute scale and extent of the aspirations but actually frequent ineffectiveness of such systems in their most developed form, see the book by T. Garton Ash, The file: a personal history (London, 1997), which considers what is revealed by the files on the surveillance of a particular individual (that author) in the GDR.

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Brezhnev had said that developments within eastern bloc countries might require - as in Czechoslovakia in 1968 - direct physical intervention to safeguard the interests of the USSR and its allies against any attempts to turn socialist economies back towards capitalism. Comparisons might be and were made, though parallels were inexact, between this and the Roosevelt 'corollary' to the Monroe doctrine pronounced in 1904. Yet Brezhnev had also been interested in pursuing detente. His 'doctrine' was in a measure recognition of the possible dangers presented to international stability by breakaway developments in communist Europe; it could be seen as an attempt to limit such dangers by drawing clear lines. Since then, western countries, steadily growing more prosperous, and with memories of the late 1940s and the seeming possibility of subversion far behind them, had grown in confidence. Well before 1980, after all, there were no dictatorships west of the Trieste-Stettin line. Democracy had triumphed in western Europe as it had not done between 1918 and 1939. Class conflict seemed in abeyance. Even when Paris was in uproar in 1968, and student riots filled the headlines, the French working class achieved only a brief general strike when its leaders sought to exploit the situation for their own ends and the Gaullist party won a massive majority in the election a month later. The communists proclaimed that 'violence and guerrilla warfare' were not the road to socialism. For thirty years, the only risings by European industrial workers against their masters had been in East Germany, Hungary, Poland and Czechoslovakia, all of them communist countries. After 1970, and even more after the Helsinki agreement of 1975, as awareness of contrasts with western Europe grew in the eastern bloc, dissident groups emerged, survived and even prospered, in spite of continuing repressive efforts. Gradually, too, a few officials, economic specialists, and some party members too began to show scepticism about the costs of detailed and centralized attempts to plan economic life. There was increasing discussion of the advantages of utilizing market mechanisms. The key to stability in the east, nevertheless, remained the Soviet Army. There was no reason to believe that any fundamental change was possible in the Warsaw pact countries while the Brezhnev doctrine continued to provide support to governments 753

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subservient to the USSR, and the USSR saw all internal dissent among its allies as a potential threat to its own security.

POLISH

REVOLUTION

The first clear sign that an eastern European change was at hand came in Poland. To a remarkable degree the Poles had retained their patriotic integrity (not for the first time in their history) by following their priests and not their rulers. The political influence of the Roman Catholic Church had remained great, even if it had not always shown an altogether acceptable face to the non-Polish world. In 1946 the Primate of Poland had shown himself willing to pander to traditional prejudices by blaming Jews for the behaviour of Poles who had indulged in pogroms and even murders of Jewish survivors of the Holocaust.10 Perhaps because it was truly popular in its reflexion of widely held attitudes, though, the Church had an enduring hold on the affections and minds of many Poles. Historically, they had long seen it as the embodiment of the nation. It was often to speak for them and did so all the more convincingly after 1978 when the first Polish pope was enthroned at Rome. By then the Polish hierarchy had already identified itself with the cause of workers who protested against economic policy, and it had condemned their ill-treatment. Yet economic conditions continued to worsen. Nineteen eighty was a year of hard times, and a series of strikes came to a head in an epic struggle in the Gdansk shipyard. Significantly, the shipyard gates were decorated with a picture of the Pope and open-air masses were held by the strikers. From this struggle emerged a new and spontaneously organized federation of trade unions, 'Solidarity'. To the originally economic goals of the strikers, it added political demands, among them one for free and independent trade unions. Solidarity's leader was a remarkable, much-imprisoned electrical worker and trade unionist, Lech Walesa. He was also a devout Catholic, closely in touch with the clergy. The world was soon sur10

B. Wasserstein, in Vanishing Diaspora: the Jews in Europe since 1945 (London, 1996), says that half the 200,000 Jews still left alive in Poland in 1945 fled the country within a year.

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prised to see a shaken Polish government making historic concessions to him. Above all, it recognized Solidarity as an independent, selfgoverning trade union. Other new, free trade unions appeared in association with Solidarity; within a few months they had 8 million members. Symbolically, regular broadcasting of the Catholic Mass on Sundays was now permitted. But disorder did not cease, and with the winter the atmosphere of crisis deepened. Threats of possible intervention were heard: forty Soviet divisions were said to be ready in the GDR and on the Russian frontier. But the dog did not bark in the night; the Soviet army did not move. Brezhnev did not unleash it, nor were his successors to do so in the turbulent years that followed. This was the first hint of changing attitudes in Moscow that were the necessary condition of what was to follow in eastern Europe in the next ten years. In 1981, the economic situation worsened; Walesa strove to avert provocation, but tension rose. On five occasions the Russian commander of the Warsaw Pact forces came to Warsaw. On the last, the Solidarity radicals broke away from Walesa's control and called for a general strike if emergency powers were taken by the government. On 13 December, martial law was declared. There followed fierce repression (costing possibly hundreds of lives). But the Polish military claimed later that their action removed the implicit threat of Russian invasion, and so may have saved the Polish revolution. Solidarity now went underground. Seven years of struggle began during which it became clear that military government could neither prevent further economic deterioration, nor enlist the support of the 'real' Poland, the society alienated from communism, for the regime. A moral revolution was taking place. As one western observer put it, Poles began to behave 'as if they lived in a free country';11 not only clandestine organization and publication, but strikes and demonstrations, and continuing ecclesiastical condemnation of the regime sustained what was at times an atmosphere of civil war. Another aspect of this change was the growing loss of confidence within the regime itself: the party was steadily losing its younger members and by 1987 more than half of it was over fifty years old. After a few 11

T. Garton Ash, The Polish Revolution: Solidarity (rev. edn, London, 1991), p.292.

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months the government cautiously abandoned martial law, but still continued to deploy a varied repertoire of overt and undercover repression. Meanwhile, the economy was sagging yet further, while western countries offered no help and no sympathy to the regime. In the end, change in Moscow produced decisive effects, though they were not swift to appear. The climax came in 1989, for Poland her most hopeful year since 1945. It opened with the regime's accepting at last that other political parties and organizations, including Solidarity, had to share in the political process. As a first step to true political pluralism, parliamentary elections were held in June in which some seats were freely contested. In them, Solidarity swept the board. Soon the new parliament embarked on a series of symbolic affronts to the old order: it denounced the German—Soviet agreement of August 1939, condemned the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia, and set up investigations into political murders committed since 1981. Historical truth was emerging at last from the shadows. In August, Walesa announced that Solidarity would support a coalition government. The Polish communist diehards were told by Mr Gorbachev that this would be justifiable (and already some Soviet military units had been withdrawn). In September a coalition dominated by Solidarity and led by the first non-communist prime minister in any east European country since 1945 took office as the government of Poland. Western economic aid was soon promised. By Christmas the Polish People's Republic had disappeared and, once again, the historic Republic of Poland had risen from its grave. Through all these events, the Soviet army had kept to its barracks.

THE C R U M B L I N G OF THE S O V I E T S Y S T E M Poland was to prove to have led eastern Europe to freedom. Thanks to her example, 1989 was a great year in neighbouring countries, too. The importance of what was happening had quickly been perceived in them and their leaders were much alarmed. In varying degree, eastern Europe was increasingly exposed to a new and faster flow of information about other countries through television (this was especially marked in the GDR). More freedom of movement, more 756

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access to foreign books and newspapers had gradually but perceptibly advanced the process of criticism elsewhere as in Poland. In spite of some ludicrous attempts to go on controlling information (Romania still required that ownership of typewriters be registered with the state authorities), a change in consciousness was under way. But an essential pre-condition of any real change had to be change in Moscow, and this had now come about. Mr Gorbachev had come to power during the gestatory period of the east European revolution. The importance of his arrival on the scene became clear outside the USSR for perhaps the first time when he showed that he was not likely to enforce the Brezhnev doctrine. Then, in January 1987, he announced that democratization in the USSR was to be part of his programme. Perestroika had begun as a technique of economic reform; now, said Mr Gorbachev, democracy was its 'essence' and free elections were required. Reconstruction was proving more difficult than expected, he added, and 'elements of stagnation and other phenomena alien to socialism' had appeared. Eighteen months later he was asking the Party Conference to renounce 'everything that deformed socialism in the 1930s and led to its stagnation in the 1970s' and to delimit the authority of the party and the state. Soon he was talking of independence for courts and the separation of executive and legislative powers.12 Though beginning to meet serious resistance from the entrenched bureaucracies of state and party, Mr Gorbachev at this stage by no means had his back to the wall. He still knew how to manipulate the apparat. The name of Lenin was much invoked to give legitimacy to non-Leninist policies. Yet soon it was clear that he had released a revolution. Power had been taken from the party, and the opportunities so provided were seized by newly emerging opposition forces. This was true above all in non-Russian republics of the Union that began to claim greater or lesser degrees of autonomy. Before long, it began to look as if Mr Gorbachev might be undermining his own authority. Perhaps his whole strategy had been misconceived from the outset if he believed (as seems to have been the case) that the CPSU would, under 12 See AR 1987, pp.101-2, for his remarks to the Central Committee of 2 7 - 8 January, and AR 1988, pp. 103-6, for his speech to the 19th Party Conference 28 June-i July.

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perestroïka, be able to maintain its ascendancy, by winning electoral support in free elections. Alarmingly, too, the economy looked worse and worse as the months passed. It became clear that a transition to a market economy, whether slow or rapid, was likely to impose far greater hardship on many - perhaps most - Soviet citizens than had been envisaged. By 1989 the Soviet economy was out of control and obviously running down. In 1990 a fundamental decision was taken to accept only hard currencies in payment for exports - a decision that was itself the death knell of Comecon. As often before in Russian history, modernization had been launched from the centre to flow out to the periphery through authoritarian structures. But the outcome could not now be relied upon as in the past. At the outset, because of the drag imposed by the resistance of the nomenklatura and the administration of the command economy, reform had not been delivered quickly enough. Then by the end of the decade, the visible and rapid crumbling of the centre's power to direct events meant that public opinion left reform behind. The broad middle position on which Mr Gorbachev had relied to pursue reform after the deposing of the CPSU had no majority or popular support: socialism with a democratic face was itself threatened. By 1990 more information was available to the rest of the world about the true state of the Soviet Union and popular attitudes inside it than at any time since 1917. Not only was plenty of overt evidence provided by behaviour, but television teams from the West were at work there, and glasnost had also brought to the Soviet Union cities the first public opinion polls. Some rough-and-ready judgements could be made; the discrediting of the party and nomenklatura was profound, even if it had not by 1990 gone so far as in some other Warsaw Pact countries. Somewhat surprisingly to western eyes, the long supine and unprotesting Orthodox Church appeared to have retained more respect and authority than other institutions of the Soviet ancien regime.13 But at the end of the decade economic failure hung like a thundercloud over the liberalizing of political processes. Soviet citizens as well as foreign observers began to talk of the possibility of civil 13

At the beginning of 1991 (the date is explained by the Orthodox ecclesiastical calendar) Russians were for the first time in seventy years allowed to celebrate Christmas as a public holiday.

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war. The thawing of the iron grip of the past had revealed the power of nationalist and regional sentiment excited by economic collapse and opportunity. After seventy years of efforts to make Soviet citizens, it looked as if the USSR had been, after all, just another multinational empire with unsolved ethnic problems. Its peoples had been organized in a federal union of fifteen republics and some of them (above all the Baltic republics of Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania) had been quick to show dissatisfaction with their lot. They were to lead the way to further political change. Some (Azerbaijan and Soviet Armenia) posed additional problems in the shadows cast by Islamic unrest. To make matters worse, there was believed to be a danger of a military coup; commanders discontented by the Soviet failure in Afghanistan (as some American soldiers had been by withdrawal from Vietnam) were talked about as potential Bonapartes - a danger long flourished as a bogey of Bolshevik mythology. Amid multiplying signs of disintegration and demoralization, Mr Gorbachev succeeded in clinging to office and, indeed, even obtained some formal and nominal enhancement of his powers. But this had the disadvantage of continuing to focus responsibility for failure on him too. A dramatic moment came in March 1990, when the Lithuanian parliament declared invalid the annexation of 1939 and reasserted the country's independence, followed though this was by complicated negotiations to avoid provoking its armed suppression. This was the opening of the final crisis of the Soviet Union. Latvia and Estonia almost at once also claimed their independence, though in slightly different terms. The upshot was that Mr Gorbachev did not seek to revoke the fact of their secession, but won agreement that the new Baltic republics should guarantee the continuing supply of certain practical services to the USSR and the continuing presence of Soviet forces. Unfortunately, a period of increasingly rapid manoeuvring between reforming and conservative groups while he allied himself first to one and then, to redress the balance, to the other, led by the end of 1990 to the compromise of the previous summer already looking out of date and unworkable. Then, at the beginning of 1991, Soviet troops attacked official buildings in Vilnius and killed a number of Lithuanian protesters; they did so, they claimed, not at the behest of the Soviet government, but at that of a mysterious, conservatively 759

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oriented Lithuanian 'Committee of National Salvation'. Connivance at this repressive action (replicated in Riga) made things worse. Parliaments in nine of the Soviet republics had already by then either declared they were sovereign or had asserted a substantial degree of independence from the Union government. Some of them had made local languages official; some had transferred Soviet ministries and economic agencies to local control. The Russian republic - the biggest and most important of them - set out to run its own economy separately from that of the Union. The Ukrainian republic proposed to set up its own army. In March, new elections led Mr Gorbachev once more back to the path of reform and a search for a new Union treaty that preserved some centre to the state. The world looked on, bemused.

A NEW G E R M A N Y As other communist countries had noted the Polish example, hopes had grown in some of them in the last years of the 1980s that an increasingly divided and paralysed USSR would not (and perhaps could not) intervene to uphold its creatures in other Warsaw Pact countries. The Hungarians had moved almost as rapidly in economic liberalization as the Poles, even before overt political change, but made their own distinctive contribution to the dissolution of communist Europe only in August 1989, when Germans from the GDR were allowed to enter Hungary freely as tourists. This apparently modest administrative concession was of much more than merely economic significance. It indeed hardly mattered at all to Hungary herself, for her German visitors' known real purpose was to present themselves to the German Federal Republic's embassy and consulates in Hungary in order to seek asylum in the west. A complete opening of Hungary's frontiers came in September. Czechoslovakia soon followed suit and a flow became a flood. In three days 12,000 East Germans crossed from these countries to the west. The Soviet authorities remarked that this was 'unusual', and the West German Social Democrats wagged a finger at their own government for 'aggravating' matters by welcom-

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ing the refugees. For the GDR, though, it was the beginning of the end. On the eve of a carefully planned celebration of the GDR's forty years' success as a socialist country, and during a visit by Mr Gorbachev (who, to the dismay of the German communists, appeared to be urging their subjects to seize their chance), riot police found themselves battling in the streets of East German cities with anti-government demonstrators who were demanding political liberalization. The government and party threw out their leader, but this was not enough. November opened with huge demonstrations against a regime whose corruption and decay was becoming more and more evident. On 9 November came the greatest symbolic act of all, the breaching of the Berlin Wall by crowds from the eastern half of Berlin. The German Politburo caved in and the demolition of the Wall at once began. Within a few days, it was estimated, more than 9 million East Germans visited West Berlin and other parts of the Federal Republic, their enthusiasm for doing so stimulated by the Federal Republic's payment of 100 Deutschmarks a head to visitors from the GDR as 'welcome money'. Even in the wealthiest of the communist countries it had thus been shown that there was a massive alienation of popular feeling from the regime. Nineteen eighty-nine had brought it to a head and provided the circ*mstances that let it burst out. It was a new 1848, a 'springtime of nations', this time successful. All over eastern Europe, it was soon clear that communist governments had no legitimacy in the eyes of their subjects, who either rose against them or turned their backs and let them fall down. One expression of this alienation was everywhere demands for free elections, in which opposition parties could freely campaign. The Poles had followed theirs (in which some seats were still reserved to supporters of the existing regime) with the preparation of a new constitution; in 1990, Lech Walesa became president of the republic. A few months earlier, Hungarians had elected a parliament from which emerged a non-communist government and Soviet soldiers began to withdraw from that country. In June 1990, elections produced a non-communist government for Czechoslovakia and it was soon agreed that the country was to be evacuated of Soviet forces by May

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1991. In none of these elections did the former communist politicians get more than 16 per cent of the vote. Elections in Bulgaria were less revolutionary: there, the contest was won by communist party members turned reformers and calling themselves socialists. In two other countries, events took even more distinctive turns. Romania underwent a violent revolution (ending in the killing of its former communist dictator) after a rising in December 1989 that revealed uncertainties about the way ahead and internal divisions ominously foreshadowing further strife, some of it originating in ethnic differences. By June 1990 a government some believed still to be heavily influenced by former communists had turned on the revolutionaries of the previous winter, who were now its critics. Student protest was bloodily crushed with the aid of vigilante squads of miners and amid disapproval abroad. The other special case was the GDR. The question of political change in the GDR was inescapably bound up with the question of German reunification, the bogey of Soviet foreign policy since 1948 (and by no means something immediately welcome to the French, either). It was, though, almost certainly unavoidable, even if Chancellor Kohl, the Christian Democrat leader of the Federal Republic, is said to have warned his advisers in the aftermath of the breaching of the Wall that unification might take another five years.14 Yet the Wall's collapse revealed that not only was there no durable support for communist government in the east, there was hardly any for a distinct GDR either. The regime had no general will to legitimize it. By the end of 1989 Mr Kohl, whose electoral prospects could not but benefit by successful reunification, was already concerned lest the process should run away out of control. Ostpolitik, though, had achieved much in both Germanys since 1969. Mr Kohl had quite changed his position in the aftermath of the breaching of the Wall since the days when Brandt had begun his veiled approaches to the GDR. Before an East German general election due to be held in March 1990 the chancellor had already proposed a scheme to assist the joining of the two countries. In the election, 48 per 14

His predecessor as chancellor, too, said in 1988 that German unification was not on the agenda. T. Judt, 'New Germany, Old Nato', New York Review of Books, 29 May 1997.

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cent of the vote (on a 93.4 per cent turnout) and a majority of seats went to a coalition dominated by the Christian Democrats, the ruling party of western Germany. Unity was in principle no longer in doubt, given its huge popular support. But it remained to settle procedure and timetable — and to reassure foreigners, above all in Moscow. Other international reactions, too, especially from the other three former occupying powers, were still unpredictable. 'We do not want anyone to feel themselves the loser because of German unification,' said the West German foreign minister in May 1990. Forty years earlier, currency reform had opened the process of dividing Germany in two; perhaps it was fitting, then, that in May 1990 the process of reunification (and therefore of the demolition of the formal post-war order) began with a treaty providing for a monetary and economic union of the two Germanys. A further treaty, this time of unification, was signed on 31 August, and on 3 October they were joined politically under a new constitution, the former GDR territories becoming provinces of the Federal Republic. The first elections to the enlarged Federal parliament followed in December and confirmed the ascendancy of the Christian Democrats. Mr Kohl became the first chancellor of reunited Germany. This was momentous change. The Americans could reflect with satisfaction that if there had to be a united Germany, it would be a member of NATO and not a 'neutralized' state, with the uncertain capacity of a loose cannon to cause havoc to the stability of a fragmented eastern Europe. The western European states had in the end been brought round at least without open expression of official concern over the reconstitution of a united Germany; they could, after all, offer no alternative. France was the major loser; her standing in Europe was diminished and it was likely that she would in future have to follow Germany's lead in the affairs of the Community. It was more surprising still, though, that no serious alarm was officially expressed in Moscow. It must have been felt there. Whatever Soviet acceptance of German reunification owed to the domestic disorder that made American persuasiveness more effective, it can be accounted Mikhail Gorbachev's great service to the German nation that he acquiesced in the re-creation of a united Germany and, moreover, one belonging to NATO. It could hardly be overlooked that with a population of 763

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71 million and the largest economy in Europe west of the USSR itself, the new Germany would be once more as capable of playing a great power role in Europe as other Germanys had done in the past.15 Helskinki had undergone its first major revision. Soviet power was now in eclipse as it had not been since 1918; the halcyon days of victory in 1945 were forgotten as the Soviet Union (and, to some extent, France) appeared at last as a loser of the peace settlement, forty-five years after her soldiers had stood triumphant in the streets of a ruined Berlin. Mikhail Gorbachev's compensation was a treaty promising German economic help for Soviet modernization. It might be said by way of reassurance to those Soviet citizens who remembered 1941-5 that the new German state was not an older Germany revived, but one redefined, shorn of the old East German lands (indeed, she had formally renounced them) and no longer dominated by Prussia as both Bismarck's Reich and the Weimar republic had been. The Federal Republic's history was reassuring, too; it was a federal and constitutional state seemingly assured of economic success, with nearly forty years' experience of democratic politics to build on, and it was safely embedded in the structures of the EC and NATO. The new Germany had achieved, after all, the revolution that had eluded her in 1918. At least for the time being, she was to be given the benefit of the doubt, even by west Europeans with long memories. Unification was also to bring dismay, though, and hardship to many of the new state's citizens as the collapse of East German industry and widespread unemployment followed in the next few years.

The occupation of Germany came formally to an end, and the last occupation forces left, in 1994.

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THE GULF WAR In 1990, after making peace with Iran, Saddam Hussein, the dictator of Iraq, took up an old border dispute with the sheikdom of Kuwait, with whose ruler he had also quarrelled over oil quotas and prices. It is not easy to believe in the sincerity of his grievances, whatever they may have meant symbolically to Hussein himself. He seems to have been moved most by a simple belief that he could seize the immense oil wealth of a tiny Gulf state at no cost and hang on to it. He had some grounds for thinking so; Israel's seizures and subsequent annexations of the Golan and West Bank had survived UN condemnation unscathed, after all. Perhaps he feared, too, an Israeli attack on Iraq's installations like one ten years before which destroyed a nuclear reactor claimed to have had military potential. During the summer of 1990, his threats intensified. In August the Iraqi army invaded Kuwait and in a few hours overran it. Iran had long been seen as the main danger to peace in the region and the United States had been the patron of Iraq. Yet when American soldiers found themselves fighting in the Gulf, it was with the Iraqis, not with the Iranians. The United States achieved a remarkable and rapid mobilization of world opinion against Iraq following the invasion. Far from coalescing Arab sentiment against western interference, the confrontation revealed once again (though less bloodily than the Iran-Iraq war had done) the stumbling-blocks that still lay in the way of Islamic cooperation. Saddam Hussein sought to play the card of Arab unity and to confuse the pursuit of his own predatory ambitions with Arab hatred for Israel, but though this provoked 765

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tumultuous demonstrations in his favour in the souks in several Muslim countries, it did not work. Only the PLO and Jordan spoke up for Iraq. No doubt to his shocked surprise, Saudi Arabia, Syria and Egypt improbably joined the alliance against Saddam. British and French forces came back to the Middle East (though in a subordinate role, and under overall American command) after years in which it had been believed they had left for ever (Germany's refusal, on constitutional grounds, to send any of her troops caused dissatisfaction in Europe). Almost equally surprising to the Iraqi ruler must have been the acquiescence of the USSR. The United Nations Security Council produced overwhelming majorities for resolutions condemning Iraq's actions and authorized the use of force to liberate Kuwait. Huge allied forces were assembled in Saudi Arabia. Iraq made rocket attacks on Israeli cities, but ineffectively; Israel prudently did not enter the war, a step that would have presented Arab countries with problems of allegiance. On 16 January 1991 the allies struck with overwhelming force. The campaign was short. Within a month, Iraq gave in and withdrew from Kuwait after suffering heavy losses (allied casualties at the time were insignificant). The humiliation of defeat did not appear to endanger Hussein's survival, or his dictatorial power; it left him disgruntled but unchastened. Another war of the Ottoman succession had ended; the liberation of Kuwait had been achieved, but without providing the turning-point in Middle Eastern politics that so many longed for. This was true on both sides. Hussein's attempts to inspire an anti-Israel Islamic crusade had found no takers; his war was no triumph for Islamic revolutionaries even if Muslim popular opinion tended everywhere to be anti-western. Other than Iraq, the main losers were the Palestinians, who had backed the wrong horse. Israel had gained most; Arab military adventures at her expense were now inconceivable for the near future. Yet the Israel-Arab problem was still there. Formally, Hussein's prestige should have suffered from military restrictions imposed on him by the UN, and by the spectacle of UN inspectors searching the country for evidence of the making, of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons; it did not seem to do so. He had in no sense lost his grip on Iraq, though as a consequence of the economic damage caused by the war and the imposition of 768

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sanctions (notably on the sale of Iraq's oil to pay for imports) the unhappy Iraqi people were poorer, hungrier, and more sickly; his propaganda soon began to emphasize the sorry state of the country's hospitals, bereft as they were of adequate medical and sanitary supplies. Meanwhile, the United States was frustratingly unable to assure itself that the threat posed by 'weapons of mass destruction' under Hussein's control had gone away. Inspections, authorized by the UN and agreed to by Saddam Hussein, were unable to overcome Iraqi evasiveness and dilatoriness and to ascertain the exact state of Iraq's bacterial and nuclear weapons. Even before the Kuwait crisis, Syria and Iran had showed signs that, for their own reasons, they might be willing to attempt a negotiated settlement with Israel. For the United States, it became more than ever a priority to get one, and hopes sprang up with the ending of the Gulf War that Israel might, at last, show less intransigence over the territories she had occupied and the building of new settlements. The alarming spectre of a region-wide radical pan-Islamic coalition of powers had been dissipated. For all the sense of grievance in some Islamic countries, there was virtually no sign that their resentments could yet be coordinated in an effective response, nor that they could forgo the West's subtly corrosive means of modernization. Almost incidentally, too, crisis in the Gulf appeared to have revealed that the oil weapon had lost much of its power; a much-feared further oil crisis had not followed the Kuwait invasion (and, indeed, oil prices were to fall in the 1990s). Against this background American diplomacy was at last successful in 1991 in persuading Arabs and Jews to take part in a conference on the Middle East. Elsewhere, though, it remained clear that enough dangerous materials existed in the Arabic-speaking world to threaten further trouble.

PERSISTING DANGERS With each year that passed, the inability of the Algerian government to soothe its own discontented subjects grew more and more apparent. By 1997 the evidence for this had reached horrific levels of massacre and terrorism. Acts of Islamist militant violence against the Egyptian 769

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government - and the western tourists whose spending it strove to attract - were better contained, but were telltale signs of deep discontents felt and exploited by activists. Perhaps the most alarming evidence of a potential for later trouble, though, was (and is still) to be found further east, in Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states, where it took less dramatic, but it might be thought nonetheless dangerous forms. The long-term problems associated with modernization and economic development in the Middle East had not gone away. In 1990 the Ayatollah Khomeni (to whom puzzled western journalists had tended to refer, somewhat reductively, as an 'Islamic clergyman'), who had hitherto dominated the new Iran, had died. It was hoped that his successor might be less intransigent than he both in supporting the Palestinian cause and in encouraging what was seen as international Islamic fundamentalism. But this was marginal. Paradoxically, the very wealth — as producers of fossil fuels — of Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states is part of the seedbed of revolutionary danger. From 1930 or so, oil had emerged to rival Islam as the first linking and dominant economic factor in the modern history of the Middle East. Saudi Arabia alone possessed 25 per cent of the world's known oil resources and produced over 8 million barrels per day. In Bahrain and Oman, though the oil reserves are diminishing, discoveries of natural gas resources have been dramatic. Qatar, too, has now identified huge gas reserves. Such a wealth of fossil fuel helped to fund efforts to diversify the economies of the region in recent years, but without much success. Like the government of sixteenth-century Spain, rich with the silver of the New World, but squandering it in unproductive wars, the oil producers tended to pour away their wealth on (in their case) the appeasem*nt of possible unrest at home. Saudi Arabia, with a population two and a half times and a land area more than five times that of the other five Gulf states combined, has the lowest income per capita of the Arab oil states. All those countries are rich enough, though, to provide their governing élites with immense personal wealth, and services to their populations at large on a scale that cannot be matched by, say, Egypt, most populous of the Arab states. Each of them employs a substantial and growing expatriate labour force. Increasingly, immigrants come to carry out 770

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tasks for which natives either could not or did not care to equip themselves. Whether in the persons of British or American technical experts, of Filipino housemaids, of Pakistani labourers on construction sites or of east European prostitutes, the oil states continued to exercise a magnetic attraction on foreigners with labour or skills to sell. Understandably, tradition-minded Muslims have found this worrying. The influx inevitably threatens an erosion of indigenous culture. Meanwhile, Middle Eastern populations continue to grow very quickly. The average annual rate of demographic increase for countries in the area is 4 per cent — a rate doubling population every twenty years. Already two-fifths of Saudi Arabians are aged under fifteen. In twenty years' time, if present trends continue, more than half the population of the Middle East will consist of people not yet born. Population growth at such a rate is bound to create strains and needs that will deeply disturb any social and political equilibrium. At the same time, an irresistible modernization is slowly rubbing away at the structures of custom and tradition that underpin the present state of affairs. While Islam is a culturally unifying force drawing these countries together, there remain large contrasts of view over what that tie means. In Saudi Arabia the puritanical approach of the authorities towards overt divergence from Islamic custom is notorious. It extends (for example) to the proscription of the performing and dramatic arts, a matter that may seem somewhat marginal in western eyes. Yet in 1997, considerable public excitement and incomprehension was awakened in many western countries when some alarming judicial procedures, penal codes and conditions of imprisonment were made visible in the treatment of two British nurses convicted of murder by a Saudi court. Even those disposed to take a tolerant view of cultural difference and local susceptibilities in such matters could reflect, too, that crucifixion remains punishment available under Islamic law as the twentieth century draws to a close.1 In practice, though, even conservative states show a measure of tempering of strict Islamic law. This is not just a matter of old and traditional distinctions (such as 1

See The Encyclopedia of Islam (Leiden, i960 onwards), s.v. '§alb'.

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the fact that women of the coastal cities of Oman rarely wear the veil, whereas those of the interior like to do so), but of the active promotion (Oman is again a convenient example) of women's education, even if in segregated forms. Yet existing cultural identities are becoming more and more difficult to preserve in an age of easy communication. This must trouble thoughtful Muslims. A more remote nightmare for them, though one no longer to be ignored as a possibility, would be a significant global shift, even if slow, towards the use of non-fossil fuel. Without speculating about such possibilities, though, it seems at the end of the century that even the most conservative of the Arab lands cannot much longer wholly escape dislocation and perhaps disorder. In the interim, every Islamic regime in the Middle East remains a despotism, in varying degree enlightened or unenlightened and usually content to divert popular dissatisfactions by welfare services, talk oí jihad and the obliteration of Israel.

THE END OF THE S O V I E T UNION In July 1991, the USSR uttered a warning about the dangers of spreading local conflict in what had been Yugoslavia to the international level. This was the last significant diplomatic démarche of the Soviet Union. It was soon eclipsed by a still somewhat mysterious attempt by conservatives to set aside Mr Gorbachev. An attempted coup on 19 August failed and three days later he was again in occupation of the presidency. Nonetheless, his position was no longer what it had been; his continual shifts of position in a search for compromise had ruined his political credibility. He had clung too long to the party, never ceasing to seek to reform and modernize the communist state, not to reject it altogether. Soviet politics had now taken a further lurch forward, and to many it seemed as if it was towards disintegration. At once, while foreign observers still waited to understand what had happened, the purging of those who had supported or acquiesced in the coup was developed into a determined attempt to replace union officialdom at all levels, to redefine the role of the KGB and to share control over it between the Union and the republics. The most striking change of all came on 29 August, when the communist party of the 772

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Soviet Union was suspended. In September the name of Leningrad was changed back to St Petersburg. The Leninist age was coming to an end. A Moscow paper was soon reporting that over two-thirds of Muscovites polled thought that Lenin's body should be taken from the mausoleum in Red Square which had been the physical focus of his cult, and buried elsewhere. In August, Mr Gorbachev had been saved, paradoxically, by a political rival. To Mr Boris Yeltsin, the leader of the Russian republic, the largest in the Union, the coup had provided a crucial opportunity. Dominating the Russian Supreme Soviet since the previous summer, in January he had ostentatiously supported the Baltic republics in the aftermath of the violence at Vilnius, which he saw as the beginning of counter-revolution. He had firmly taken the side of radical reform, appealing to Russian troops to take no part in acts of repression there. On 19 August in Moscow, standing on a tank outside the parliament building, he called for a general strike against the 'rightists' and subsequently declared he was in charge of all Soviet security forces on Russian territory until the constitutional order was restored. The collapse of the coup followed. From this moment Mr Yeltsin appeared as a strong man of the Russian scene without whose concurrence nothing could be done in that country. He had seized the chance to consolidate his position as the defender of reform. His strength henceforth lay in the link he appeared to provide between the cause of democracy for Russians and that of self-determination for the other republics. The army, though conceivably a threat to his supporters, would not move against him after all. Yet though the survival of reform and the steps taken after the attempted coup were enthusiastically welcomed by some, it could hardly be felt as the end of 1991 approached that the outlook was sunny. A decision to abandon price controls in the Russian republic in the near future seemed likely to release inflation unparalleled since the earliest days of the Soviet system; starvation, it was thought, might soon face millions of Russians. In one republic, Georgia, fighting had broken out between the supporters of the president and unreconciled opponents after the first free elections held there. Dwarfing all such facts, though, was the dying of the great Soviet Union itself. Suddenly and, it seemed, almost helplessly, the giant superpower which had 773

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emerged from the bloody experiments of the Bolshevik revolution to be, for nearly seventy years, the hope of revolutionaries around the world, and the generator of a military strength that had fought and won the greatest land battles in history, was dissolving.2 A set of successor states was emerging from the old republics of the USSR. Russian, Ukrainian and Belorussian leaders met at Minsk on 8 December and announced the end of the Soviet Union and the establishment of a new 'Commonwealth of Independent States' (the CIS). On zi December 1991, a gathering of representatives from eleven of the former republics met briefly at Alma-Ata to confirm this and agreed that the Union would end on the last day of the year. On 25 December, Mr Gorbachev resigned. He had been the last tsar of many peoples. Of what might lie ahead, no one could be sure, but the last surviving European multinational empire had gone. As the Soviet flag over the Kremlin was lowered for the last time, the world began to grasp that a second great Russian revolution had taken place. The new Russian state ruled an area, vast as it was, which was smaller than its predecessors had ruled for two centuries or so. Not only the formal unity of a superstate disappeared, though. With the changes in the political arrangements of eastern Europe over the previous two or three years had come the crumbling of a great mythology. It was the end of an era. The faith that an international, revolutionary socialism was a real contender - some thought, the only plausible one — for the management of the future of humanity had held much of the world in thrall for seventy years. With the collapse of faith in that dream went many other claims and myths. That of Marxism to be a coherent system, the idol-like status of the great prophet himself and the apostolic succession of those who had ruled in his name, the confidence in central planning as a road to modernization, the belief that communist parties stood for more than the particular interests of pluralist political systems could ever do, were only some of them. Nineteen ninety-one was for many worldwide the 2

One problem this threw into relief anew was that of the control of nuclear weapons. S. P. Keeny and W. K. H. Panofsky estimate that there were between 25,000 and 30,000 Soviet warheads in existence at the moment of the USSR's dissolution (Arms Control Today, Jan.-Feb. 1992, p.3). The US Congress was soon to allocate $400 million to the former Soviet republics to assist them to dismantle these weapons. 774

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final awakening from long-dreamt dreams and for some, therefore, a tragedy, while for others it was a release from nightmare. It was the ultimate demonstration that the Cold War was over, too, and as such a huge surprise. For nearly forty years western and especially American policy had envisaged no such end. It had been taken for granted that unless the world should blunder into nuclear war, the Soviet empire would 'always' be there, a given fact of the world order. The best professional diplomatic and academic advice available to policy-makers assumed that the Cold War might go on indefinitely, only perhaps in the very long term undergoing some softening by detente. Even as 1989 began, no one guessed what the European revolutions might so swiftly achieve. To that upheaval, the West had contributed virtually nothing directly — to do so would have seemed too dangerous — but had exercised positive effect indirectly, through the economic burdens imposed on the USSR by armaments and the largely unanticipated effects of mass communications. Collapse, when it finally came, had come from within.

A NEW R U S S I A Russia was the biggest and most important of the CIS states. Mr Yeltsin, who had left the communist party of the Soviet Union in July 1990, stood on ground of more evident legitimacy than Mr Gorbachev had ever done. He had been elected in June 1991 president of the Russian republic with 57 per cent of the votes cast in the country's first free election since 1917. In November the Russian communist party was dissolved by presidential decree. In January 1992 a programme of radical economic reform was launched which led to an almost complete liberation of the economy from specific controls. Inflation in Russia had already gone far; this bold stroke appears at least to have staved off hyper-inflation. Mr Yeltsin was nonetheless faced with a huge devaluation, rapidly rising unemployment, savage falls in national income and real wages since 1990, a drop in industrial output by half, huge corruption in government organs, and widely ramifying crime. To add to these grave difficulties, a new parliament containing many of Mr Yeltsin's enemies was elected in 1993. Still 775

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other problems were posed by relations with the non-Russian republics of the CIS in which there lived 27 million Russians (there were 25 million non-Russians in Russia; 15 per cent of its citizens lived east of the Urals). In 1992 a treaty had been signed by eighteen autonomous republics within Russia itself, establishing that state, too, as a federation. In 1993 a new constitution of a more presidential and even autocratic character had completed the formal framework of post-Soviet Russia. But it was approved by only a narrow majority in a referendum in which only slightly over half the electorate voted. When a presidential decree suspended parliament's functions tension mounted. Members of the parliament took up positions in the so-called Moscow 'White House', where the Russian Congress met and the scene of Mr Yeltsin's triumph in 1991. They, and a popular insurrection in their support, were crushed by force on 4 October. Over 100 people were killed in the bloodiest fighting in Moscow since 1917. This (like the earlier dissolution of the communist party) was seen by many as an intolerable act of presidential high-handedness. Mr Yeltsin was perhaps always unlikely to incline overmuch to concession, or to respect the parliamentary principle. His personal style and speech were rarely emollient; his impatience with opposition encouraged plausible attacks on the unconstitutionality of his actions. A constitutionally insufficient parliamentary majority had already tried to impeach him. These were dangerous weaknesses, for Mr Yeltsin could for a long time offer little positive and material return to his electors. He was not able to provide an economic recovery which the man and woman in the street could see in the form of employment and lower prices. He was increasingly opposed not only by the often hidden influence of what have been called 'clans' of political interest built around industrial and bureaucratic foci, but openly by ex-communists, fascists, and nationalists with popular appeal, as well as by disappointed ex-reformers (he had sacked many of them). He continued to enjoy, nevertheless, the ambiguous advantage of moral and diplomatic support from western Europe, notably that of Mr Kohl, who urged the priority of restoring stability in Russia upon his fellow-leaders in the West. Almost unnoticed, too, by successfully avoiding a return of Russia to militarism, other countries had been able to benefit from cuts in their defence budgets. 776

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Russia's own security commitments, though, remained costly. In 1992 her forces intervened in the republic of Tajikstan to restore its government, overthrown by Muslim (and other) opponents with help from Afghanistan. In 1995, a Russian army was still doing garrison duty there. Meanwhile, a further unfortunate development had been an insurrection in the little land-locked republic of Chechnya in 1994 that quickly turned into a major problem.3 In 1994 Russian forces were ordered to recover the republic. Its Muslim rebels invoked a legend of national struggle against Russian oppression going back to the conquest of the Chechens in the eighteenth century by the armies of Catherine the Great, and proclaimed their independence. A year later, thousands of Chechen civilians had been killed by Russian forces sent to restore order, the capital was in ruins after air and artillery bombardment, both sides had sunk in international esteem because of their bad behaviour (the Russian brutality in operating against civilian targets, and the Chechen practice of taking and using hostages — even on a foreign ship) but the struggle still continued and spilt over into neighbouring republics. Many Russians must have seen Chechnya as potentially a new Afghanistan and blamed Mr Yeltsin. The Chechen rebellion was part of the background to the elections held at the end of 1995 which produced a Duma with a majority for reaction, against further reform and against Mr Yeltsin; in it, the largest of the groups of deputies was communist and the second largest ultra-nationalist. It was not a promising start on the road towards the next presidential election (in June 1996). Many Russians evidently hankered after the good old Soviet days of secure employment, cheap food and international respect. At one moment the Duma passed a motion which, though of no legal effect, declared null and void the 1991 agreement which had dissolved the USSR into the CIS. Nonetheless, Mr Yeltsin was re-elected in 1996. As so often in Russian history, the future then looked enigmatic and mysterious. There was still little to suggest that the Russian people were inclined to accept the opening towards western traditions and ideas which had appeared to present itself in 1990. Given the major 3

The Russian state contains twenty-one republics (of which Chechnya is one), ten autonomous areas, and two cities of federal status (St Petersburg and Moscow).

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dislocations that had followed perestroïka and glasnost, less and less was heard of the triumphs of liberal democracy and the market society. Further uneasiness arose as indications grew that Mr Yeltsin's health was poor and probably deteriorating. Yet there was a parliament of sorts in being, even if Russians appeared to feel as distinct as ever from other Europeans, as secluded as ever in their own zone of civilization. Unhappily, they also seemed chauvinistically responsive to demagogic suggestions that they ought again to play the international role they felt to be their due, which was usually seen as that of a countervailing power to the West. Curiously, China (with which the CIS has a frontier 6,600 kilometres long) rarely seemed to be considered in the debate this provoked. There was too much uncertainty ahead for anything but caution to be desirable. It was a central difficulty of government to secure that even the normal functions of government were carried out, above all taxcollection and the payment of its own servants. Its wish to allow the economy to operate with the greatest possible freedom and to devolve economic power by the selling of the major state activities to private business was another weakness. A great deal of money was made by many people, but millions more suffered from the disappearance of daily necessities from the markets, inflating prices, and the irritation produced by visibly high consumption and poverty side-by-side in the streets of the great cities. When, in 1998, Russian banks began to falter in the wake of currency movements detonated by financial troubles in Asia, Mr Yeltsin's hand was forced and he had to abandon a prime minister committed to the successful introduction of the market economy and to accept one imposed upon him by his opponents in the Duma.

NEW E U R O P E A N S E C U R I T Y P R O B L E M S The end of the Cold War posed questions of identity throughout eastern Europe; people everywhere looked to the past for clues to who they were. They began to see themselves and others anew in the light of a cold dawn; if some nightmares had fled, a troubled landscape was appearing. Fundamental questions began to be asked anew. Was 778

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there a distinctive zone of civilization and culture that might be called 'Central Europe', for instance, and was it the same as, or distinct from, what the Germans called Mitteleuropa} Was there a 'Baltic' reality? If such things did indeed exist, what could represent such regions? This was a new setting for the pursuit of older questions, too. Some in western countries considered anew how distinctive in their political arrangements ought they to be (or try to be) if Basques were to be distinguished from Spaniards - or the Scotch and Welsh from the English, or the Northern from the Southern Irish? One half of Europe's security arrangements had disappeared with the Warsaw Pact. The other half, NATO, had meanwhile been subtly transformed, even if this tended to be for some time obscured and overlooked. The collapse of the USSR, the major possible opponent whose strengths had for so long defined NATO's tasks, had deprived the alliance of its main role. Even if, at some future date, a revived and aggressive Russia were to emerge as a new threat within that country's historic zone of influence and interest, the disappearance of the ideological struggle which had shaped NATO from its foundation forced it to consider a new role. This was slow to be recognized, though within a few years it was posing new questions. One, about the enlargement of the alliance, was raised very quickly. There were soon candidates for admission among formerly communist European countries who sought admission to a comforting and reassuring security against a possible future Russian threat such as they had known in the past. Naturally, such applications awoke much concern in Moscow. In 1999, though, Poland, Hungary and the Czech republic were all to join NATO, though no former part of the USSR (the Baltic republics were those about which the Russians showed the greatest concern) seemed likely to do so. Another more slowly emerging consequence for NATO was the growing willingness of the American government in the 1990s to look to the alliance as a machine for dealing with problems emerging in Europe, above all, in the absence of any practical alternative. The situation throughout south-eastern Europe, indeed, was particularly hard to interpret in 1991. The facts lay under a double cloud: one was that after almost half a century of communist rule of most of it, there were many legacies of recent bitterness to grapple with, some by no 779

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means obvious. More obscure still was the emergence of the even older historical inheritances of a region whose components had no clearly defined ethnic reality. All that was clear was that for the first time in this century the fate of the peoples of south-eastern Europe was entirely and evidently in their own hands. The old dynastic empires of Habsburg and Ottoman had gone by 1919. The interference of Italian and German dictators had ended in 1945. In 1990, the Soviet scaffolding that held much of the region together had collapsed.

THE END OF Y U G O S L A V I A What followed was soon deeply discouraging. Issues re-emerged that went back beyond 1914, and even beyond the nineteenth century. Nowhere did this happen so bloodily as in Yugoslavia, where history has always weighed heavily upon the peoples who had come together in 1918 as the 'Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes', amid hopes that the long-running sores of Macedonia and Bosnia might now be healed. The country had in 1929 changed its name to 'Yugoslavia' in an attempt to obliterate old divisions, accompanied by the establishment of a royal dictatorship. But the kingdom of Yugoslavia was always seen by too many of its subjects, Serbs and non-Serbs alike, as essentially a manifestation of an old historical dream of a 'Greater Serbia'. The new nation's greatest national festival was a Serbian one.4 The dynasty that had seized back the Serbian throne in 1903 had assumed the throne of the new kingdom in 1918, to the irritation of the Montenegrins. Yugoslavia's second king, Alexander, was assassinated in 1934 in France, by a Macedonian aided by Croats acting with the support of the Hungarian and Italian governments. The bitterness of the country's own divisions had thus soon attracted outsiders to dabble in its affairs, and local politicians to seek outsiders' support; Croatians subsequently declared their own independence as a state once German troops arrived in 1941. Such divisions were outstanding examples of the failures to solve 4

It was, in fact, a commemoration of a fourteenth-century disaster, when (it could be argued) the Ottomans overthrew at Kosovo the medieval Serbian kingdom.

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old problems. The Ottoman regime had for a long time provided conditions in which demographic and communal diversity could grow without uncontainable animosities arising between its subject peoples for it had been something of a lightning conductor, drawing off periodic outbursts of anger and rebellion against an oppressor, and thus easing the relations of peoples divided by language, ethnic origin and religion. Under Ottoman rule there had been a tendency not much resisted by its subjects to blur this diversity. They were treated as tolerated non-Muslims (or oppressed orthodox Christians, according to your point of view) and called 'Greeks', 'Bulgars', or by some other vaguely inclusive name. In the lands that made up the new Yugoslavia, though, the census of 1931 found it necessary to distinguish SerboCroats, Slovenes, Germans, Magyars, Romanians, Vlachs, Albanians, Turks, 'Other Slavs', Jews, Gypsies and Italians as categories for which it had to account.5 'Serbo-Croat' was itself a misleading label, lumping together as it did Montenegrins, Bosnians, Muslims, Macedonians and Bulgarians, as well as the Serbs and Croats who might speak the same language though Croats, being Roman Catholics, used Latin characters to write it, while the Orthodox Serbs used Cyrillic. Christian Yugoslavs, Catholic and Orthodox alike, while accounting between them for more than four-fifths of Yugoslavia's supposed believers, had at that time also to live with a substantial minority (11 per cent in 1931) of Muslims, some of them Bosnians, some Albanians. Unsurprisingly, Yugoslavia also displayed wide disparities of custom, wealth and economic development. As late as 1950, the veil was still being worn by some of its Muslim women, nearly thirty years after Kemal abolished it in Turkey. Macedonia was one of those primitive parts of Europe where the Middle Ages had barely faded away, yet Slovenia was substantially urbanized and contained significant industry. Overall, what were mainly agricultural economies had been weighed down by fast-growing populations, though. Pressure on land had produced a proliferation of tiny holdings whose cultivators had been driven down further into poverty by economic depression in the 1930s. One of the poorest, most densely populated provinces was Kosovo. Since its acquisition by Serbia in 1913, it had been 5

See table in A. Polonsky, The Little Dictators (London, 1975), p. 162. 781

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an aim of Belgrade governments to rid it of its Albanian inhabitants. Yugoslav politics between the German wars turned out to be in the main about Croat-Serb antagonism. By 1939, government from Belgrade was detested by the Croats, who had spawned an extremist national movement already making approaches to Hitler. There was also a Croatian fascist movement, the Ustasa; much evil was to be heard of it during the three-sided civil war that broke out after the German invasion and occupation of 1941 between Croatians, the mainly Serb communists (themselves led by the Croatian Josef Broz, or 'Tito') and Serb royalists. This struggle began with a campaign of terror and ethnic cleansing launched by the Ustasa against the 2 million Serbs of the new Croatia (which included Bosnia and Herzegovina). It ended in communist victory in 1945, and there followed the containment of the nationalities by Tito's dictatorship, an effective system, somewhat reminiscent of the Ottoman model in its practical concessions to local élites. He emphasized policies of national equality within a federal structure. Forty-five years later and ten after Tito's death, old issues suddenly showed themselves still vigorously alive. In 1990 Yugoslavia faced a tangle of troubles, economic and political alike. The federal government's attempts to deal with the first were accompanied by accelerating political fragmentation. Democratic selfdetermination finally undid the Tito achievement. Yugoslavs of different nationalities began to cast about to find ways of filling the political vacuum left by the collapse of communism. Parties formed representing Serb, Croat, Macedonian and Slovene interests as well as one in favour of the Yugoslav idea and the federation itself. Although by the end of 1990 all the republican governments except that of Macedonia rested on elected majorities, national minorities had even begun to make themselves heard inside the individual republics. Croatian Serbs, for instance, declared their own autonomy. There was serious bloodshed in Kosovo, four-fifths of whose inhabitants were by then Albanian. The proclamation of an independent republic there in 1990 had been a major symbolic affront to the Serbians - as well as of concern to the Greek and Bulgarian governments, whose predecessors had not ceased to cherish Macedonian ambitions since the days of the Balkan wars. Catholic Croatia and Slovenia then declared themselves independent of the Yugoslav federal republic in 782

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June 1991 and by the end of the year Macedonia and BosniaHerzegovina had done the same.6 Soon, the new republics were quarrelling with one another over the treatment of their minorities. Slovenia had no large Serb population: Croatia and Bosnia had. In March 1991 sporadic fighting had begun in the north between Serb and Croat villages which drew in the official air and ground forces of the republics. It also broke out between Muslims and Serbs in Bosnia, foreshadowing, many feared, a further spread of ethnic conflict. Just before Christmas, to the embarrassment of other EC states, Germany gave official recognition to the new Croatia, urging its partners to follow suit; the EC did so, not all of its members contentedly, early in 1992. The prospect of outside intervention to achieve pacification, never strong, became remote after the USSR's warnings about the dangers of spreading local conflict to the international level. Meanwhile, it took little time for the Bosnian Serbs to excite wider and deeper antagonisms. They spoke of their opponents as 'Turks', and while Catholic Croatian clerics fanned the flames of conflict with the Orthodox Serbs, so there were Orthodox Serb clergy happy to set the conflict in a context of a supposed renewal of Islamic advance in Europe. Croatian and Serbian television were both soon alleging a Bosnian Muslim 'holy war' was in preparation. Anti-Muslim propaganda, though, had less resonance abroad; it even tended to rebound, as Bosnian Serb atrocities turned out to be so much more blatant and to fill headlines and television screens so much more compellingly than those also being committed by Bosnian Muslims. The Serbian government (the only one in former Yugoslavia whose communist leaders were still in power ten years later) was in fact willing to seize the chance of settling its problems with mixed ethnic areas for good. The federal republic had been an assurance of Serbian ascendancy. The former Yugoslav army had been Serb-dominated. This gave Serbs an initial military advantage. Unlike Russia, when confronted with the wish of its former companion-republics to break away from its hegemony, Serbia chose to fight. Yet federal Yugoslavia 6

Together with the division of Czechoslovakia, restored as one entity in 1945 after the Hitler era, into the two states of the Czech Republic and Slovakia on 1 June 1993, this may be counted as the final extinction of the Versailles settlement in central and eastern Europe.

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was soon to be reduced merely to Serbia and Montnegro. The preservation of the federation in its old form soon ceased to be conceivable and a battle for the spoils ensued.

N A T I O N A L I T Y AND E T H N I C I T Y IN THE NEW E U R O P E Yugoslavia was by no means the only country to show potential for violence as its communist ancien régime came to an end. The disintegrations of 1989-91, even when they were not territorial, left millions of Europeans facing problems and difficulties set by their own histories, cultures and social and economic circ*mstance. Among the general facts to which they had all in a measure to submit was their need for legitimating principles and ideas. Most of eastern Europe also faced the paradox that in so far as the region had possessed 'modernizing' élites, and whether they had been effective or not, they were usually to be found in the old communist hierarchies. Unavoidably, in many countries professionals, managers and experts whose careers had been made within the communist structures continued in important roles simply because there was no one to replace them. Another problem was the fickleness of populations which, now voting freely but which, as the euphoria of political revolution ebbed, began to hark back (as Russians were to do) to the security and economic well-being, much exaggerated in retrospect, of the old days. This trend was most marked, unsurprisingly, where economic conditions deteriorated most rapidly. As peoples cast about for a new basis for the state, it became clear that the only plausible candidate was, for good or ill, the nationalism that had so bedevilled their past politics, sometimes for centuries. Old antagonisms had quickly surfaced. In 1990, at the time of the Romanian revolution, there was evident tension between Romanians and Hungarians living in Romanian Transylvania (just over 7 per cent of the Romanian population is reckoned to be of Hungarian descent). It surfaced three years later in demands for Magyar autonomy within the Romanian state. There were other countries, too, where Hungarian minorities were substantial: proportional to its population Slovakia 784

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had a larger Hungarian component than Romania (10.8 per cent in 1998). But the most bloody evidence of the potential destructiveness of persistent national feeling in Europe continued to be provided within what had been Yugoslavia. Other historical ethnic confrontations had been ended or reshaped years before, by the Second World War. Above all the fate of European Jewry had been determined. The Holocaust had brought to an end the story of eastern Europe as the centre of world Jewry. In 1901 three-quarters of the world's Jews had lived there, mostly in the Russian empire. In those once Yiddish-speaking areas, only a little more than 10 per cent of Jews now live; nearly half of the rest now live in English-speaking countries, and some 30 per cent of them in Israel. For thirty years after 1947 she provided a territorial focus for migrant Jews, and many of the survivors of the great persecution were drawn there. In eastern Europe communist parties anxious to exploit traditional popular antisemitism (not least in the Soviet Union) encouraged emigration by some harrying and by judicial persecution. In some countries the outcome was a virtual elimination of the Jewish population as a significant demographic element. Poland was the outstanding example; the 200,000 Polish Jews surviving in 1945 had soon found themselves again victims of traditional pogrom and harassment. Sometimes they were murdered, but most had emigrated when able to do so. By 1990 those who remained numbered a mere 6,000. This left nearly a million Jews still in the CIS republics (mainly in Russia and the Ukraine), as representatives of the centuries-old eastern European Jewish community. The heart of that community, though, had gone. Paradoxically, France in recent years has been alone among European countries in actually experiencing a significant rise in her own Jewish population as immigrants from Islamic North Africa raised its numbers to about half a million. In some western European countries, too, nationalist recalcitrance flourished among other minorities. Basque separatists terrorized Spain. Belgians showed increasing signs of hostility between Walloons and Flemings. Northern Ireland, though, was probably the most striking instance, not least because it proved so unintelligible to outsiders. Unionist and nationalist feeling continued in the 1990s to block the road to settlement in Ulster. The roots of resistance to a solution by 785

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concession did not lie in London but in the province itself, the last place in Europe where the battles of the Reformation and counterReformation were still being fought in a desperate and symbolic form.7 An Anglo-Irish agreement made by Mrs Thatcher's government in 1985 had acknowledged the Irish Republic's right to a role in discussion of the future of Ulster and set up new machinery to provide for it, but it had not reduced violence there. At last in 1994, though, there began a ceasefire respected by the terrorist organizations of both sides in the interests of peaceful discussion of Ireland's constitutional future between all the interested parties. Although it ended tragically after a little less than eighteen months, this remission of violence then appeared to have had positive psychological consequences. After the resumption of terrorism a new (Labour) government came to power at Westminster in 1997, which was willing to take the important symbolic step of opening direct negotiations with Sinn Fein, the political movement which masked the terrorists of the IRA. Before the end of the year Sinn Fein representatives had been received by the British prime minister at 10 Downing Street, something not seen since the negotiations that set up the Irish Free State over seventy-five years earlier. In cooperation with the Irish government, British initiatives succeeded, against the odds, in winning in 1998 the acquiescence of the official leaders of Sinn Fein and of the Ulster Unionists in putting to an all-Ireland referendum proposals which went further than any earlier ones in institutionalizing both safeguards for the nationalist minority in the north and the historic tie of the north with the United Kingdom. This, of course, implied a fundamental change in what the sovereignty of the Crown might in future mean (it went far further than the changes the British government was contemporaneously introducing in the government of Scotland and Wales). On both sides of the border, it achieved substantial popular support. It left the detail, still potentially very divisive, for the politicians to manage and to do so in a context in which the lunatic fringe on both sides of the old nationalist-unionist divide might still try to wreck any peace process by further atrocities. A particularly savage example in the summer 7

I am told that during the 1980s there was at least one British cabinet discussion of the possibility of abandoning Ulster altogether to its own devices. It seems plausible.

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in the little town of Omagh, though, seemed actually to nerve the mainstream nationalist and unionist politicians to even greater efforts to ensure a peaceful solution.

EUROPEAN

INTEGRATION

On New Year's Day 1990 the president of France startled the world (and some of his countrymen too) by speaking of 'one' Europe, embracing all its nations excepting, but only for the moment, the USSR. Whether prompted by cunning, euphoria, exasperation, pious aspiration or the simple wish to fly a trial balloon, his words indicated how far the debate on Europe had come since the days of Monnet. Since 1986 new passports issued to citizens of member states of the EC had carried the words 'European Community' as well as the name of a member state. The next few years were to show how difficult it would be to sustain generous interpretations of what it might mean, but there seemed to be a reviving optimism about European integration, in marked contrast to two decades of foot-dragging. The Community had faced growing practical difficulties in giving effect to what its member states had agreed in principle. Three of its institutions, the Council of Ministers of member states, the Commission and the Court of Justice, seemed to be working; the European parliament was still finding it hard to establish a role. Common fisheries and transport policies provoked difficulties that were frequently visible on television screens. Fluctuations in exchange rates were another awkwardness; a devaluation of the French franc in 1969 and the end of dollar convertibility and the Bretton Woods system in 1971 had been followed by several inadequate attempts to restore stability as the economies of EC members reeled under the impact of the oil crisis. This contributed to the institutional bickering (particularly on economic and financial matters) which reminded people of the limits to any integration so far achieved. In the end, though, it also helped to turn governments back towards more positive steps on the road to integration. As debate slowly continued there was solid evidence of encouraging success for the European economies. By the middle of that decade two-thirds of 787

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foreign investment in the USA (which had resumed in the 1970s its pre-1914 status as a major recipient of foreign investment) was European. From 1970 onwards, too, western Europe had accounted for the largest share of world trade. Such facts, together with a growing realization that other nations would wish to join it, encouraged further crystallization of ideas about the Community's future. The first direct elections to the European parliament, too, had been held in 1979. Some Europeans began again to think that while greater unity, a habit of cooperation, and increasing prosperity were prerequisites of political independence for the continent, such independence would always remain hollow unless Europe, too, could turn herself into a superpower. Meanwhile, there were outsiders keen to join an organization that offered such attractive bribes to the poor. Greece did so in 1981 and Spain and Portugal in 1986. The latter turned out to be a decisive year. It was then agreed that 1992 should bring movement beyond a mere customs union to a single, integrated, border-free internal market. Capital, goods, services and people were to move freely without let or hindrance across national borders - or so the theory ran. The negotiations about this were to prove the last for a decade in which member states could be brought to agree on fundamentals. The Single European Act that came into effect in 1987 supplemented the Treaty of Rome by setting out the agreed goal of abolition in 1993 of all non-tariff barriers to intraCommunity trade. Ambitious as such a policy might be thought, even on its own, the treaty also envisaged the coordination of foreign policies between member states, and defined 'social and economic cohesion' as new aims for the Community - a vague phrase covering greater uniformity in the provision of welfare, conditions of employment and standards of living- and higher expenditure on Community 'structural' policies. This by no means at once made for greater fellow-feeling as the implications sank in, but it was indisputably a sign of movement. So, many believed, was the inauguration in 1987 of a European Monetary System (EMS) agreed to be an indispensable step towards a common European currency (though the strains soon imposed on the EMS, by German reunification and the damage it did to the Deutscbmark^ quickly proved too much for some of its members). Europe's leaders finally agreed at Maastricht in December 788

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1991 on new arrangements for the single European market and a timetable for full economic and monetary union to be achieved not later than 1999, with reservations and special arrangements (once more) for the cautious British.

QUALIFIED REORIENTATION: UNITED KINGDOM

THE

That insular people had undergone in the 1980s an exciting decade, which had begun in an unpromising atmosphere of economic stagnation. There was little reason then to expect that they were soon to fight what may well prove to have been the last war in defence of overseas possessions by a European nation. Yet when in 1982 the British prime minister, Mrs Thatcher, found herself unexpectedly presiding over the reconquest of the Falkland Islands after their brief occupation by Argentinian forces, her instincts to fight for the principles of international law and territorial sovereignty and for the islanders' right to say by whom they should be governed proved to be well attuned to the British popular mood of the day. The outcome was a major feat of arms and an important psychological and diplomatic success. After an uncertain start (unsurprising, given its traditional sensitivity over Latin America), the United States had provided important practical and clandestine help.8 Chile, too, uneasy with her restive neighbour, was not disposed to object to British covert operations from her territory on the mainland of South America. More important still, most of the EC countries joined in isolating Argentina in the UN, where resolutions condemned the Argentinian action. Notably, the British had from the start the support (not always so readily forthcoming in the past) of the French government, which knew a threat to sovereign rights when it saw one. In the United Kingdom, the prestige of Mrs Thatcher rose with national morale; abroad, too, her standing was enhanced, and for the rest of the decade this gave her an influence with other heads of 8

The North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 did not extend its protection to the Falkland Isles; it covered (Art. 6) only 'Islands under the jurisdiction of any of the Parties in the North Atlantic area north of the Tropic of Cancer'.

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state (notably Mr Reagan) which British strength could scarcely have sustained by itself. A parallel with the late General de Gaulle was sometimes made; it was to the point, for not everyone agreed that her influence was always usefully deployed in international affairs and they had said the same of the general in his day. Mrs Thatcher's personal convictions, preconceptions and prejudices, like his, were always very visible. She, like him, was no European, if that meant blurring a very personal vision of national interest. Her own was by no means always exaggerated or illusory, though. Realistically, her government was the one that at last removed Rhodesia and Central Africa as issues from British politics in 1980. While sometimes violent in her language, too, she showed a sense of the limits of the possible in her negotiations with the European Community at least until her closing years in office. Mrs Thatcher held power for eleven years, longer than any other British prime minister had done in this century. It was clear before she resigned that she had transformed British politics, and perhaps the terms of cultural and social debate, dissolving an old bien-pensant and too long unexamined consensus about national goals. This, together with her assertive radicalism (notably in stripping trade unions of their legal privileges and promoting 'de-nationalization' through the sale of public property) and her provocative rhetoric, awoke both unusual enthusiasm and unusual animosity at home, as well as interest and some admiration abroad. Yet she failed to achieve the aims of reducing public spending and the interference of central government in the national life that she had announced when she took up office. Central government a decade later was playing more, not less, of a role in British society, and spending more of the taxpayer's money (that allocated to health and social security had gone up in real terms by a third since 1979 though without satisfying greatly increased demands). By 1990, many of her political colleagues had come to believe that although she had won three general election victories in a row (a unique achievement in British politics), she would be a vote-loser in the next contest, which could not be far away. Faced with a collapse of loyalty and support, she resigned. Her successor as prime minister was something of an unknown quantity, without long exposure in the front rank of politics behind him. 790

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C H A N G E S IN CHINA Since 1978 China had been moving along a path of cautious and controlled modernization. As Deng Xiaoping put it, her rulers were 'crossing the river by feeling for the stones'. No other communist country was going so far, or fast, in that year, though. This approach looked to some (uneasy veterans of the heroic days of the revolution among them) like creeping liberalism; and in due course the USSR's experience alarmed them even more. Yet it implied no weakening of the party's will to power or of its grasp upon it. China's rulers determined to remain firmly in control throughout. Besides the old Chinese social disciplines they had other advantages to exploit. There was the relief felt by millions that the Cultural Revolution had been left behind, the cult of Mao's memory, however qualified, and the acumen of some among the party's leaders in deciding (contrary to what official Marxism as expounded in Moscow still said as the 1980s began) that economic rewards should flow through the system to the peasant. On the other hand, they had to face the fact that government had never in communist China been able to achieve the degree of central bureaucratic control won by Moscow in the USSR, whatever it might aspire to. True, this had also a positive economic aspect: in the 1980s and 1990s, provincial initiatives counted for much in economic development, and favoured experiment. Deng Xiaoping continued to dominate the Chinese political scene in the 1980s, but had to work through a collective leadership which included conservatives who would have liked to follow Stalinist programmes of centralization and investment in state-owned heavy industry. Scope was nonetheless now to be given to local and community enterprise and the profit motive. Commercial connexions with noncommunist countries began to be encouraged. The aim was to resume the process of technological and industrial modernization interrupted by the Cultural Revolution and to recognize and reward the success already evident in decentralized economic activity. The major public definition of the new course in appropriate language in 1981 was of the first importance. Nonetheless, no formal break with the past by the party could be expected and Deng had to wait to exploit his 791

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ascendancy until the Party Congress of 1982 had further denounced 'leftism' as an obstacle to modernization. For all the comings and goings in CCP leadership and the coded debates and sloganizing which continued to obscure political realities, the 1980s were in fact characterized by pragmatic policies not always unlike those of Mao. The question which for thirty years had been at the heart of the party's history, and therefore at the heart of China's, too, was settled: modernization, which above all meant economic growth, was at last being given precedence and was to be led, as by now nowhere else in the communist world, by a secure and confident regime. The downgrading of dogma remained hard to acknowledge (when, startlingly, the secretary-general of the CPC incautiously committed himself in 1986 to the view that 'Marx and Lenin cannot solve our problems', he was quickly dismissed) and Marxist rhetoric still pervaded government. The language in which policy debates were cast was obscuring, though its adoption is comprehensible. There persisted in the ruling élite a solid belief in the need for positive planning of the economy in pursuit of the major goals of national economic strength, the improvement of living standards, and a broad egalitarianism. What was now dominant, though, was a new recognition of the practical limits of such planning, a willingness to try to discriminate more carefully between what was and was not within the scope of effective regulation, and a wish to use and therefore expand markets. Critics complained that China was resuming the 'capitalist road'. Tender consciences had been soothed by the adoption at the 198z Party Congress of the mantra 'socialism with Chinese characteristics', while practical expediency assured the recognition at every step of local interests and regional differences. New slogans - 'to get rich is glorious' - were coined to encourage the development of village industrial and commercial enterprise out of the 'communes' and 'brigades' of the era of the Great Leap. By the mid-1980s a half of rural income was drawn from industrial employment.9 The road to development was sign-posted with 'four modernizations'. Special economic areas, enclaves for free trade with 9

Gray points out ('Rethinking Chinese Economic Reform', p.151) the interesting fact that Taiwan and China are the only two countries where the proportion of industry located in rural areas has increased in the course of industrialization.

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the capitalist world, were set up; the first was at Canton, the historic centre of Chinese trade with the West. They grew rapidly.10 By 1986 China had become the second largest producer of coal in the world, and the fourth largest of steel. GDP had risen at a rate of more than 10 per cent a year between 1978 and 1986, while industrial output doubled in value in that time. Per capita peasant income nearly tripled and by 1988 the average peasant family was estimated to have about six months' income in the savings bank. Taking a longer perspective, the progress is even more striking. The value of foreign trade multiplied roughly twenty-five times in per capita terms between 1950 and the middle of the 1980s. The new policy was not without costs, and as higher prices encouraged farmers and gave them profits to plough back, the city dweller began to feel the effects of inflation. Foreign debt rose, too. Some blamed on the new line growing signs of crime and corruption. Yet of economic success there can be no doubt. Mainland China had begun to show that an economic 'miracle' like that of Taiwan might be within her grasp. In 1985 state investment in the planned sector of the economy was frozen and state enterprise managers were encouraged to take more entrepreneurial roles. The social consequences of such changes were also often clearly beneficial. Urban growth followed migration to the cities from an over-stocked countryside, higher food consumption and life expectancy were registered, along with a virtual end to the worst ravages of the great killing and crippling diseases of the old regime. A huge inroad was made into mass illiteracy. China's population growth had long prompted stern measures of intervention in attempts to slow it down, and it did not, as did India's, devour the fruits of economic development (if official statistics were to be depended upon, indeed, an eventual demographic stabilization might just be in sight, thirty years away). The new line continued explicitly to link modernization to national strength, too. Thus it reflected the aspirations of China's reformers nearly a century before. China's international weight, already apparent as early as the Korean war, now showed itself more obviously in the exaction of concessions in diplomatic negotiation. One important symbol was agreement with the British in 1984 over 10

Shenzu, with 20,000 inhabitants in 1980, had 2 million ten years later.

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the transfer of Hong Kong when the lease covering part of its territory ran out (in 1997). A similar agreement with the Portuguese provided for the resumption of Macao (in 1999) too. It was a blemish on the general recognition of China's due standing that Vietnam among neighbouring countries remained hostile to her; their relations at one time degenerating into open warfare when the two countries disputed control of Cambodia, anciently part of the old zone of Chinese imperial hegemony. The Taiwanese seemed for a time somewhat reassured; there were promises from Beijing that, as in the case of Hong Kong, the eventual reincorporation of the island in the territory of the republic should not endanger its economic system. Like the establishment of the special trading enclaves on the mainland where external commerce could flourish, such statements underlined the importance China's new rulers attached to commerce as a channel of modernization. It was apparent to many Chinese that China was beginning to enjoy a new respect and status abroad. One striking, if paradoxical, sign after the agreement over Hong Kong was an official state visit in 1986 by Queen Elizabeth II, the head of (in Chinese eyes) the first of the predator states of the nineteenth century. Another was that Iran and Pakistan both sought military aid from China. As permitted rises in prices for farm produce built up rural purchasing power, they led to growing demand for capital goods for use in farming as well as consumer goods. This made for contentment in the countryside. By 1985 the family unit was back as the dominant form of rural production over much of China; without formal reintroduction of private ownership, households were allowed to enjoy the profits of higher production. The World Bank estimated that Chinese agricultural production was rising 6 per cent per annum between 1978 and 1984. Nevertheless, prosperity in the end brought difficulties. Foreign debt shot up. Farm incomes had begun to stagnate. Inflation was running at an annual rate of about 30 per cent by 1989. There was anger over evident corruption. Divisions in the leadership (some following upon the deaths and illness among the gerontocrats who dominated the Party) which led to intrigue and jockeying for position were widely known. Those believing in a reassertion of political control began to gain ground. There were signs that they were manoeuvring to win over or bypass Deng Xiaoping. Western observers and perhaps 794

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some Chinese had been led by the policy of economic liberalization to take unrealistic and over-optimistic views about political relaxation. The changes in eastern Europe stimulated further hopes of this. Perhaps some illusions were just beginning to crumble, when the Chinese government suffered a nasty shock.

TIANANMEN Events in the USSR had naturally been followed with special interest in the second power of the communist world. Their disputed, illdemarcated borders had brought China and the Soviet Union into limited armed conflict many times. Tension over them had reached something of a climax in the late 1960s, after which followed a decade or so of fruitless diplomatic exchange over territorial claims and counter-claims. In 1981 these flared up again into hostility when a Soviet-Afghan treaty raised the question of the status of another 20,000 or so square miles of territory that had been occupied by the tsar's soldiers and officials in the 1890s and were now claimed by China. Both nations, though, were still formally Marxist, and this was an important ideological tie. In the 1950s there had been a CCP slogan: 'the Soviet Union's today is our tomorrow': in the 1990s this might still be thought true, but in a different and uneasy sense, and it was repeated as a joke among Beijing intellectuals.11 China's rulers had good grounds for worry about the direction in which events had appeared to be going in the USSR even in the early 1980s; by the end of the decade they were thoroughly alarmed by them. Meanwhile, an austerity programme imposed in early 1989 to deal with acute inflation provoked a wave of new demands from students. Encouraged by the presence in the governing oligarchy of sympathizers with liberalization (notably Deng's protégé, Zhao Ziyang, the general secretary of the CCP), they sought to make the Party and government enter into a dialogue with a newly formed and unofficial Student Union about corruption and reform. Posters and rallies began to 11

J. A. R. Miles, The Legacy of Tiananmen. China in Disarray (Ann Arbor, 1996), pp.41-2.

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champion calls for greater 'democracy'. The leadership became alarmed. It refused to recognize the Union, fearing it might be the harbinger of a new Red Guards movement. Student demonstrations took place in several cities and, as the seventieth anniversary of the May 4th movement approached, activists invoked the memory of that heroic episode so as to give a broad patriotic colour to their campaign. They could hardly arouse the countryside and had little success in the southern cities, but, encouraged by the obvious sympathies of Zhao Ziyang, began a mass hunger strike that won some popular support, particularly in Beijing. When Mr Gorbachev arrived there on a state visit intended by the Party leadership to provide further reassuring evidence of China's international standing, his presence was bound to remind his hosts of what was going on in the USSR and eastern Europe as a result of policies of liberalization. Would-be reformers felt encouraged and conservatives frightened. The most senior members of the government, including Deng Xiaoping, seem to have been very much frightened, as well as humiliated, by the turbulence the Gorbachev visit provoked. Given the presence of western television reporters, too, they could no longer control the information about it reaching the outside world, or even the Chinese people. Widespread disorder, even a new Cultural Revolution, might be in the offing, some feared, if things got out of control. On 20 May martial law was declared. There were signs for a moment that the government might not be able to impose its will, but the army stood behind them. The student leaders had focused their efforts in Beijing in an encampment in Tiananmen Square, where, forty years before, Mao had proclaimed the foundation of the People's Republic. From one of the gates of the old Forbidden City a huge portrait of him looked down on an exotic portent and symbol: a plaster figure of a 'Goddess of Democracy', deliberately evocative of New York's Statue of Liberty. In another gesture that also showed how much they owed to other western myths, students encamped in the square sang the Internationale, the old anthem of the Second International, as they awaited the forces brought to clear them out. That suggests both the complexity and the incoherence of the opposition movement. It may also indicate its alienation from much that more traditionally minded Chinese felt to be important. 796

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On 2 June the first military units entered the capital's suburbs on their way to the square. The repression that followed was ruthless. There was resistance with extemporized weapons and barricades, but the soldiers forced their way through. On 4 June the students and a few sympathizers were driven out by rifle fire, tear gas, and the brutal crushing of their encampment under the tracks of the tanks which swept into the square. Killing went on for some days, and perhaps as many as 10,000 arrests followed. The world had been watching the demonstrators' encampment on its television screens for days and what television showed of the last few hours of the crisis aroused almost universal foreign disapproval. Yet, as so often in China, it is still hard to know exactly what happened. The number of those killed in the square is disputed. Estimates have run from 400 to 2,000; a figure lower than 1,000 seems likely, but there is no certainty. There was disorder, some of it serious, in over eighty cities. Perhaps the leadership had acted in a way many Chinese deplored, and perhaps the regime was less popular than a few years earlier as a consequence. Yet the masses did not rise to support the protesters; they were often against them. Nor, objectively, can it be confidently asserted that China would have been bound to benefit if the party had given way to the student movement (which, in any case, it saw as a renewal of the anarchy of the Red Guards). The experience of the USSR in combining democratization with economic reform, too, was discouraging to the Chinese who had benefited from the 1980s.12 In the immediate aftermath, the party and ruling hierarchy were somewhat in disarray. Vigorous attempts to impose political orthodoxy followed. Neo-Marxist slogans were heard again. Discipline was reimposed in the party. Economic liberalization was for a time reined in. China, it was soon clear, was not going to go the way of eastern Europe or the USSR. But where was she going? Perhaps the safest conclusion to be drawn at this stage is that she was once again moving to her own rhythms, stimulated by forces peculiar to her. The acts of her rulers cannot easily be interpreted in categories drawn from the western world, for all the Marxist and democratic rhetoric 12

The comparison is developed interestingly by P. Nolan in China's Rise, Russia's

Fall: Politics, Economics and Planning in the Transition from Stalinism (Basingstoke, 1995).

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of regime and protesters alike. China after Tiananmen Square still baffled observers and futurologists by a seeming indifference to or immunity from currents outside her borders, even as she paid official lip-service to a western ideology. Two thousand years of history do not easily go away.

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P R O B L E M S OF P E A C E K E E P I N G The elimination of resident populations by means of murder, deportation, rape, intimidation, arson and starvation had gone on in the Ottoman empire for centuries. In 1991 such intimidatory pressures were relaunched by Serbs against their Croat neighbours in Slavonia. The victims were not slow to reply in the areas where they had the upper hand and for the next four years, the world became dismally familiar with reports of 'ethnic cleansing'. Federal Yugoslavia had quickly been reduced merely to Serbia and Montenegro in terms of undisputed territory. Any hope of preserving the old federation had soon ceased to be conceivable. A battle for the spoils was bound to follow. Croatia and Slovenia had quickly established their own independence by throwing back the formerly Yugoslav (but preponderantly Serbian) army. Serbia attempted to seize Dubrovnik and thus achieve a port on the Adriatic. The struggle in Bosnia was bound to be especially difficult; three communities were in play there. Muslim, Croat and Serb were much mixed up in their distribution, living typically in scattered villages of one community or another or in separate quarters of shared towns (among them those of Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia). In March 1992 a referendum that Bosnian Serbs boycotted, but in which Croats and Muslims both voted in favour, provided a majority for Bosnian independence. At this point, Bosnian Serbs took to arms to fight for Sarajevo and other areas they proclaimed to be Serb. They were soon supported by the Serbian army. This led to the imposition of sanctions on Serbian external trade by the United Nations, the last effective act of that 799

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body in the whole sorry business for nearly three years. Europe as an entity proved able to do nothing. French, Dutch and British soldiers were sent by the UN to keep the peace in Bosnia, but could not, given the limited powers allowed to them. A united political will and the machinery to deploy effective military force took a long time to appear, and had to come from Washington. Only in August 1995 were NATO forces released to undertake (under UN authorization) offensive (air) action against the Bosnian Serbs, who had consistently ignored or thwarted attempts to arrive at a settlement as well as guarantees of 'safe' areas for the civilian population of Bosnia. In the end, the Bosnian abscess was lanced by atrocity. The air action of August 1995 was made possible by the behaviour of Serb forces in the Muslim enclave of Srebrenica in July, where, after over-running the area, they took away 4,000 Muslim prisoners and murdered them in cold blood. This was too much for the American government, which threw its weight behind authorizing the use of NATO air power and of the guns and heavy mortars of the UN peacekeeping force around Sarajevo to enforce the peace - or, rather, to make it, as opposed to merely preserving it. It also encouraged new Croat and Muslim offensives against the Serbs in northern and western Bosnia that speedily won dramatic successes.1 This turned the tide and led to the formal desertion of the Bosnian Serbs by the Serbian government in Belgrade. The Bosnian Serbs were thus finally and reluctantly brought to accept a ceasefire, and the presidents of Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia met for peace negotiations at an air force base in Dayton, Ohio, in November 1995. Something like 200,000 people had by then died. The International Red Cross in due course listed by name 14,000 Bosnian Muslim men who disappeared and took the view that there was little chance of ever finding out what happened to them. The destruction, in countries far from rich, was considerable. The cost of ending the war was enormous (Bosnia absorbed nearly the whole UN peacekeeping budget). Yet it was easier to fund contingents for the 60,000 strong NATO force sent to Bosnia to supervise the necessary withdrawals 1

The Croats had no special sympathy for the Muslims, but were inflamed by the plight of Croats in areas claimed by Serbs.

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and boundary delimitations than to devise measures and find means for reconstruction. The essentials of the agreements reached at Dayton were that Bosnia should be partitioned. Two entities were created from it, one a Muslim-Croat federation, one a Serb republic. The Croatian government had been able to secure all the territory that it wanted in the north; Serbia had been forced to abandon her hopes of territorial gain elsewhere, but was gratified to be released from the bite of the sanctions which had done her much damage. Muslim Bosnia had survived (which was more than had seemed likely at times) at a heavy cost in blood. The Bosnian Serbs, while at least at the outset complying with the terms of partition, bitterly rejected the whole settlement in spirit. They offered no grounds for hope that their old aspirations had been laid to rest. At the end of 1998 there were still, for safety's sake, 5,000 NATO troops 'keeping the peace' in Bosnia. All too soon, it was evident that the troubles of the former Yugoslavia were not over elsewhere, either. New foci of instability continued to appear. Even after Dayton, one third of Serbia's population was non-Serbian. Magyars in the north, Muslims in the Sanjak of Novibazar, and, most evidently, an Albanian majority in Kosovo posed the question whether Serbia could survive in unmodified form, and, indeed, whether even a much reduced Yugoslavia could, given signs of Montenegrin discontent with what was left of the federal republic. Albania was also showing alarming symptoms of strife in the mid-1990s. That small country was the creation of the treaty of Bucharest of 1913; half the Albanian people did not live within its boundaries. Its economic condition at the moment it emerged from communist rule had been, even by the standards of the Balkans, appalling. It suffered a further blow early in 1997 when a financial scandal deprived many Albanians of such savings as they had and drove many to near-desperation. One outcome was increased disorder (the first German soldier to open fire on foreign soil since 1945 did so against Albanian marauders that summer) and another was a surge of emigration. Italy, only 100 miles away, had to bear the brunt of this. The difficulties caused in that country almost brought about the fall of the Italian government when it proposed to send soldiers to Albania as part of a UN force to contain the banditry and looting of 801

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arsenals which reigned there. In the event, the proposal fell through, and Albania was left to face on its own the prospect of its first free elections with, as one Italian put it, half the electorate going to the polls carrying a Kalashnikov.2 Continuing and bloody disorder in Muslim Albania would have mattered less had it not been for Kosovo. Tito had made it clear in 1948 that Kosovo would never be conceded to its neighbour, Albania, although ruled as part of the Italian sector of the Axis occupation during the Second World War. From 1963, though, it had enjoyed a measure of provincial autonomy until the Serbs brutally removed it in 1989. Soon, Kosovars could reflect on the partitioning of BosniaHerzegovina; perhaps their problems or even those of Macedonia as a whole, might also now be solved by ethnic separation, some of them thought. By the summer of 1998, though, Serbian 'police' operations against those whom they called terrorists, the self-styled 'Kosovo Liberation Army' (such was the state of distrust in the area that this force was alleged by some to be a provocative invention of the Serbs themselves), had led to enough violence to start a flow of emigration across the border to Albania. As reports of persecution of Kosovars multiplied, outsiders once again began hurriedly and unhappily to discuss what might be done about the latest of the problems of order in former Yugoslavia. Soon, the American Secretary of State was being denounced as an 'Islamic lobbyist' by a Yugoslav information minister.3 A cautiously measured but, it seemed, growing American willingness to deploy air power against the Serbs had to be reconciled with the certainty of Russian disapproval. Although he had helped to bring the Bosnian Serbs to the negotiating table at Dayton, Mr Yeltsin was clearly unwilling to ignore Russians' traditional popular sympathy for their Orthodox fellow-Slav cousins in Belgrade, at a moment when he faced severe political challenges at home. Domestic political constraints — notably, mid-term congressional and gubernatorial elections - also made it difficult for Mr Clinton to envisage operations that might cost Ameri2

Sergio Romano, in the Financial Times, 16 May 1997. Kalashnikov is a name covering a wide range of semi-automatic rifles, now used as basic infantry weapons round the world, and modelled on an originally Russian design. 3 The Economist, 18 April 1998.

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can lives. Nonetheless, vague menaces brought about (though with much foot-dragging) the withdrawal of some Serbian 'police' forces and their heavy equipment from Kosovo in October 1998. A draft plan for the province's future within Yugoslavia was put forward. But tension was mounting in Macedonia, whose pro-Serb government had been overthrown in November, and early in the New Year violence was renewed against the Kosovars. The threat of international intervention having by early 1999 lost its deterrent power for Serbia, Nato air forces were in March at last launched against Yugoslav targets. Belgrade was to be forced to admit a peacekeeping force to Kosovo to protect its Albanian population, which was by now, in fact, pouring in tens of thousands into their neighbours' countries. There had been no such UN authorization of military operations as had been the case in Bosnia. What was under way, too, was novel: the armed coercion of a sovereign state over its behaviour towards its own citizens. Even before this crisis had been detonated, too, American policy had suffered a setback in the Gulf area. Attempts to carry out an effective scrutiny of Iraq's capacity to produce biological, chemical and even nuclear weapons had fizzled out with the ending of Iraqi cooperation in November 1998. The economic sanctions imposed years before by the Security Council as a way of bringing Saddam Hussein to heel were already by then undergoing increasing criticism (and some deliberate undermining) by some of its members. As before, the United States, with British support, prepared to act. Both countries got ready to mount a new bombing campaign against Iraq. Just in time, the Iraqi government stepped back. The UN inspectors were readmitted with new assurances of cooperation and the bombers were recalled. It was only a matter of days, though, before the UN team withdrew again, claiming it was unable to work effectively. This time, the United States did not hold back. Four nights of Anglo-American bombing and missile attacks were represented as another success for international law and order. Yet long delays and now a lack of international support had shown the weaknesses of superpower. It had taken a long time for the Clinton administration to nerve itself to what seemed likely: pictures on television of Iraqi women and children wounded and dying amid the 803

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ruins of their homes, as there had been pictures of Vietnamese women and children dying twenty-five years earlier (though in 1998 there were not, in fact, many). It was not likely that an American government would long be able to resist a popular reaction of pity and a demand for cessation in such circ*mstances. More revealingly still, at no point was it even hinted that American ground forces might re-enter the Middle East in offensive operations. In 1992-3 they had been committed in support of a UN operation in Somalia in an attempt to bring order and an effective distribution of food to that suffering country. For a time, a majority of the 40,000-strong UN force there was American. Once, though, a number of American soldiers had been killed (and the American public had been shocked by television pictures of the maltreatment of the bodies of an American helicopter crew), the president announced that the withdrawal of most of them would shortly follow.4 Yet in 1998, American policy acknowledged as its revolutionary aim the overthrow of Saddam Hussein and his regime. Congress had already voted large sums of money for the support of Iraqi opposition groups. But the dictator was not removed by the December bombing, whatever damage his regime suffered. In fact, though proclaimed a technical triumph (no American or British casualties were suffered), the attack was by no means an undisputed and convincing military success, and was certainly a public relations failure. Whatever damage it may have done to Iraq's capacity to produce weapons of mass destruction, it had deeply troubled other Arab states and enraged Muslims worldwide while doing nothing to ensure the continuing security of Israel. Nor did it make it easier to see on what basis the UN inspection teams could return to Iraq. The economic sanctions (about which Iraq complained with great propaganda effect) were still in place, but had not only proved very blunt instruments but were now under criticism in the Security Council more than ever. There, and in the eyes of the world, too (especially in Muslim countries), Great Britain had to share the discredit the operation had attracted. Over the whole operation, finally, hung a nasty suspicion, justified or 4

As it did, though American support was again made available briefly to cover a total UN withdrawal in 1995, after the Pakistan, Indian and Egyptian units left on site in the previous year had proved incapable even of assuring their own safety.

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not, that its timing had not been unconnected with the American president's wish to seek domestic political support as a critical vote on his possible impeachment drew near. It was not obvious three months later that the Kosovo operation promised a better outcome.

EUROPE AFTER MAASTRICHT Maastricht had been a step further towards a real union, opening the way to a single currency and an autonomous central bank to regulate it.5 It required that national governments achieve certain criteria of fitness to participate in the EMU; they specified admissible levels for national debt, budget deficit and inflation. Maastricht also gave citizenship of the European Union to the nationals of all member states and laid down an obligation on its members to impose certain common standards in work practices and some social benefits. Finally, the treaty extended the area over which EU policy might be made by majority votes. All this looked like a significant accretion of centralized power, although in an effort to reassure the suspicious the treaty also set out agreement to the principle of 'subsidiarity', a word rooted in Catholic social teaching; it indicated that there should be limits to the competence of the Commission of Brussels in interfering with the details of national administration. As for European defence and security policy, this was soon all too plainly in hopeless disarray over events in Bosnia. The Danes rejected Maastricht in a referendum the following year. A similar test in France produced only a slim majority in its favour, and the British government (even after winning carefully negotiated special safeguards) was hard-pressed to win the parliamentary vote on the issue: several 'rebels' in the governing Conservative party voted against their leader, and a split appeared which was to cripple the party when it next faced the electors. It was a difficulty in every country that so far as there was real debate about Europe's future, most people did not understand it. European voters thought for the most part only in terms of protecting or damaging traditional sectional 5

After Maastricht, the European Community was called the European Union (EU).

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and national interests, which were bound to loom larger as economic conditions worsened in the early 1990s. Such terms tended to focus debate around allegations of encroachment by the powers of the Commission at Brussels on member states, and the comparative fairness or unfairness of individual countries' use or abuse of the Union's rules. It was specially unfortunate that at a delicate moment the seemingly inevitable tactlessness and triviality of many Commission decisions on matters requiring enforcement by national governments was thrown into higher relief by the occupation of the presidency of the Commission by a Frenchman who was highly articulate and vocal about his ambitions for a Europe which would only too obviously concentrate still more power at Brussels. Two modes of European integration still in fact coexisted uneasily within the Union - one of Commission-led policy increasingly settled by majority voting, and one of government-led policy, where unanimity was the rule and the Union's own institutions were less important. Among the practical difficulties encumbering the European road some especially affected Germany, which, under Chancellor Kohl, provided the driving force and much of the financial support of the EU. His greatest triumph, reunification, had confirmed Germany's position as Europe's major power. The apparent ideological divide of two Germanys proved after forty years not to matter; Ostpolitik had forged enough ties and interests for cooperation and mutual restraint to prevail at the moment of reunification. West Germany had been (unrealistically) generous, too, in providing attractive terms for currency unification. But this turned out to be only one of a number of very costly adjustments. Germany was driven into deficit on its trade account, an unfamiliar experience and one that alarmed German voters. Political dissatisfaction with the terms of reunification began to be heard as it became obvious that its financial costs would run on for years, and that the economic impact would be felt especially hard in the former GDR. 6 As time passed, more was also heard of the danger of inflation, an old nightmare for Germans, and of the load carried by the German tax-payer as a result not only of the movement 6

A majority of East German enterprises quickly proved uncompetitive and went under soon after reunification, with heavy unemployment as a consequence.

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of former East Germans to the west, but of very large numbers of foreign immigrants taking advantage of the country's liberal interpretation of political asylum. Unemployment, too, was rising. In 1993, there was at last agreement on constitutional change to limit political asylum, and to reduce the numbers exploiting it. Economic recession cast long shadows in most member states of the EU in the early 1990s. It reminded their peoples of disparities and differences of economic strength between them; policies to protect special interests (or what were seen to be such) were therefore pressed more strongly. More fundamentally, in every country fiscal, budgetary and exchange problems came to undermine the confidence of governments (which had in a measure come to be taken for granted) that they could keep up employment and high levels of what may broadly be called 'welfare' spending. They not only found it harder to provide voters Europe-wide with assurance of material well-being but also were less and less certain about their ability to meet the Maastricht criteria. In such a context, specific European agreements and allocations of resources - for instance in the regulation offishing- generated more disturbance than might have been expected. So did the anticipation of future monetary union. Its coming would inevitably much reduce the powers of member governments to look as if they were managing their own affairs.7 ERM had already made revaluation and devaluation to meet domestic needs more difficult; in 1992, Italy and the United Kingdom were both forced out of it by movements on the international exchanges. Ireland followed them in the next year. Currency movements even put Franco-German relations under major strain as German domestic concerns drove that country's central bank towards higher interest rates and brought about a considerable modification of its working. This cast a shadow over progress towards a common currency. Yet already in 1990, former communist countries had been knocking at the door of entry to the EC. There were thus many cross-currents for politicians to take into account. The fundamentals dictating the position of France had in one respect changed vitally since the days of de Gaulle: Germany had 7

As was shown, it might be remarked, by the difficulties of other countries imposed by Germany's deflationary policies to deal with the costs of unification even under existing arrangements.

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been reunited. For the French, the deepest root of the European impulse had always lain in fear of Germany. French statesmen had sought to tie that reviving country firmly into first the Common Market, and then the Community. In the end, as the German economy grew stronger and stronger, they had been forced to recognize that Germany would have the preponderant share in mapping Europe's future shape. De Gaulle's ideal of a Europe of nation-states gave way to a more federal - that is, paradoxically, more centralizing - view. Making the best of this, some Frenchmen thought that a united Europe could be tolerable if it were consciously built so as to give a maximum of informal and cultural weight in it to France - through, for example, appointments at Brussels. If there had to be a European super-state, France could at least try to dominate it. Perhaps, though, the French decision in 1995 to rejoin NATO was a clearer break with the legacies of de Gaulle than the tacit acceptance that Germany would in the end have the last word in setting the pace of European integration, and perhaps its shape, too. The word Mitteleuropa had begun to be heard again in the 1980s. However understood, it implied a special role for Germany and special relationships deriving from it. The German government had soon sought to befriend its ex-communist neighbours. The rapidity with which German businessmen and investors got to work in those countries made this easier, though the speed and eagerness of Germany's recognition of newly independent Croatia and Slovenia was far from reassuring to other EC countries (and awakened old fears and memories - notably in Serbia - of historic Slav—Teuton, Orthodox—Catholic antagonisms). The ending of the Cold War thus posed difficulties as well as offering new opportunities. Moreover, existing EU members were bound to be losers in cash terms if former communist countries joined the Union. Like applications being made at much the same time to join NATO, such changes would also awaken anxiety in Moscow. Nor was it clear what sort of Europe new members might join. East Germany had entered the existing fold de facto in 1990, but other aspirants to entry would provoke debate among existing members about what kind of Europe was desirable or possible. Expansion of the Community was bound to provoke a debate crucial for world history. One conceivable outcome might be the creation of an EU of 808

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500 million, stretching from the Arctic Circle to the Aegean and from Portugal to the Pruth, but another was a break-up (not necessarily into its national components) of what union there was. There was still in 1994 formally an EFT A outside the EU, but it was insignificant and disappeared the following year.8 By 1990 there could be detected some slight cultural convergence within the EU. Increasing standardizing of consumption, though, owed much less to European policy than to shrewder marketing and growing international communication at a popular level (the outcome was often, as in the past, deplored as 'Americanization'). There may even have been some blurring of differences between national social structures. The decline in numbers of German and French farmers showed a slow but shared trend towards a more rational economic structuring. Yet even such slow convergence had been very costly and the CAP often irritated non-farming voters. Above all, the Union seemed feeble in its handling of external affairs; it blatantly failed the severe test posed by Yugoslavia's dissolution, which had been virtually taken out of its hands by the United Nations (which meant the Americans), at the end of 1995. Yet though many uncertainties thus persisted over the future of Europe as the end of the century approached, there were many more people in Europe who found the EU a comforting idea than would have done in 1945. Brussels, after all, was not likely to impose alien languages or educational systems, as national governments sometimes did. Neither the Commission nor the parliament promoted any ideology of cultural hom*ogeneity, whatever legendary follies might be from time to time perpetrated in directives about the shape of cucumbers and the purity of cheese.

A COMMON C U R R E N C Y The project of a single European currency, launched at last on 1 January 1999, had always had a predominantly political flavour: it had been at the heart of Mr Kohl's vision, though purely economic 8

Denmark, the United Kingdom, Portugal and Switzerland had all left EFTA before 1995. In 1994 it was united with the EU countries in a common 'European Economic Area'. Austria, Finland and Sweden joined the EU on 1 January 1995.

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arguments for it could be and were forcefully made. It was asserted that great economic benefits would flow from its introduction, that it would remove exchange rate fluctuations damaging to trade, would reduce other costs of trade between member states, would encourage economic enterprise inhibited hitherto by currency risks. It was hoped (and sometimes confidently alleged) that lower prices and lower interest rates would be likely consequences. With equal assurance, arguments were put forward against the change. Existing differences between the economies of the participating states, it was said, must mean that some would suffer and some gain, and so promote new division. Member states would lose control over important aspects of their economic life as they subordinated their own policy to (for instance) the wishes of France and Germany to continue costly policies of concession to organized labour - both of which seemed all the more likely when socialist governments were installed in each country in 1998. Nor would participants be able to set their own interest rates to meet their own needs, but they would be effectively controlled by those who ran the central European bank which was to be part of the new system: a common currency, in fact, entailed a further loss of sovereignty. All this, and much more, was given a major airing in domestic politics in virtually every member state of the Union, as it became clear that both in countries committed to participation from the outset and those likely or wishing to participate, politics would be increasingly influenced by the need to meet the criteria. The control of budgetary deficits, the reduction of debt, and the fiscal policies these required, could conceivably mean higher unemployment. Politicians continued to brood over what voters might think when choices had to be made which would bring home to them the consequences of monetary union. It was not hard to agree, though, that were monetary union to slip, and were enlargement not to take place, the EU could settle back into not much more than a simple customs union dominated by Germany (perhaps somewhat in the way the nineteenth-century German Zollverein had been dominated by Prussia, as some inclined to historical analogy pointed out). Only the firmest nationalists - or 'Eurosceptics' as they were termed in the United Kingdom — found this an attractive possibility. After sixteen years as chancellor, Mr Kohl was defeated in the 810

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German elections of November 1998 and the first socialist chancellor of united Germany took office. It was at once clear that his replacement as chancellor made no difference to the monetary union goal. The French government, too, though it had wobbled as it became clearer that currency union was not likely to be easily married to domestic policies, in dealing with - for example - unemployment, still remained firmly behind it. Denmark and Sweden firmly announced they would not wish to participate in the proposal, others showed uncertainty and division over it. Under the Conservative government that had held office until the summer of 1997, it was impossible to predict what the United Kingdom might do; the new Labour government, though, affirmed with increasing enthusiasm, as time passed, that a future British government would probably join EMU when the circ*mstances looked right - but would go no further. So, on 1 January 1999, Europe acquired its first common currency since the age of Charlemagne.9

ENLARGING EUROPE Difficulties over enlargement of the Union remained. Among countries other than the ex-communists who wished to be admitted, the longeststanding candidate was Turkey, a particularly awkward case. Assuming the obstacle provided by intransigent Greek opposition to her application could be set aside (a very doubtful assumption), it could also reasonably be asked whether Turkey was a 'European' country at all since most of her territory lay in Asia and most of her people were Muslim. Behind that question lay a (usually silent) fear of what free movement of Turks within member states of the EU might mean. Whether non-Turks realized it or not, moreover, the Atatürk legacy was in fact at that moment under challenge inside Turkey after a sixty-year ascendancy. Islamist Turkish politicians much resented the regime's traditional secularism. 9

It is worth remarking that the name chosen for the new currency unit - the 'Euro' - is itself testimony to the psychological divisions of Europe. Nothing but deep nationalist irrationality can explain the rejection of a whole repertoire of familiar and historical names - franc, mark, florin, livre, lira, crown, thaler, dollar, pound in favour of a word with such an unpleasantly medical flavour.

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As some Europeans had asked in 1901, Europeans were still asking in 1999 whether Turkey was part of the civilized world, even if notions of what that phrase meant had changed somewhat in 100 years. Clearly, if modernity in institutions (representative government and Atatürk's secular state, for example) and a certain level of economic development was the test of Europeanness, then Turkey stood with the European and not the rest of the Near Eastern world. Yet Turkish treatment of political opposition and minorities (particularly the Kurds) met with much disapproval abroad, and the record of the Turkish government as a guardian of human rights was often questioned. There were also geopolitical overtones. As a Near Eastern country, Turkey's military cooperation with Israel worried the Arab states. Her position, too, appeared to give her a potential control over the water supply of Iraq and Syria, as well as of the main route for Iraqi oil exports, and for the energy resources of the Caucasus and Central Asia. Turkey posed the unanswerable question of what Europe really is and revealed the likely fruitlessness of any search for essentialist answers. When Sweden and Finland (the Norwegians rejected the idea in a referendum) had joined up, their admission, like Austria's, could hardly raise any question of their 'Europeanness'. They fitted in easily, as developed economies and countries of liberal political tradition. Greater difficulties arose, though, elsewhere, and were most vividly apparent in what had been Yugoslavia. It might be that not many problems would arise over Hungary and Czechoslovakia; the passage of time would be likely to reduce the danger of economic difficulties in these two countries if they came to join the EU, because of the progress they had made since 1990. At the end of 1997 the heads of European governments were able to agree that negotiation should begin virtually at once for the admission of the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Poland and Slovenia (at the same meeting it was decided that conditions in Turkey were not satisfactory). But some eastern countries still seemed unattractive as potential recruits, whether in terms of political culture or economic preparedness. What is more, they would almost certainly raise problems for relations between the EU states and members of the CIS, some of whom were as sensitive about political alignments on their western boundaries as 812

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had been the USSR. Finally, times seemed inauspicious for further liberalization of labour flows; the spectre of a potentially immense migration from the former USSR to the labour markets of the West was frightening. Once more, people asked what Europe was. In a bipolar world, it had looked plausible to say that Europe was merely a geographical expression, yet the end of the Cold War had revealed that Europe had never been merely that. There seemed less point than ever in seeking in it a central European essence or spirit, far less a civilization, but the continent was (from one point of view) still the historic heart even if it was no longer the major propagator of a world civilization. From another, though, it was a collection of national cultures resonating vigorously to their own internal dynamics. Yet such ideas hardly touched most Europeans' minds and feelings. There was no sign as 1999 began of a European patriotism comparable to the old national allegiances still able to stir the emotions of the masses. As the end of the century approached, though, much could be seen to have been achieved in the years since the Treaty of Rome. Even by 1990, what had been 'Western Europe' (and was now the EU plus Switzerland) was already in actuality one of the three identifiable major players in the new world economy shaped since 1950. She accounted by then for some 75 per cent of world trade (most of it between her own member countries) and 40 per cent of the world's Gross Domestic Product. Her own GDP was in that year larger than that of the USA (and twice as large as that of Japan). She was integrated through investment flows within the developed world as she had never been even before 1914. For all the excitement over supposed cultural challenge from across the Atlantic, two-thirds of foreign investment in the United States was held by Europeans. Yet Europeans still seemed to worry a lot about where they were going, even if they so obviously seemed to so many outsiders a team to join. As 1999 began, their ministers were turning at long last to the reform of the Common Agricultural Policy, which might be thought a healthy sign. The actual reduction of payments to farmers, nonetheless, seemed as difficult to achieve as ever. Important though this issue was, too, it was quickly overtaken by a major constitutional upheaval, the resignation of the entire Commission after an adverse report on 813

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mismanagement and worse in its business. It was the first great constitutional revolution of the Union's history, and was pregnant with uncertainties and possibilities for changes in its political culture, administrative style, and the future of the European parliament's authority within it.

A T R O U B L E D FAR EAST In 1989 Chinese farmers saw their incomes decline in real terms for the first time since economic reform had begun.10 The policy of trying to balance hard-line conservatism with economic and political liberalism in the hierarchy was associated with Deng Xiaoping and it was not altogether surprising that in that year he should ask to retire (he was then eighty-five). Yet he did not do so and the question of his succession was still unsettled on the eve of the Party Congress at the end of 1991. In 1992 he appeared to have regained his ascendancy after a well-publicized trip to south China to promote further economic reforms: even if the party had decided (secretly) that entrepreneurs should not yet be allowed to be members, that year brought a further removal of price controls, the beginnings of massive investment from the western world and, soon, inflation. As the real incomes of many Chinese fell, earnings differentials widened. Though this was hardly significant by comparison with what had happened in other Asian countries, official alarm was expressed, as it was over the evident increase in corruption, organized crime, banditry and rural unrest. As the end of the century approached, Deng's death in February 1997 reminded the world that China had not succeeded in giving any enduring protective and institutional expression to recent liberalizing tendencies. Their effects could still be thought contingent and precarious, though in the next couple of years the general trend encouraged under Deng still seemed healthily alive. In 1998 cities where state industry still predominated were urged to study the example of Wenzhou (a port that was evidently an outstanding example of entre10

J. A. R. Miles, p.185 (and also p.338 for the important qualifications necessary if the growth in rural incomes derived not from agriculture but from industry is to be taken properly into account).

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preneurial growth) and it was announced that subsidized housing was no longer to be made available to new entrants to the state sector workforce. The uncertainties about the future that had been intensified by the departure of the last great figure of the revolutionary generation were evidently assuaged by Deng's successor, Jiang Zemin, who soon appeared to have the skills of an accomplished political trimmer. Technically, the collapse of the USSR had left the People's Republic the only major communist power in the world. This, though, was a less meaningful distinction than would have once been the case. Immediately, it must have transformed strategic reality; 4,000 and more miles of shared frontier with the former USSR were now replaced for about half their length by frontiers with newly independent states of the CIS . n But what that might portend was hard to see. Meanwhile, there was a new uncertainty evident in the later 1990s over Taiwan, one problem that had long tied together Chinese internal policy and foreign relations. The seemingly fundamental nature of the original clash between the nationalist regime which had held the island since 1947 and the People's Republic had, in fact, been slightly blurred over nearly five decades. One factor had been Beijing's hope of exploiting the South China Sea in a search for oil. The change in the policy of the United States since 1970 had led to withdrawal of American diplomatic relations with the island, and the exclusion of the nationalist regime from the United Nations. Then, in the 1990s, while Beijing still maintained its policy of reuniting Taiwan (like Hong Kong and Macao) to mainland China as a long-term goal, more began to be heard of alleged independence sentiment on the island. Beijing was evidently disturbed, alarm reaching its height when the president of the Taiwanese republic visited the United States in 1995.12 The ambassador of the People's Republic in Washington was withdrawn and exercises were mounted in the East China Sea by units of the Chinese navy, with an obviously demonstrative purpose; 'The issue of Taiwan is as explosive as a barrel of gunpowder,' said an official Chinese newspaper.13 It was clear that if Taiwan formally declared itself independent of the mainland an invasion of the island was likely, 11 12

Specifically, with Kazakhstan, Kyrgystan and Tajikistan. President Lee Teng-Hui was thefirstTaiwanese to lead the KMT. The People's Daily of Beijing, q. in Miles, p.260. 815

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and that it was likely too that it might command much popular support in China. As the century drew to a close, the status of Taiwan was nonetheless far from the major problem troubling east Asia. Uncertainties about the real nature of what was going on in China and the way the cat might jump there were a continuing background to an increasing instability and volatility apparent in the region after the Cold War ended. What the closing of that relatively well-defined and therefore stabilizing struggle might mean was at first very hard to see. In Korea it changed very little, North Korea remaining obstinately locked in a confrontation with its southern neighbour and in its rulers' determination to maintain a command economy in virtual isolation. The roots of its quarrels with the south were very deep, going back beyond the Cold War itself to the political factions that had struggled with one another as well as against the Japanese before 1939. But the evaporation of Soviet economic aid and mismanagement of the economy (and, it appeared, some straightforward dynastic exploitation of power by the ruling dictator) brought North Koreans to the edge of starvation by early 1998. That country's problems thus remained unusually specific, detached somewhat from the regional trends. South Korea could not be so detached. By the mid-1990s, she was one of several countries grappling with a growing economic malaise eventually to engulf in some degree all the former 'tiger' economies, Japan, and even to some extent to touch China through Hong Kong and the contagion of currency instability. The era of growth and prosperity had lasted through the 1980s. Its undermining had begun when the original leader of the Asian resurgence, Japan, showed in the early 1990s the first symptoms of economic disorder. Property speculation, huge investment in non-productive activity or sectors generating very small returns had encumbered her banks and financial institutions with unserviceable debts. The currency sharply weakened; speculation against it was immediate and crippling in a world of more rapid financial transactions than ever before. The prevailing business culture of Japan, firmly embedded as it was in official and financial networks that now proved unable to give decisive leadership, made solutions harder still to achieve as conditions worsened. By 1998 one estimate put the bad debts of Japanese banks at £660 billion. 816

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The consequences of this, it soon appeared, might even become worldwide (and by mid-1998 the United States was at last seeking to engage in rescue operations). They quickly spread to other regional economies whose economic growth fell off dramatically. In many of them the same phenomena could be seen as in Japan, if on a smaller scale: investment booms had been followed by exposure to international currency speculation, over-extended credit and endangered banking systems, and (more than in Japan) the migration of capital overseas. Authoritarian governments in some countries had made easy the exploitation of public resources and exercise of influence by the cronies of those in power and their families. The same governments proved inflexible and incapable of dealing with changing economic circ*mstances and terms of trade. In July 1997 there was something of a breaking of a dam. First Thailand lost its battle to support its currency; its devaluation was then followed rapidly by the collapse of other currencies of the region, too. There was even speculation soon that the Hong Kong dollar, pegged since reunification with China to the American dollar, was not safe. South-east Asian governments began to worry about whether they had seen the last of economic growth. The first dramatic political consequence for a region where governments had been notably stable during the Cold War years was an outburst of popular anger over economic hardship (expressed above all in rising food prices) in Indonesia. In May 1998, after the Indonesian economy had shrunk by more than 8 per cent since the beginning of the year, and the currency had lost four-fifths of its dollar value, riots drove the president from power after thirty-two assured years of a firmly controlled but formally 'democratic' system. It did not seem likely, though, that this would end Indonesia's problems. The successor government looked too much like the old one and there was much potential for inter-community strife in a country divided as Indonesia was between a large Islamic majority, and significant Hindu and Chinese communities. As the year closed, there was renewed mob violence, and reports of attacks on Christian Indonesians. Well before the Indonesian revolt, stock markets had plunged throughout the region and national economies had been shrinking; Malaysia was soon hard hit. This was among the facts that had most vividly struck western investors and observers as perhaps presaging 817

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wider consequences than any merely confined to the region. The United States, above all, but European countries, too, had been enjoying a long stock-market advance that, it seemed, could be in danger from what was colloquially summarized as an Asian 'meltdown'. Yet it was hard to believe that world conditions would permit even an American market crash to detonate anything like the consequences of 192-9. All the same, there were those who worried a lot, above all when the currency turbulence of 1998 forced the devaluation of the Russian rouble. By then, too, Latin America was beginning to be affected as, ominously, oil and commodity prices fell. Chile, as a Pacific country and one especially sensitive to a fall in the price of copper, was particularly affected.

THE I N D I A N

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It could be construed as an advantage of the Indian republic, and one possibly owing something to past policy, that in the middle of the 1990s, like China, she did not at once share the financial and economic disarray of many of the east Asian countries. Congress governments, though moving away somewhat from the socialism of the early years of independence, had remained strongly influenced by protectionist, managed, nationally self-sufficient, even autarkic ideas. The price had been paid in low rates of growth and social conservatism. But one benefit had been a lower degree of vulnerability to international capital flows than other countries, even if the rupee dipped alarmingly in 1995 and after. In 1996 the Hindu and nationalist Bharatiya Janata party (BJP) inflicted another major defeat on Congress and became the largest single party in the lower house of parliament. Exponents of the amorphous doctrine of Hindutva ('Hindu-ness') began to show new vigour. BJP was not able to sustain its own government, though, and a coalition government emerged that did not survive another (very violent) general election in 1998.14 This, too, was inconclusive in that 14

This was the first struggle in which Rajiv Gandhi's widow was persuaded to campaign for Congress, of which she was elected president the same year. 818

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no clear parliamentary majority emerged, but the BJP and its allies formed the biggest single group in it. Another coalition government was the outcome, whose Janata supporters soon published an ominously nationalist agenda that announced that 'India should be built by Indians'. Some found this alarming in a country where nationalism, though encouraged by Congress for a century or so, had hitherto always been offset by prudent recognition of the real fissiparousness of the sub-continent. The new government appeared, too, to offer small likelihood of accelerated social change except, possibly, in a regressive and sectarian way. Its regional allies showed no sign of any ability to restrain what many democrats and secularists saw as a looming danger of political reaction and religious demagogy. Though it seemed consistent with a determination to win domestic kudos by playing the nationalist card, it was in the context of the running sore of the quarrel with Pakistan that the world at first strove to understand the Janata government's decision to proceed with a series of nuclear test explosions in May and June 1998. They provoked the Pakistan government to follow suit with test explosions of its own; both governments appeared, dismayingly, to enjoy wide public support in their aftermath.15 Thus both nations joined the club of those who admitted to having nuclear weapons.16 Much more, though, was implicit in these gestures than the exploitation of national feeling in two countries long antagonized. The correct Asian context in which to understand the tests, said the Indian prime minister, was that of Indian suspicion of China, long already a nuclear power and remembered by Indians as the victor of the Himalayan fighting of 196z. Others pondered gloomily the notion that a Pakistani bomb might also be an Islamic bomb, or, reflecting on a huge setback to the curbing of nuclear proliferation so far achieved, were simply alarmed by the evidence the test provided of the spread of nuclear weapons. Several ambassadors were withdrawn from Delhi and several countries followed the lead of the United States in cutting off or holding up aid 15

Sonya Gandhi promptly said that the nuclear issue was a non-partisan matter on which every Indian stood united. 16 Until now, restricted to the USA, USSR (and later Russia), China, the United Kingdom and France. Israel and North Korea were by 1998 believed also to possess effective nuclear weaponry.

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to India (steps which did nothing to deter Pakistan from following India's example). The world, evidently, had not with the Cold War rid itself also of the danger of nuclear warfare.

T H E U N I T E D STATES A T T H E E N D OF T H E CENTURY Taking the broadest brush and a long (and perhaps somewhat superficial) backwards view from the mid-1990s, it is tempting to sum up the outcome of a century of change in the United States as 'more of the same'. More clearly than even at mid-century, that country is still the world's greatest power. After emerging from the heavy weather of the early 1980s and a period of cavalier piling up of debt through budgetary deficit, her gigantic economy was strong and prosperous; its dynamism was unquestionable and it had repeatedly shown huge powers of recovery from setbacks. For all its conscious political and social conservatism, America remained one of the most rapidly changing, adaptive societies in the world.17 Old problems remained as the decade opened, it was true, even if prosperity was already making them easier to live with for those Americans who did not have to face them in person. More was heard of the aspirations, fears and resentments of black Americans than ever, and this reflected social and economic progress they had made since the Johnson presidency, the last which had seen a determined effort to legislate black America out of its troubles. In 1990, the first black state governor in the nation's history took up office in Virginia. Yet only a couple of years later the inhabitants of Watts, notorious for its riots a quarter of a century before, again showed they saw the Los Angeles police force (who had just been authorized by their employers to add dum-dum bullets to their already formidable weaponry)18 as members of an occupying army. Over the country as a whole, a young black male was seven times more likely than his 17

Every year, the Board of Census figures showed, something like 7 million Americans changed the state in which they lived and nearly a fifth of the population moved house. 18 Alexander co*ckburn in Wall Street Journal, 4 April 1991.

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white contemporary to be murdered (and probably by a fellow black, to boot) and was more likely to go to prison than to a university. If nearly a quarter of American babies were then being born to unmarried mothers, two-thirds of black babies were, an index of the breakdown of family life in black American communities. Crime, major deteriorations in health in some areas, and virtually unpoliceable inner-city areas could still leave responsible Americans believing that American problems were racing away from solution. Yet, by the end of the century, the remarkable regenerative power of the economy had done much to make some of the statistics look better, and even if Mr Clinton had disappointed many of his supporters by the legislation he was actually able to deliver, the Republicans in Congress got the blame for that. It was noted, too, with some relief, that the at first alarming phenomenon of rapidly growing numbers of 'Hispanic' Americans, swollen by legal and illegal influx from Mexico and the Caribbean countries, seemed unlikely to present intransigent and unmanageable problems. In California, the richest state, where they provided a quarter of the population, and even in Texas, they appeared quickly to learn to use the politics of democracy to make sure their interests were not overlooked. To use a modish contemporary figure of speech, President Clinton benefited from surfing the economic wave; even if there were disappointments in his domestic policy, they (like those in foreign policy) tended to be attributed by supporters to his opponents rather than to his own failures of leadership and excessive care for electoral considerations. If the Democrats lost control of the legislature in 1994, his re-election in 1996 was triumphant, and success for his party in the mid-term elections was to follow. Nevertheless, Congress continued to thwart many of his projects, notably putting difficulties in the way of international trade liberalization and public health reform. It can reasonably be said in his defence that Mr Clinton had inherited an office sadly diminished in prestige and power since the Johnson presidency and the early Nixon years. The dissipation of the vast authority the presidency had accumulated under Woodrow Wilson, Franklin Roosevelt and during the early Cold War had swiftly and dramatically followed the Nixon tragedy. But Mr Clinton did nothing to stem the rot. Indeed, for many Americans he allowed it to go further 821

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when his personal indiscretions laid him open to much-publicized and prolonged investigation of alleged financial and sexual scandals. Early in 1999, this led finally to a unique historical event, the first hearings in American history of charges before the Senate against an elected president with the aim of bringing about his impeachment. Surprisingly, most Americans seemed little troubled by questions about the president's culpability or even by his admitted lies. As the hearings began, Mr Clinton's public opinion poll ratings were higher than they had been a year earlier, and the proponents of impeachment failed. Those who had voted for him were content, it seemed, with what he was believed to have tried to do, even if they were not oblivious to his defects of character.19

PAX A M E R I C A N A As the Clinton presidency unrolled, though, America's allies were more and more troubled by uncertainty about the degree to which domestic difficulties were compromising the United States' behaviour abroad and appeared to be squandering the magnificent legacy of world leadership which had been hers at the end of the Cold War. The relatively short-term changes of the 1990s, though, have to be placed in the context of more deeply rooted and long-term changes in American psychology. It is no exaggeration to say that in 1901 the average American had hardly needed, and certainly did not bother, to worry about the world outside the United States. Until President Taft briefly entered Mexico in 1909, no president had ever ventured outside the national borders while in office. Even what was going on elsewhere in the western hemisphere did not seem to matter much in those days. In 1991, whatever the average day might look like in America's local newspapers or television news bulletins, so wholly parochial a focus was impossible. They may not have been a daily 19

In a poll taken at the beginning of 1999, when the proceedings in the Senate had not yet begun, 81 per cent of those polled thought the Clinton presidency a success, 69 per cent approved his general 'job performance', and 76 per cent said 'no' when asked if they thought the president honest (figures cited in The Economist, 23 January 1999)-

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presence in most Americans' minds, but there were now constant reminders that American interests were worldwide and inescapable; old-style isolation was no longer a plausible option. Like Great Britain when the century began, the United States had by 1999 acquired concerns requiring continuous and strenuous diplomatic effort in every part of the globe. A pax Americana demanded constant attention; even if much that was going on might seem to make disengagement very tempting, no swing back into isolation like that after 1919, for example, followed the collapse of the USSR. There was, though, much debate among scholars, publicists and politicians about the world role of the United States and the state of the union, about the nature and extent of the proper use of American power and the ends to which it should be applied, even about potential clashes of civilization. It was in the wildest moments of speculative euphoria that some briefly and cheerfully contemplated the possibility that history might have come benevolently to an end. The questioning in fact reflected the truth that it had not. There were a multitude of old and new international problems to be faced. It had to be accepted, for example, that there had long ceased to be only one major potential source of nuclear danger. As alarm over North Korea's modest nuclear programme in 1993—4 showed (and the Indian and Pakistani tests of 1998 reaffirmed), the United States was now one of several and a slowly growing group of nuclear-armed states, whatever her relative superiority in delivery systems and potential weight of attack. She had no reason any longer to believe (as had sometimes been possible in the past) that all of them would make rational calculations about where their interests lay. But this was only part of the general background to policy-making. Particular moments of tension in the 1990s seemed also to suggest a pattern of American floundering in foreign policy leading not only to frustration of the country's legitimate goals, but to positively greater danger for world order. The first obvious failure of American policy came in efforts to broker peace in the Middle East. It had looked otherwise in the early years of the decade. American financial pressure over the spread of Jewish settlement on the West Bank seemed to be helping the Israeli government, harassed by the Intifada and its associated acts of terror823

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ism, to come round to the view that a merely military solution to the Palestine problem was not likely to work. Helped by the benevolent offices of the Norwegian government, secret talks between Israeli and Palestinian representatives at Oslo in 1993 led to an encouraging new departure, when the two sides declared that it was time 'to put an end to decades of confrontation and conflict, recognise . . . mutual legitimate and political rights, and strive to live in peaceful co-existence and mutual dignity and security and achieve a just, lasting and comprehensive peace settlement and historic reconciliation'.20 More specifically, they went on to agree that an autonomous Palestine Authority (firmly defined as 'interim') should be set up, covering the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and that a definitive peace settlement should be concluded within five years. For all the issues this still left to be cleared up, it seemed a dramatic and hopeful opening to a better future for all inhabitants of Palestine, and to promise greater stability for the Middle East as a whole. For the leader of the PLO, it may have meant political salvation. Mr Arafat's political credit had been running dangerously low since the Intifada had begun and he was under challenge from more extreme Palestinians. He was now able to return from exile in Tunisia to take a firmer line with them.21 Optimism soon began to wilt. Hopes of progress in thrashing out an enduring settlement faded away when there was no cessation of terrorist attacks or of reprisals for them. Arab bombs in the streets of Israeli cities killed and maimed scores of shoppers and passers-by. A lone Jewish gunman killed thirty Palestinians in their mosque at Hebron and won the posthumous applause of many of his countrymen for doing so.22 Even so, hope lingered on; Syria, Jordan and the Lebanon all resumed peace negotiations with Israel, and a beginning was in fact made in the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the designated 20

See AR 1993, pp.557-63, for full text; G. E. Robinson, Building a Palestinian State: the incomplete revolution (Bloomington, 1997) is very helpful on background. 21 The joint declaration with the Israeli government specified that the new Palestinian Council should set up 'a strong police force'. This was so vigorously and rapidly undertaken that it was soon reckoned that about half (60,000 or so) of the employees of the Council belonged to various police and security services. 22 The murderer was specifically condemned in the UN, but his grave is now maintained as a shrine by his admirers.

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autonomous Palestinian areas. Then, in November 1995, came the assassination of the Israeli prime minister by an Israeli fanatic. A few months later, a conservative government dependent on the parliamentary support of Jewish extremist parties took office, and its intransigence over further implementation of agreed peace terms showed that for the immediate future at least, it was unlikely that anything but an aggressive policy of further territorial settlement by Israel would be forthcoming. Mr Clinton's administration deplored this turn to events, but he was not likely to risk inflaming Israel's supporters in his party over the failure to honour the Oslo agreements his State Department had encouraged. Soon, as so often in the past, the United States was supporting Israel virtually alone in the UN against resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly. The discontent of Palestinians meanwhile erupted in new acts of savage violence, especially when, in September 1997, Israel formally announced she would not hand over any more territory to the Palestine Authority as agreed at Oslo. Although assiduous American effort succeeded a year later in bringing together the Israeli prime minister and Mr Arafat for a meeting in the United States which appeared briefly to re-energize the Oslo process, the former was confronted on his return to Israel with such criticism from his supporters that it was clear that no further progress could be hoped for until new Israeli elections could be held - if then. The consequences of the creation of the Zionist programme a century earlier and of the Balfour declaration were evidently as unmanageable as ever; the embarrassment of the United States seemed likely to continue in an area now further complicated, of course, by the long frustration of American policy over Iraq. The dangers in the Middle East had been very visible in the background to a minor success of American diplomacy early in 1996, when it had dissuaded two NATO members, Greece and Turkey, from fighting over a barren and uninhabited rock in the Aegean, but as a contribution to south-eastern European order that can hardly be treated as an episode of much significance. In the Far East, though, where major diplomatic effort had been for some time deployed towards mainland China, it was hoped that another presidential visit to that country in the summer of 1998 might bring about something 825

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of a turning-point. It did not. It must have been deeply disappointing when, in the middle of the Gulf crisis of the following December, China attacked American policy strongly in the Security Council and the People's Daily of Beijing ominously noted that 'the US action impels the international community to make a solemn choice: do we want a peaceful twenty-first century, or one of hegemonic menace?'23 Clearly, something had gone badly wrong. In the background, no doubt, were irritated reflexions in Beijing on Mr Clinton's nagging about human rights, and on his 1996 dispatch of aircraft carriers to the China Sea when tension over Taiwan erased the effect of mollifying words the previous year. By 1999, too, the Chinese were confronted by what they believed to be his efforts to stop them joining the World Trade Organization. Then, suddenly, matters got far worse. As 1999 went on, Kosovo dominated thinking about former Yugoslavia. When spring passed into summer, it was obvious that the strategic commitment to a purely air campaign was achieving little except Serbian stiffening her people's will to resist. The inevitable casualties which were suffered by civilians - both Serbian and Kosovar - were causing misgivings in domestic opinion within the nineteen Nato nations, while the Serbian president, Mr Milosevic, appeared to have been assured by Mr Clinton's words that he would not be the target of a land invasion. Nearly a million Kosovar refugees crossed the frontier in search of safety in Macedonia and Albania, many of them bringing horrifying stories of atrocities and intimidation by Serbs, and the imbalance of the sexes among them reminded suspicious observers of the fate of the disappeared Bosnian co-religionists of the men of Kosovo a few years before. It was now evident that it was the deliberate intention of the Belgrade government to empty the province of its non-Serb inhabitants. Then came another mishap in the bombing campaign when, on the basis of out-of-date information - and therefore by avoidable error - direct hits were made on the Chinese embassy in Belgrade and members of its staff killed. For a time, Beijing refused even to listen to the apology and explanation which President Clinton endeavoured to deliver by personal telephone call. A carefully orchestrated television campaign had already presented the Chinese people with an interpretation of the 23

Reported in the Financial Times, 19 December 1998. 826

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whole NATO intervention as a simple act of American aggression: well-organized student mobs now attacked the American and British embassies in Beijing (though withoutproceedingto the extremes experienced during the Cultural Revolution). It may have been convenient that with the ten-year anniversary of Tienanmen Square coming up soon, student steam could be let off in anti-foreigner riots. American 'hegemony' continued to be much denounced by the Chinese, who said they would do nothing to assist the pursuit of peace in Kosovo until the bombing campaign had ceased. It seemed unlikely that this would prove an enduring position, but the sincerity of their concern about America's world role can hardly be doubted. There was no doubt, either, that the involvement of China (as well as of Russia) in the Kosovo crisis was not likely to make it easier for NATO to achieve its aims. The Chinese, strong believers in the veto system of the Security Council, saw it as protection for the sovereignty of individual nations. They were also disinclined in principle to view with sympathy would-be separatists, sensitive as they had always been to any danger of fragmentation in their own huge country. In the deep background, too, lay the theme of reassertion of their own historic world role, as well as the specific irritations of recent years. For a century after the Opium Wars, after all, China had never been without the humiliation of European troops assuring 'order' on her soil. Perhaps it crossed the minds of some Chinese that it would be a sweet reversal of nearly two centuries of history if Chinese soldiers should in the end form part of a peacekeeping force in Kosovo. Nor was it true that popular feeling exacerbated international tension only on one side. American opinion had been stirred for months by reports of Chinese nuclear espionage in the United States and of Chinese money finding its way by clandestine routes to the influencing of American politics - which meant the Democratic party. Meanwhile NATO's strategy (thanks to the American president's wish to avoid at all costs the exposure of ground troops to danger) was imposing a heavy strain on the alliance and perhaps threatening its very existence. Just as Bosnia had destroyed the credibility of the United Nations as a device for assuring international order, it now appeared that Kosovo might destroy that of NATO. Early in June, though, the damage done by the bombing, together 827

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with Russian mediation and British pressure for a NATO ground invasion, appeared to have weakened the Serbian government's will to resist. In the end, a land campaign was not needed. By the end of the month, Serbian military and police forces had withdrawn and Kosovo was occupied by NATO troops with the immediate task of assuring that the returning Albanians did not exact a bloody revenge on the Serbs (large numbers of whom themselves now began to flee the province). Perhaps it was at last the end of the old dream of a greater Serbia, for now nothing was left of it except the surviving federal tie with Montenegro. That did not mean, though, that the problems of the former Yugoslavia - or those of Europe - were solved. At some moments, Kosovo had suggested a very dangerous future ahead. It had even looked for a time as if Mr Clinton might actually manage to revive the spectre of Russo-Chinese entente so ably kept at bay by Mr Nixon and his successors in the White House. It has been said often enough in these pages that historians should not predict nor pick and choose among probabilities, but pointing out possibilities, at least, is more allowable. One of them must be that the period of euphoria which affected some in the aftermath of 1989-90 is over. It is even conceivable that another Cold War of superpowers might be in the offing, with all the vast potential for the blighting and corruption of human life and international relations the last one displayed. But it is only one possibility, and there are others. What remains certain is that truly global history is now a reality as it was not a century ago. The impulse to universalize values which has done so much to shape today's world was already then present at the heart of the western civilization and might be judged already to be shaping certain aspects of the future. But most of the structure of our world was not then visible, even if some of it was present in embryo. In particular, China, now a superpower interesting herself in the affairs of Europe, could not then have been recognized as a positive, let alone a significant, international fact. Even the United States, too, seemed then at best marginal to the most pressing concerns of the world's statesmen. It is something of an irony that, as the twentieth century drew to its end, those powers should have been so interested in a matter already familiar to those same statesmen of 1901 - the always intractable legacy of the Ottoman Succession. 828

28 Retrospect

HISTORICAL

IMPORTANCE

It must surely by now be evident that to ask what is the real history of a century is to pose at least a hard and possibly a foolish question. This is not only because it is in large measure unanswerable. Nearly 400 years ago, in introducing his History of the World? Sir Walter Ralegh was realistic about the dangers lying in wait even for one who, 'having been permitted to draw water as neare the Well-head as another', tried to write 'the Story of mine owne times'; he famously warned those who might have wished him to try that 'whosoever is writing a modern History, [and] shall follow truth too neare the heeles, it may haply strike out his teethe. There is no Mistresse or Guide, that hath led her followers and servants into greater miseries.' Yet one must try, for to provide no history leaves the field always to bad history. We now know more facts about recent times, and we are more aware of the links that tie many of those facts together, than ever before. The materials of a history of the contemporary world are more accessible than ever. Yet such a history is still ultimately unattainable. Any book can only suggest or sketch the outlines of its reality, and can never describe it fully. It is not just that the history which happens to individuals always escapes the summary generalizations inherent in describing public events.When the canvas is so broad, it is hard to pick out from what happened what mattered most, what had the deepest and widest effect. That means trying to discern what has most changed the settings in which we and our contemporaries and 1

London, 1614. 829

At latiti e O ce an

Pacific

Ocean

BRAZI N

Consumption of all types of energy (kg equivalent per person) 8,000-20,000 1,894-7.999 500-1,893 0-499 no data 3000 km

Energy consumption worldwide, 1998

RUSSIAN

FEDERATION

:HINA

Pacific

INDONESIA

i AUSTRALIA

Ocean

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immediate forebears could not choose but live, and the expectations aroused by direct experience encumber us with distractions and traps as we do so. One of them is the bloodshed which is a central fact of the twentieth century. For all the hopes and rhetoric that swirled about the infant UNO in 1945, many nations belonging to it have taken up arms since then. There has been no return to what from this distance looks deceptively like the comparative calm of the late nineteenth century. We have reminders every day of persistent divisions within mankind, of old scars reopening and new ones being inflicted. Much of the world still looks dangerously unstable. Nationality, culture, ideology and economics still fragment it. The bloodshed, though, might have been even worse than it has been; nuclear war, after all, did not break out. If the bloodletting of recent history does not, on consideration, seem the most important thing about it - except to those whose blood (or the blood of whose loved ones) was shed, dates like 1939 still exercise a powerful pull. Because we know that a great European war began then (and many of us lived through its excitements) we tend to forget that there was a time when everything that happened in the next six years had not happened, that many people had believed in the years before it did that it would not happen, that many more had hoped that it would not, and that no one had anything but the crudest idea of what, if it did happen, it might actually turn out to mean. It remains enormously difficult to shake the way we see those dates and facts or to rid our minds of the cardinal roles our lives have given them. Yet a comparison of the impact of the Second World War with (for instance) that of the discovery of radio waves (whose later exploitation did so much, of course, to shape that war's course and outcome) is not easy; it is not obvious that the war, even at its widest, affected the lives of more millions than the earlier work of physicists and radio engineers has done. How, too, as an influence for change in world history, does so great a struggle, or even so radical a scientific advance, compare with major changes in human credulity? Within one limited zone of human culture alone, one of the greatest single facts shaping the lives of Europeans in the Middle Ages was surely that most of them believed in some dim, confused but firm way that there was a transcendent God and that they would face judgement after death to settle their fate for ever. Perhaps only a few, and 832

RETROSPECT

those mainly ecclesiastics, thought about this very systematically and continuously, but many more had their behaviour shaped by such belief and sought reassurance through ritual and quasi-magical acts. Religious belief was then at the very root of most men's lives. At least in Europe, we can now guess, we confront today populations for the most part taking in their daily lives no account at all of whether there is a God or not. Religion - across all creeds and systems - seems to have lost much of the enormous advantage it once possessed as virtually the universal source of consolation, explanation and hope to men and women trapped in an unchanging order. We have in fact no firmer ground beneath our feet for assessing where we now stand or the way in which the past has shaped it than had our parents, grandparents and great-grandparents in their day in thinking about their pasts; we merely have more information and some new ideas to bring to bear on it. Among that information is our knowledge of the extent to which guesses made ioo years ago turned out in due course to fall so far short of actuality. So we have less excuse than the men and women of 1901 for trying to prophesy and should be able to set aside the temptation to do so more easily than they. Yet because we have many more facts to take into account we are tempted to think we can and perhaps will make better judgements. It seems in principle unlikely. What cannot be denied (because it is at least crudely subject to measurement) is that this century has seen change on a scale and at a pace which has made it more difficult to assess while it went on than any earlier history. That change has been its primary characteristic. The twentieth century has been qualitatively unlike any of its predecessors in experiencing change unprecedentedly radical, intense and compound in effect. Nor has it unrolled everywhere at the same pace - another complication for the historian. Wherever one looks at the human world of 1901, though, from the stone age savagery of the New Guinea forests to the decayed ancient civilization of China, change seems to have overtaken its varied societies more completely and rapidly than ever it did in the past.

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THE G R E A T UPHEAVALS It remains easier to recognize such change than to explore it. Historians have traditionally seen part of their role as the weighing of the comparative influence of different facts in bringing about agreed outcomes. This is difficult at any high level of generalization, above all because of uncertainty about the appropriate criteria. If we agree that we can talk about changes in the mentalities of whole societies and of millions of men and women, then is the dwindling of even a vague belief in the supernatural more, or less, important than the slow growth of a belief among large numbers of people that there will normally be enough to eat? That simple thought is, after all, a very new thought over much of the world. How, too, is one to balance a growing assumption that it is normal for things to get better and better against the misery and pain the century has brought to millions? Conservatively estimated, our failings as a species in managing our collective affairs may have cost in the last ioo years ioo million lives in two world wars and their consequences alone. Mankind's greatest essay yet in social engineering, international communism, whose goals are still widely defended by many as benevolent, may have cost another 50 million. We can reasonably feel angry at the ingenuity and resources wasted in bringing about such holocausts. They often look qualitatively worse than the horrors of earlier times and they have stripped the idea of progress of its plausibility for many who once believed in it. With many more huge atrocities, they testify, surely, to a more damaging release of evil impulse than ever before. Out of what was once thought a buried past in much of the world, and one in at least the process of burial elsewhere, massacre, persecution and torture have spectacularly re-emerged in the last few years in Rwanda and what was Yugoslavia. What is more, even these horrors do not fill up the cup of misery and wickedness of the last half-century. Yet there are almost four times more human beings alive than 100 years ago. The majority of them are not rich, but nor are they all living in the direst poverty, either. The dead are forever gone, and the tormented and tortured who survive can hardly be healed, but the overwhelming majority of the human race have survived the century's 834

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disasters, have lived longer than their grandparents, and long enough, too, to know somewhat better material conditions. The uncivilized and barbarous have, as ever, gone on behaving in uncivilized and barbarous ways, but what was once memorably called a 'decent respect for the opinion of mankind' has won its victories in this century, too. Great evils cannot now be launched and carried through without deliberate concealment, denial, or attempts at plausible justification. At least the beginnings of a structure of international law to defend notions of human right once shared by only a tiny minority of the human race are now visible. In July 1998 representatives of 120 nations agreed (even if those of the most powerful nation on earth did not) to set up a permanent international court to try war crimes and crimes committed against humanity. In the following year, the world witnessed the unprecedented fact of the highest of British courts of justice ruling that a former head of state was liable to extradition to another country to answer there charges of crimes alleged against him.2 Not all this century's changes have been for the worse. Nor would there be much point in merely lamenting tragic and terrible facts, in any case. We should seek also to measure their true impact. No doubt the historians of a century hence will see that some things are important that do not now seem to be, but we should try to draw our own conclusions. They must recognize that some events have changed millions of lives for the better, even if those aware of it have been far fewer than those who were affected. Even when such changes are sometimes very recent and have not yet come to bear with their full potential weight, or have yet still to show themselves explicitly, we have to make guesses about them in order to make sense of the past. No selection will please everybody and, like much else in historical writing, decisions about such matters are subjective and often highly personal; protestations of objectivity should be considered sceptically. 2

This was the former dictator of Chile, General Pinochet, whose extradition from the United Kingdom for crimes committed in his country after the 1973 coup had been sought by a Spanish magistrate. The first hearing of the case granted that the general could be extradited, but was then set aside as legally flawed. A second hearing then ruled that the general was indeed liable to extradition to answer charges in Spain, but only on those arising since 1988, when the British law on extradition had changed.

835

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That historical judgements can be challenged, though, is no reason not to make them. My own list (if that is what is expected) of the most influential changes of the twentieth century would in fact not be a long one. For all the important qualifications to be made in describing the complicated way in which it happened, first must come the simple fact of an unprecedented and revolutionary growth in the world's wealth; more people than ever before in history have had their lives materially enhanced in the last ioo years, the outstanding indicator being the rise in world population. Another distinctive change accompanying this has been a slow spreading of a dominant lifestyle, one of whose central and most paradoxical characteristics is to offer in many ways much greater choice to individuals. This has meant a new degree of shared experience. A further great change has been the huge outflowing of information which contributes to that sharing; the world is now understandable and 'transparent' (as the current jargon has it) as never before. Humanity is tied together in new ways by it. Not only is more information available more widely than ever before, it is available more swiftly. The media now transmit a greater volume of signals to larger audiences than ever, and do so with unprecedented speed. Democracy, in particular, appears to favour this as does no other political system (which does not mean, of course, that it does so in an obviously unqualified and wholly beneficial way) and the change in communications has made changes in lifestyle particularly obvious, for all the still substantial differences between even the cultures of the 'developed' world. Where the combination of a widely diffused information technology and democratic constitutional arrangements exists, it becomes more and more difficult to maintain old official and governmental practices of secrecy. But such change is not confined to well-governed countries and the implications of that are more and more difficult to weigh.3 The century has also made a 3

The Internet provides good examples. In 1994 a militant organization supporting the claims of peasants in the Mexican state of Chiapas attracted only minor notice until its leader, 'Subcommandante Marcos' (a faceless figure in a balaclava helmet, later revealed as a university lecturer), opened to it a whole new dimension of propaganda by issuing news bulletins and political messages in Spanish and English on the Internet from a laptop computer. Complaints have also been heard about the Internet's 'corrupting' influence in the Gulf States, where attention has been drawn

836

RETROSPECT

vast difference (even if much of it still remains only potential) to half the human race, to women. As for politics, the systematic relationships of the whole globe, its legal structure and institutions, have been revolutionized since 1901. Much of the machinery within which humanity long tried to solve its problems, its political instrumentation, as it were, has been swept away or radically transformed. The final outstanding change of the century seems to be cultural and psychological: the spread of the idea that human happiness is realizable on earth and human destiny manageable. That is by no means the same - or as consciously held an idea - as the old western doctrine of progress, though it can still look somewhat like it. It is overwhelmingly the product of the incremental influence of the natural sciences which now set our main intellectual orientations. In spite of the great transformations, though, the past, in the shape of both remembered and unremembered history, still clutters our lives. Even our exasperations are shaped by it. So much does not change that it can be difficult to measure - sometimes even to recognize - the great changes that have come about. It remains a matter for debate whether we have become a little more able to deal with the inertia of the past, so that it is consciously more managed and becomes part of the world we handle in other ways with such confidence. If that were to be true, we should perhaps reckon it to eclipse even the other great changes of this century in its importance. But at first sight it seems unlikely. Due allowance for the weight of history in our affairs, and therefore a better chance of mastering it, still often seems sadly to seek. We have all the more reason, therefore, to keep that weight in mind when trying to pin down the difference the twentieth century has made to humanity's view of its own powers.

to the reception of p*rnographic material on it. In 1998, too, there went on trial in Shanghai a prisoner charged with inciting the 'overthrow of state power', allegedly by supplying electronic addresses to the publisher of an electronic news-sheet; early in 1999 he was sentenced to two years' imprisonment.

837

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THE M Y T H O L O G Y OF HUMAN H A P P I N E S S A century ago, pain had still to be taken for granted. For all the small inroads made upon it by anaesthesia, it was regarded as inevitable even in the most advanced societies. Only a few optimists thought that humanity might eventually turn the corner to a painless future. Today, Utopians are even harder to find, yet it is as never before an accepted and everyday fact over much of the world that pain is more avoidable and is therefore more intolerable than ioo years ago. This is one of many paradoxical ways in which large numbers of people (and more than ever) know that things have changed, and sense that there can and probably will be still further change for the better. A spreading attitude of unquestioning, not very reflective, acceptance that human problems are in principle manageable or at least remediable is a major psychological transformation. It could hardly have been widely anticipated in 1901, even among the fortunate peoples of European origin. Yet it now seems an idea certain to outlast the European political hegemony which helped to spread it worldwide. To weigh the importance of such a change, we have to try to set aside for a moment our knowledge of other facts. It remains true, after all, that for most of their lives millions of human beings can rarely contemplate the future except with deep unhappiness and misgiving — and that is when they can summon up the energy to consider it at all, for they are often still going hungry. In the normal course of events, though, it is also true that many other millions do not go hungry, nor do they seem in any obvious danger of doing so. Indeed, more people than ever before can now take it for granted that they will never know real need. A smaller, but still large, number can even believe that their lives will grow steadily more enjoyable and will improve in other ways, too. Unsurprisingly, they tend to look forward to such a future as in the main one of increasing consumption of material goods they already enjoy in some degree. If they raise their eyes from self-absorption, they may even come to believe that others, as time goes by, will come to share their happy lot. Even a few centuries ago, this would have been true nowhere in the world. Perhaps it might be established statistically that now more people look to the future 838

RETROSPECT

with positive hope than used to be the case, but that could be going too far; millions of people still bow under the crushing and seemingly inescapable suffering imposed on them by bad government, poverty and disease. A change in mass outlook is most obvious in the rich societies that now consume a far greater share of the earth's resources than the rich could do even in the recent past. In the western world, for all our comparatively deprived minorities and underclasses, we are in this sense nowadays nearly all rich. It is not so long (about zoo years) since a typical Englishman would have been unlikely in the whole of his life to have had access to the means to travel more than a few miles from the place where he was born except on his own two feet. Only 150 years ago he would not have had assured supplies of clean water. A hundred years ago, he still faced a good chance of being crippled or even killed by a casual accident, or by the onset of a disease for which no remedy was known or existed, and for which no nursing care was available to him, while he and his family ate meagre meals so lacking in balance and nourishment (to say nothing of being dull and unappetizing) that their like is now eaten only by the poorest, and they could expect in their fifties and sixties (if they survived so long) the onset of a painful and penurious old age. Much the same could be said of other Europeans, North Americans, Australasians, Japanese and many others. The vast changes in expectations implied in such examples, though, have now spread far beyond the countries which might have been thought of as 'developed' when this century began. The enormous wealth-producing power of modern manufacture now floods the world with very visible and cheaply available benefits in the form of consumer goods. Combined with the spread of information about them, this new abundance has meant that things once sought only in the most advanced societies are increasingly available in the underdeveloped world, too. At the very least, this is true among its better-off city-dwellers. While all-toovisible differences between life in rich and poor societies now far transcend any such differences that existed in the past, this is in part because not long ago all were poor by today's standards. Millions of even the poorest now alive, though, can now glimpse possibilities of changes in their lot for the better. More important still, many of them 839

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CENTURY

have come to believe that such change can be sought, promoted and actually brought about. Most politicians tell them so. This has never happened before. It may still be too much to term such a change a revolution in human hopes, but it is now more evident in their behaviour than ever before that peoples and governments implicitly believe as a matter of fact that specific problems can be solved. Many go further and feel that, therefore, they will be. We may well feel sceptical about rearranging the world to increase the sum of human happiness when we remember some of the twentieth century's attempts at social engineering, or the unassimilable cultures, intransigent moralisms and tribal loyalties which show no signs of going away. Yet we all tend to behave as if more of our problems are in principle soluble or remediable. If this is true, we can surely think it a revolution in human attitudes. Its ultimate origins, of course, should not be sought only in the last ioo years. This century has only brought its consummation. Its deepest roots lie far, far back in those prehistoric millennia of slowly growing capacity to manipulate nature, when pre-human beings learnt to manage fire or to put an edge on a convenient piece of flint. The abstract idea that such manipulation might be possible must have taken shape only much more recently as the insight of at first only a few in certain crucial eras and cultural zones. But the idea is now commonplace; it has triumphed worldwide. We now take it for granted that people everywhere should and will begin to ask themselves why things remain as they are when they evidently might be made better. This idea is now held, vaguely and imprecisely, more widely than ever before. Our behaviour shows it.

M A S T E R Y OF THE M A T E R I A L W O R L D The exponential growth in material wealth evident in the last couple of centuries must surely have played a big part in giving humanity reasons to accept such an idea. That growth has rested on the increasing ability to manage the material world for which science provided the tools. Prophecies made a century ago about travel in space, implant surgery, nuclear power have long since become accepted realities. 840

RETROSPECT

Now science appears to offer even more. We stand at the edge of an era whose development may perhaps be directed and manipulated more fundamentally than ever (for instance, through genetic engineering). Some dimly glimpse a world ahead in which people will be able to commission (as it were) private futures to order, perhaps through genetic shaping of unborn offspring, perhaps through experience 'bought off the shelf as information technology becomes available to create a 'virtual reality' more perfect than actuality. It may be that people will be able to live more of their conscious lives, if they wish to do so, in worlds constructed to their order than in those that can be provided by ordinary sense-experience. Such perspectives may be exhilarating for some, but they are intimidating, too. They clearly have great potential for disorder and destabilization. Rather than indulging in speculation about them, it is best to reflect firmly on what we can see to have changed the inherited pasts this century once confronted. Changes in material well-being have, for instance, transformed politics by changing the circ*mstances in which politicians have to take decisions, the ways in which institutions operate, the distribution of power in society. In virtually no society nowadays can religion be expected to operate as it once did, as the intransigent turbulence within Islam shows. Science has accelerated and deepened such changes, not only by hugely enlarging the toolkit of knowledge humanity can use to grapple with nature, but through the direct and indirect exemplary effects it has had on the way thousands of millions think, the things they take for granted, their sense of what can be done. In this respect, whatever the century may or may not have done for political democracy, it has brought a great extension of practical freedoms. In a new awareness of possibilities lies the seed of a transformed view of human destiny, intended or not. If many more people now think that problems ought to have solutions than did in their grandparents' day, science, directly or indirectly, has done much to make them think so, and more, probably, than any other single force. It has provided our most impressive and concentrated expression of human potential; as a historical force, two great world wars cannot compare with it. Yet a starting-point only in 1901 provides a misleadingly short perspective. Since then, millions of us have had some 841

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elementary education in science, but it is hardly that which explains its worldwide prestige and influence. Its effects on mass thinking have only in a small measure been brought about by specific and formal propagation of its ideas and methods, for all their impact on the minds of some of the educated. Opinion has been changed much more by what science has appeared to do to produce growing well-being. Overwhelmingly western in their appearance on the world stage (in spite of early sallies by Asian civilizations), the expressions of scientific knowledge in better technology swiftly became global in their effect. In this century they have directly accounted for much of its huge increase in human numbers, for fundamental changes in the relationships of nations, for the rise and decline of whole sectors of the world economy, the tying of the world together by nearly instantaneous communication, and much more of its most revolutionary change. Much of this upheaval has excited unease, yet it has hardly dented the vague and optimistic expectancy in the minds of millions about what those who know can do to manage nature. Many relevant misgivings leave unconcerned the vast majority of mankind, which remains in blissful ignorance of them. It is only among the intellectual leadership of the richer societies that there has been some qualification of the confidence so evident in the first two-thirds or so of this century in human ability to manage the world through science and technology (rather than, say, through magic or religious ritual), and so to satisfy human wants. Perhaps such qualification will prove to have much further to go. Certainly we now face new knowledge of the fragility of our natural environment and its susceptibility to change for the worse. There is a new awareness that not all the apparent benefits derived from the manipulation of nature are without their costs, that some may even have frightening implications, and, more mundanely, that we do not yet possess the social and political skills and structures to ensure that humanity will put knowledge to good use. Discussion of public policy has only recently begun to give due weight to such concerns. Nevertheless, we can note progress. International agreements over the handling of the waste products of nuclear industry and international debate about the use of fossil fuels are now taken for granted. Attention to comparable matters could not have been 842

RETROSPECT

expected fifty years ago; it registers an important advance in collective awareness. It is of course crucial that faith in science has been based on real triumphs, not on illusion. If we now wish to qualify that faith, it is only because science itself has given us more knowledge to take into account. It is reasonable to say that if grave issues now face us, the human toolkit has not been shown to be exhausted in dealing with them. Even global warming, the depletion of the ozone layer, or the loss of ecological variety as the rainforest is destroyed do not imply any diminution in principle of humanity's power to rearrange the environment to suit itself.4 History is not going to end unless the human race is extinguished, either by natural disaster independent of human agency, or as a result of indulgence of our environmental folly without reflexion. We can leave to actuaries the calculation of the danger of such possibilities as collision with an asteroid, a change in planetary orbits or any of the other cosmological scenarios sometimes proposed as ways in which the world might come to an end. Selfdestruction of the human species seems improbable because the human being is a reflective, as well as a tool-making, animal. We are still some way from finishing ourselves off, even if interference with nature has already led without anyone intending it to the appearance of drug-resistant bacteria and viruses by mutation through natural selection in the changed environments we have brought into being. Problems just as great (for example, those of increasing food production to present levels) have been solved in the past. There are no grounds for believing that solutions to new problems will not in due course appear. At present the evidence remains overwhelming that human manipulative power has so far brought more good than harm to most human beings.

For instance, an international World Ocean Circulation Experiment will soon add to our power to predict climatic change, and promote the understanding of the role of the oceans as a sink for atmospheric carbon dioxide.

843

TWENTIETH

THE F I R S T W O R L D

CENTURY

CIVILIZATION

This does not mean, of course, that everyone finds progress (to invoke that contestable word) pleasant. Many have been sure that they do not. This century has confronted hundreds of millions of people with appalling upheavals. It has brought about sometimes cataclysmic disruptions of patterns in which people have traditionally grown up, entered work, founded families, grown old and died. Such facts continue to dramatize huge contrasts in human experience. There still exist societies and subdivisions even in rich nations, where prosperity seems unlikely for the visible future. Yet more humans than for many centuries now share similar experiences. This, too, must be central to the history of mental change in this century. Understandably, though, much of the content of this reality is so banal as to lie beneath the horizon of interest of most historians. Yet in most countries people are getting used to living in cities and over half the world's population now do so. If those cities are in developing societies they are increasingly liberated from physical differences of environment by the arrival of running water, electricity, public health provision, air-conditioning. All over the world those cities are similarly ordered (at least in aspiration) by similar traffic signals and policemen on point duty, increasingly have publicly-lit streets, studded with banks and shops, and in those shops there is a growing likelihood that much the same sort of things will be available, often, even under the same brand names; one can expect to buy many toothpastes worldwide though they were not invented very long ago. Men and women who do not share common languages use and service the same machines and derive the same or very similar advantages and disadvantages from their use. In Delhi and Djakarta, Säo Paulo and Paris alike the internal combustion engine has imposed its intolerable demands, inflicting similar strains and stresses. Satellite dish receivers for television programmes that are made to be broadcast internationally sprout like fungi on roofs and walls everywhere, even if those in Bombay are likely to be run up locally from recycled industrial waste, while those in Balham and Bordeaux are likely to be factory-made. There is a shared experience also of the poor, one of squalor, overcrowding, 844

RETROSPECT

defective or absent public services, economic precariousness and comparative deprivation. For all their ethnic or cultural differences, the material essentials of life in the slums of Cairo, Calcutta, Nairobi or Mexico City often look much the same. Material realities of such communality shape minds. They bring about a new sharing of mental signposts and assumptions. Information and popular entertainment are now increasingly produced for global consumption. Popular groups of musicians tour the world like (but much more easily and prosperously than) the troubadours who wandered about medieval Europe, presenting their songs and spectacles in different countries to audiences who turn up to hear them in large numbers. Samisen, sitar and gamelan now attract only minority (if often élite and enthusiastic) audiences; the electric guitar and drum kit draw the crowds everywhere. Young people, in particular, are losing sight of their distinctive cultural forms in the indulgence of tastes which bind them to other young people far away who have a little spare cash in their pockets — and there are millions more such than even a few years ago. The same movies are dubbed and subtitled to be shown worldwide on television to audiences that take away from them similar fantasies and dreams. At a quite different level, the language of democracy and human rights is now enlisted more widely than ever to pay at least lip-service to civilized ideals of what public life should be. Our new flood of factual information about the rest of the world is continually swollen and exploited to assure that sensibilities originally rooted in Europe, but increasingly presented as universal, are aroused to support what their promoters regard as unimpeachably reputable causes. Whatever governments do, they feel they must say increasingly that they believe in a version of democracy, the rule of law, human rights, equality of the sexes and much else. Only now and then is there a nasty jolt, an exposure of hypocrisies in practice, the revelation of an unacknowledged moral disagreement or a blunt rejection by a culture still resistant to contamination of its traditions and sensibilities. Human destinies are now linked round the world not only by such impalpable forces, and by the politics of formal organizations like the UN or the IMF, but by science and technology through their complex networks, by commercial and industrial organization and by material 845

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practice. Millions of fairly primitive agriculturists can now live in a world in which most of their contemporaries take such things as vapour trails high overhead, flickering television sets in bars, and plastic fibre garments for granted, though they need understand nothing of where they come from. Nor is this incompatible with the at first sight paradoxical fact that next door to fully developed societies, there are still parts even of Europe, let alone Africa and the Middle East or yet further afield, where it can be said that the twentieth century has yet fully to arrive, let alone that anticipations of the twenty-first have come into sight. In the Balkans in recent years the full repertoire of the barbarities of the Middle Ages has erupted anew; yet those who launch pogroms, murder, mass rape and intimidation against their ethnically different neighbours also wear clothes much like those of other Europeans. When they defend what they are doing, they mouth the same rhetoric of nationalism and self-determination as Irishmen and Frenchmen have done before them. When the overwhelming majority of mankind lived very close to the land which they tilled, wealth did not much separate one people from another, although religion, costume, language might well do so. But now new contrasts have opened up, too. The gravest in the world today are between the lives of the poor in different countries; even the unemployed in Germany or Great Britain have access to wealth unimaginable to the poor of the Sudan.5 Generalization often seems fruitless. For all the advances of this century, their benefits are very unequally shared - and, revealingly but strangely, that makes more people unhappy than once was the case. Yet even our inequalities, and the variety still to be found in the world, have been shaped by general processes and facts. These include a central paradox: in a century that has seen the disappearance of European hegemony in all its institutional embodiments, the civilization Europe originated has made silent conquests as never before, even when its own core values seem fatally sapped by relativism and while it has been deeply traumatized by psychological shock from the revelation within itself of human capacity for evil on a horrifying 5

For broader, but also more specific discussion of such themes, see R. Rapoport,

Families, Children, and the Quest for a Global Ethic (Aldershot, 1997). 846

RETROSPECT

scale. Debates about an 'enduring' Europe, focused on certain core values and concepts unchanging and unchanged by history, are beside the point here. The continuities to be traced in the historical fact of Europe have always taken different forms at different times. Europe has always been in process, being made and remade, reformanda, one thing at one time, one at another, a place where important things have happened. From that place have emerged forces which changed other civilizations and created new cultures. No longer Europedominated, the world's politics are still organized intellectually around European ideas, however qualified and obscured in practice, just as the world's intellectual orientation is increasingly organized around the science created in Europe. On any count, these remain profoundly important facts, major determinants of human thinking and behaviour. Europe having been from the sixteenth century increasingly the source of forces that changed the rest of the world irreversibly, most complaints about 'Eurocentrism' in modern history are beside the point. The Europe at present in the forefront of discussion and scrutiny is important, too, even if not yet, perhaps, so important as it might be. It is in a drifting phase of internal fluidity and reorganization; its cultural past is not what people think about when the politicians negotiate. Yet the historical past — what Europeans did to shape the world - is inescapably involved in explaining the world today. It is a part of world history that can only cease to be an incubus if it is consciously recognized as an influence. After all, one of Europe's most terrible gifts to the world has been the seemingly unstoppable revolution in human expectations. This may well be why there now seem to be so many fewer plausible ways of seeing the world than there were in 1901. Quite distinctive perceptions of present and past could then exist which owed nothing to European or western culture. Without straining their credulity, Chinese could then still think of a (temporarily disrupted) world order normally centred on a universal monarchy in Peking sustained by a divine mandate. Few Muslims a century ago needed to find much place in their thinking for the abstract idea of the state and found the distinction of believer and non-believer far more significant. Hundreds of millions of Africans and Asians found no difficulty in doing without 847

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any conception of science. 'Westerners' saw the world as 'civilized' and 'uncivilized' with as much unconcern as Englishmen could distinguish in their national game between 'Gentlemen' and 'Players'. Such sharp disparities have now been much eroded; some of these world-outlooks have disappeared altogether. Whatever remains of the emotional strength of the Chinese intellectual's sense of cultural superiority, he now talks the language of liberalism or Marxism. Even in Jeddah and Teheran, thoughtful Muslims have to confront a tension between the pull of tradition and the need to have at least some mental acquaintance with the dangerous temptations of an alien modernism. Of course, other parts of the world have their pasts to deal with. India sometimes seems schizophrenically torn between the values of the secular democracy its leaders envisaged in 1947 and its own. When the rulers of North Korea attempt to blend technological modernization and Marxism with unavowed Confucian values, their ambition testifies to the still important role of other pasts than the western in the world's memory. But the world has remembered more of what happened in Europe because, for good or ill, that settled so much of the world's fate. As the century closes, there is once again debate about what Europe may be, could be, should be, is; clearly the continent may not so obviously influence the rest of the world in a future where so much power has gravitated to Washington and Beijing. But whether it will do so or not is not the business of historians. They need not speculate about the future but should try to clarify the past. If we need a reminder, the miseries of shattered Yugoslavia alone surely should persuade us how much history can still clutter up our present.

TODAY'S POLITICAL WORLD Except for a few metaphysically inclined persons who know the way History — often capitalized — is going, almost no one now seeks to justify government in ways still very widely accepted in 1901. Hardly anyone now appeals to indefeasible dynastic right, heredity, prescriptive authority or many other things then taken for granted in the way public life was run round the world. The greatest exception to this statement is, of course, the continuing vigour of the appeal to national848

RETROSPECT

ism, not just a successful idea surviving from the nineteenth century, but one whose success has been consummated virtually worldwide since the twentieth began. Our most comprehensive international (a significant word) organization is called the United Nations. Its predecessor was a League of Nations. The units of an integrating Europe are the historic nations thrown up by its past. The old colonial empires have dissolved into scores of new nations. Many existing national states are still trying to justify their own existence to minorities which themselves claim to be nations, and therefore to have the right to break away and rule themselves. Where those minorities wish to break up the states which contain them — as do many Basques, Kurds, Québécois, for example - they speak in the name of unachieved nationhood. The nation seems to have been supremely successful in satisfying thirsts other remedies cannot reach; it has been the great creator of modern community, sweeping aside class and religion, giving a sense of meaning and belonging to those who feel adrift in a modernizing world in which older ties are weakened and decayed. It has been the greatest of myth-makers, a mover of men and women, shaking up history and imagined history with their hopes, resentments and fears in potent co*cktails of destructive excitement, the greatest single conscious force in the politics of history's most revolutionary century. Nationalism has usually been able to underwrite a second-order argument legitimating public authority which was already articulated and familiar in 1901, but which has been much more commonly invoked since. This is the claim that the state delivers public — or at least generally desired - benefits. In a narrow sense, the moral authority of states has always in a measure rested on a claim to deliver public good, if only in the minimal form of order. Whether they can actually do so, or, indeed, actually deliver any such good at all, has, of course, by no means always been clear. Marxist orthodoxy used to argue, and in a few places still does, that the state is a machine for ensuring the domination of a class and, as such, will disappear when overtaken by the march of History. Even Marxist regimes, though, have not always behaved as if these things were true. As for the idea that a state might be a private possession of a dynasty or an individual serving private interests, it is now everywhere disavowed, whatever 849

TWENTIETH CENTURY

the actualities of government in Indonesia, the Philippines or many other places may have been at times in the last half-century. Even when there is disagreement or debate about exactly what are the benefits the state should provide in specific instances, modern justifications of government rest at least implicitly on its claim to be able to provide them, often in the form of the protection of national interests. Forms still somewhat disguise this; perhaps we should revert to oaths of allegiance like those of medieval Aragon which specified a contract between government and governed. As for constitutional forms, there now survive few of the monarchies so prominent in 1901.6 The sovereign state in its other forms (mainly republican, at least in name) is taken for granted, nonetheless, as it still was not in many places even a century ago. This has been largely a mechanical consequence of one great process, the breaking-up of empires. That new states had to come into being to replace them was scarcely questioned at any stage. Trusteeships under first the League of Nations mandates and then under the United Nations were seen as only interim arrangements, preparing countries for national sovereign independence. The assumption when the first mandates were set up in 1919 was not yet that such independence need be linked to democracy, though a tie between self-determination and that constitutional style tended in Europe to be taken for granted in the new nations emerging from the Great War. It was not until the collapse of the USSR, after almost a half-century of dissolving other empires, that the global generalization of the language of sovereignty of the people, representative institutions and the separation of powers reached its greatest extent. Already by 1990, most of the world (and all major countries except the United Kingdom) had written constitutions whose very existence would have represented the limits of radical aspiration in 1901. In practice, of course, this did not always mean much. It has often been pointed out that the presence of the word 'democratic' or 'democracy' in the name of a state is almost always a warning sign that it is run as a dictatorship or oligarchy. Yet the extension of democratic 6

Currently, ten in Europe (not counting either the co-principate of Andorra or the Vatican), eleven in Asia (counting Malaysia and the United Arab Emirates as collective entities), and four in Africa.

850

RETROSPECT

institutions during this century has been more than formal; democracy and constitutional liberty have won their victories, some comparable in extent to those of nationalism. The chief institutional effect of the European impact on international life has nonetheless been a general reorganization of it as a system of national, sovereign and usually republican states. This began to appear likely in the nineteenth century; it has been completed in the twentieth. While Europe at home was meanwhile reconstructing its own internal arrangements, eradicating or marginalizing archaic and hybrid forms, the state machinery that it had invented - professional bureaucracies, standing armed services, police, taxation systems - began to spread overseas to its dependencies, former dependencies and imitators. This came about sometimes through adoption, more often through imposition by imperial rulers. It was soon taken to be an inevitable concomitant of modernization. Furthermore, the states that are the result are now organized as were none of their predecessors in elaborate systems and relationships which are much more than the flimsy tissues of alliances and associations for technical matters which in 1901 barely foreshadowed what was to come. Now, 185 states belong to the United Nations Organization.7 But there are many other groupings for specific activities or areas to impose significant restraints upon - or give new opportunities to - the states that belong to them. Even the regional examples differ greatly in their structure and the difference they make to international behaviour. The EU, ASEAN and OAU, for example, mean very different things to their members. Some (like OECD) are functional but general. Some like OPEC or the International Telecommunications Satellite Organization are highly specialized, and all, of course, vary greatly in their degree of effectiveness. Some are supra-regional, like NATO, which at times has looked as if it is evolving into more than the conventional military alliance in which it began, or the protean former British Commonwealth. There are now so many such organizations that most of us do not know what their acronyms stand for; we are puzzled and perhaps a little oppressed to be told that, for 7

The Holy See and the Swiss Confederation also have permanent observer status in it, while the Palestine Liberation Organization was granted a special observer status.

851

TWENTIETH

CENTURY

example, S APT A was launched by S A ARC in 1995.8 The spread of this luxuriant undergrowth to international affairs makes obsolete, nonetheless, any notion that they can form a game played by independent and autonomous players operating without restraint except that of individual interest as interpreted by Realpolitik.9 It is only at first sight a paradox that substantial inter-state structures should have emerged from a century in which more blood has been shed by states in quarrels with one another than ever before. After all, some of those structures (the League, UNO) emerged immediately and directly from such violence as responses to it, and as attempts to control it. International law now, partly in consequence, reaches further into the practical control of states' behaviour than ever before, for all the notorious examples which remain of failure to comply with it. Meanwhile, empire, another dominating feature of the regulatory landscape of international affairs in 1901, has virtually disappeared. We can ignore the relatively tiny vestiges of overseas territories still under the sovereignty of former imperial powers, and even the reassertion of the ancient claims of China over lands (such as Tibet) long regarded as dependent, and recent examples of outright aggression such as those of Indonesia in the 1960s and 1970s in East Timor (which the United Nations still reckons to be under Portuguese sovereignty). These are all manifestly eccentric to the general collapse of the great systems of territorial domination still covering so much of the world in 1901. With empire, though, went its helpfulness as a force for containing potential disorder. This is linked to other great transformations. Though the empires of, say, China, Persia and the Ottoman Sultan were still in place in 1901 and had been for many centuries, most of the imperial surface of the globe had been accumulated since 1500 in European hands. They were expressions of that 8

Once again, the complaint of Voltaire, two and a half centuries ago, comes irresistibly to the mind of the reader of general history: 'what is it to me if one king replaces another on the banks of the Oxus and Jaxartes?' - but a little unfairly, perhaps. 9 A recent commentator on the present plight of Africa (R. C. Kent, in The World Today (Vol. 55, p.9) suggests that government is actually in decline as a component of the structures of authority in that continent, and that 'governments will increasingly vie for authority with other groupings' — some functional, some merely expressive of organized violence.

852

RETROSPECT

largely (though not solely) white domination of history that has also disappeared as a political fact. This disappearance is sometimes masked by the appearance in this century for the first time in history of one superpower able to deploy its strength worldwide in defence of its interests and pursuit of its goals. But there has also been renewed an old power focus in Asia (potentially, too, one of superpower if that means a worldwide potential of projection) through the revolutionary resurgence of China, as well as the slow consolidation of a much richer and potentially more powerful Europe than ever before, now virtually without territorial possession outside its own continent, and by the emergence of new centres of economic strength in the Far East, above all, in Japan. Some might claim the slowly growing political integration of Latin America with the larger world community as another positive element in a new world order which was in almost all its specifics unimaginable in 1901. Among its negative features remain the persistent problems set by the disappearance of old empires not replaced by new ones. The Ottoman empire crumbled away finally in the Great War and its aftermath, but those who dispute the spoils have gone marching on in the new Balkan wars of Yugoslavia, and the succession struggles of the Near and Middle East which as yet show no sign of a conclusive end or of effective management of their disorder by outsiders. Russia rules today less territory than she has done for three centuries. The collapse first of her empire, even in its post-tsarist and strengthened form under the USSR until that, too, slid into dissolution, has provided another example of a part of the world where the danger of postimperial disorder remains and may not be easily manageable. It is not only in international disorder, though, that dangers lurk in the aftermath of empire. Social breakdown may now well be what lies ahead for Algeria or Macedonia, and perhaps for Egypt. As for sub-Saharan Africa, only in the republic of South Africa have there been, so far, good grounds for hoping that ordered and effective government might follow the ending of empire. In these circ*mstances, some have been much troubled by what might be called an Islamic factor in world politics, difficult though it is to assess. Premonitions of change from this quarter could be detected 853

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CENTURY

early in the twentieth century. They have assumed a more worrying aspect for some commentators since 1950. The numbers alone are striking. Nigeria, largest of African states, has 50 million Muslim inhabitants. Indonesia, largest of Islamic states, has nearly 200 million. All Muslim societies have burgeoning populations. Some have significant military resources. Some are still outstandingly wealthy. Yet for practical purposes Islamic unity has so far proved a mirage. Most Muslims in the world do not understand Arabic. Even in the Arabicl*terate lands so often thought of as the heart of Islam they seem unable to unite either to grapple with the Palestine problem left behind by the Ottoman collapse, or with their own social and economic difficulties. It is clearer that great potential for disorder and even international danger are to be found in the Islamic world than that Islam has a role as a force in international affairs such as some Muslims have dreamed of. It cannot even be confidently alleged that some of the forces sustaining present turbulence will be with us for ever. Oil no longer looks like the resource-earner it was in the 1970s and even demographic trends will not go on indefinitely in the same way. Still more to the point, Islamic societies are far too temptingly open to misinterpretation by outsiders as culturally hom*ogeneous. No more than the mythological 'West' of the popular sermons of the mosques can Islam be identified convincingly as a coherent, discrete, neatlybordered civilization. Like the 'West' it is an abstraction, a useful shorthand for expository purposes, and we should not be seduced by our own choice of language. Many Muslims, including some of a devout cast of mind, seek a footing in two worlds, committed in a measure to both western and Islamic ideals. Each world represents a historical centre of dynamism, a source of energies; yet it looks as if, until now, this is more true of western civilization, however defined, than of any possible reading of Islam. Possibly the most evident contrast presently separating the two is the West's long-established cultural predilection for the display and exercise of self-criticism and its capacity to adapt, as well as its provision of men and women within its sphere with a capacity to live with a growing relativism of values as no other civilization has ever done.

854

RETROSPECT

CONCLUSION The fact which runs through every one of this century's changes in the basic assumptions and structures of world politics is that they all reflect in different ways the change to a post-European phase of world history. It is now much harder than it was in 1901 to guess the sources from which future impulses to dynamic change will come. It is clear, though, that they cannot come so overwhelmingly and decisively (as they did for three or four centuries) from Europe. In that brief period, Europe wrought a world revolution. It did so not only through political, military and economic power, but through the superior cultural energy of a civilization. The result was a process interlinking all parts of the globe evident in the last 100 years. Much of its meaning is still being revealed. The contemplation of that history, it seems fair to guess, will continue to engage and fascinate people. We may like to recall for the last time in these pages, though, that the end of one of the centuries into which the Christian dating system arbitrarily divides the past has no significance, nor has any supposedly millennial year, except that of convention and convenience. The only thing we know will differentiate the year we call 2000 from that called 1999 (when this sentence is being written) is that there will then be still more to look back upon. Once again, too it is worthwhile recalling what Burckhart said about history being what one age finds remarkable in another. The events of the twentieth century will go on acquiring new meanings as they drop below the horizon of memory and future generations start to wonder about their inheritances. There is an irreducible selfcentredness about all but the most specialized and specifically academic historical enterprises. In the end, all we can do at this moment is to look back upon years virtually coterminous with the lives of the oldest amongst us, establish facts about them, analyse their connexions and disjunctions, and search them for guidance about what it is that made our lives turn out as they have done. This is a serious enough task and one all the harder because facts become so much more difficult to manage when they are so plentiful and when those that look important at first sight change and disappear at an ever-quickening 855

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CENTURY

rate. Personal experience, that tempting prop, vividly adds its own dangers of distortion. Moreover, the borders of that experience have changed so much in recent years that it is often hard to discern at all, let alone define exactly, what is being experienced in the first true age of mass communication. We must expect our experience, as well as our history, to be revalued. At least it is clear, though, that the recent or contemporary historian will be wise to stay away from taking as facts things that people have put together for expository or dialectical purposes of their own (hypostatization or reification, in the fashionable jargon). History will never be fixed. It is best to be cautious of fixed claims about it, and especially of talk about irresistible trends, or of an end to history. As a cultural activity, the study of history sometimes seems best seen as a maid-of-all-work, looking after our moral and political hygiene by cleaning up our views on what has happened to humanity and what human beings have done. It can disperse illusions, open up new perspectives, reveal obstacles to our desires and aspirations which would be dangerous if left in the shadows. It is not celebration, nor indictment, enjoyable though both those activities are. That we must not expect too much of history is, in fact, one clear lesson which can be drawn from thinking even about just the twentieth century - as it can, of course, be drawn just as well from thinking about any of those that preceded it.

856

Appendix: The Exploration of Space

1903

Konstantin Tsiolkovsky (1857-1935) publishes paper on rocket space travel using liquid propellants.

1933

1 May: Tsiolkovsky predicts that many Soviet citizens will live to see the first space flights.

1944

German rockets bombard London and Antwerp.

1954

President Eisenhower announces a small scientific satellite, Vanguard, will be launched 1957-8.

1957

1 July: Launch of Sputnik 1 (USSR), weight 184 lb. 3 November: Launch of Sputnik 2 (USSR), weight 1,120 lb, with the dog Laika as passenger.

95 8

3 1 January: Launch of Explorer (USA) and discovery of Van Allen radiation belts. 17 March: Launch of Vanguard 1 (USA), weight 3% lb. The first satellite with solar batteries.

1959

13 September: Luna 2 (USSR) crashes on moon, the first manmade object to arrive there. 10 October: Luna 3 (USSR) photographs far side of moon.

i960

11 August: Discoverer 13 (USA) recovered after first successful re-entry to atmosphere. 19 August: Sputnik 5 (USSR) orbits earth with two dogs which return unharmed.

1961

12 April: Major Yuri Gagarin (USSR) orbits the earth. 25 May: President Kennedy commits USA to landing man on moon by 1970.

857

APPENDIX

6 August: Vostok 2 (USSR) makes seventeen orbits of earth. 1962

10 July: Launch of Telstar (USA) and first television pictures transmitted across the Atlantic. 20 February: First manned orbited space flight.

1965

18 March: On Vokshod 2 mission (USSR) Alexey Leonov makes a ten-minute 'walk in space'. 2 May: Early Bird commercial communication satellite (USA) first used by television. 15 December: Launch of Gemini 6 (USA), which makes rendezvous with Gemini 7, the two craft coming within a foot of one another.

1966

July-November: Gemini missions 10,11,12 (USA) all achieve 'docking' with 'Agena' vehicle.

1967

27 January: First deaths in US programme.

1968

2 1 - 7 December: Apollo 8 (USA) makes first manned voyage round moon.

1969

14-2.7 January: Soyuz 4 and 5 (USSR) dock in space and exchange passengers. 16-21 July: Apollo 11 (USA) lands three men on the moon, Neil Armstrong, Michael Collins, and Edwin Aldrin. Armstrong and Aldrin subsequently emerge from their vehicle to walk on the moon.

1971

April: First Soviet space station put in orbit. 7 June: Three men put aboard it and remain there for three weeks.

1973

14 May: First US space station (Skylab) put in orbit.

1975

Apollo-Soyuz rendezvous successfully achieved.

1976

20 July: Viking 1 lands on Mars and transmits the first pictures of the planet's surface.

1979

5 March: Voyager I (launched 1977) and Voyager II make closest approach yet to Jupiter. 19 August: Russian cosmonauts Ryumin and Lyakhov return to earth after longest stay yet (175 days) in space.

1981

1 2 - 1 4 April: Maiden flight of US Space Shuttle, the first reusable manned spacecraft. August: Voyager II reaches Saturn after four years in flight. 858

APPENDIX

1984

First repair of a satellite in orbit, and rescue of others for return to earth and reuse.

1986

28 January: US Challenger explodes shortly after take-off with loss of entire crew of seven.

1990

24 April: The Hubble Space Telescope (weighing eleven tons) put into earth orbit by US Space Shuttle Discovery.

1995

22 March: Cosmonaut Polyakov returns to earth after spending 437 days in space on Mir space station. June: US shuttle Atlantis comes close enough to Mir for crews to shake hands and exchange gifts through an airlock.

997

4 J u ly : Landing of Sojourner, a roving machine, on Mars and beginning of the planet's terrestrial exploration. 7 December: Galileo (US) arrives at Jupiter.

1998

20 November: Launch and successful uniting (in December) of first sections of International Space Station.

859

Index

Page numbers in bold denote major section/chapter devoted to subject, t denotes table, n denotes note at bottom of page. Aaland Islands 277 aborigines, Australian 95 abortion 112, 636 acid rain 582 Adenauer, Konrad 491 Afghanistan 82, 193 GDP 588 and Islam 688 Soviet intervention and occupation (1979) 685, 733, 741, 746, 748 struggle of muhjaheddin against communist government 688, 743 withdrawal of Soviet forces 751 Africa 12, 734-8, 853 agriculture 527 aid to 737 Christian missionaries 99 civil wars and struggles after independence 534-5 colonial rule and impact 82, 89-90, 96-100, 524, 526, 527-8 conference of colonies (1944) (Brazzaville) 467

decline of Ottoman empire's control in 231 decolonization in 521, 523, 525, 5 2 8 - 3 1 , 534 drought and famines 537 economy 524, 536-7, 737 and France 88-9, 97, 99-100, 190, 521, 529-30 impact on Europe of imperialism in 99-100 and OAU 536, 734, 737, 851 population growth 43t, 524, 528, 537, 737 and Portugal 97, 100, 523, 530, 531,533 pre-independence 5 2 4 - 8 problems 737 recession of polygamy 638 and Second World War 526-7: offence in North Africa 424, 425, 426 and structural adjustment programmes 537 see also individual countries African National Congress see ANC

861

INDEX

Afrikaner Nationalist Party 736 Afrikaners 107, 108, 110, 531 agriculture 47, 340 and Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) 702-3, 809, 813 costs of advances in 119 development of 117-18 eastern Europe 752 effect of Great War on 279, 281 evolution of new strains of cereals 118 fall in prices in 1930s 287 and fertilizers 118 reforms lead to rural unrest 287 transformation of by machinery and technology 118-19 aid programmes 596-7 AIDS (acquired immunodeficiency syndrome) 568 aircraft 128-9 airships 128, 560 Alaska 103 Albania 705, 801-2 creation of independent 154, 204 economy and financial scandal 801 emigration of Albanians to Italy 801-2 and Soviet Union 446, 492, 651 Alexander II, Tsar 163 Alexander, King of Yugoslavia 780 Al-Fatah 680-81 Algeciras conference (1906) 192 Algeria 691, 744-5 bloodletting after independence 744 economic decline 744 and France 94, 483, 526-7, 530:

conquest of by (1830) 89; independence granted by (1962) 540, 549, 744; war against 521, 523, 540, 543-4» 547-9, 706-7 installation of authoritarian regime (1991) 745 and Islam 688, 745 massacres and terrorism 769-70 oil and gas production 525 population growth 744 problems faced 744-5 Ali, Mehemet 65, 232 Alliance for Progress 661-2, 692 American Civil War (1861-5) 54, 67, 246 'Americanization' 609 Amur River Society (Black Dragon Society) 212 anarchists 146-7, 149 Anatolia 308, 309, 345 ANC (African National Congress) 527, 736, 737 ancien régime 8, io, 11 Anglo-Irish agreement (1985) 786 Angola 531 civil war 533, 734, 736, 738 and Portugal 97, 530, 533 and South Africa 735 Anschluss 406 Antarctica 28 apartheid 532, 734, 735 appeasem*nt, notion of 407 Arab League 484 Arab states (Arabs) 304, 305 and Ba'ath party 542 and communism 307 conflict with Israel see Israel: Arab/Israeli conflict contrasts between 542

862

INDEX

and Jews 539-43 national per capita incomes 603 nationalism 232, 307-8, 484, 486, 542 and oil 679 revolt against Ottoman empire during Great War 264 Arafat, Yassir 680, 681, 824, 825 Argentina 75, 373, 375, 376 authoritarian rule by soldiers 692 and Chile 76 and Falklands war 789 and Great War 252 and Perón 655 population growth 115 wealth 76 and women's vote 631 aristocracy 145 Armenia 262, 2 9 2 - 3 , 308, 309 arms control see nuclear weapons Armstrong, Neil 572 arts xviii-xix, 323-5 ASEAN 851 Asia 1 1 - 1 2 , 345-7 change and perceptions of change 207-10 cultures 494-5 decolonization 468-9, 478-9, 481, 494, 522 European imperialism in 101-2, 236, 494 and Great War 345, 346 and peace settlements 3 5 2 - 4 population 43, 585t resistance to European control 210, 478 see also individual countries assembly line 606-7 astrology 618-19 Atatiirk see Kemal, Mustafa

Atlantic Charter (1941) 4 2 1 - 2 , 429, 466 Australia 26, 55, 9 3 - 4 , 441 effect of white settlement on aborigines 95 and Japan 518, 727-8 and Second World War 424 Austria annexation of by Germany (1938) 406 division of by occupied forces 440 re-emergence as independent state 492, 705 Austria-Hungary (Dual Monarchy) 161, 162, 281 annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina 184, 196-8, 199-200, 202 collapse 274 and Great War 242, 260-61, 265 industrialization 163 and Magyars 54, 163, 183, 239 and Russia 177, 182, 196-7, 198, 199-200 and Serbia 183, 198, 205, 238 Triple Alliance with Germany and Italy 178, 179, 185 war with Serbia 2 4 1 - 2 authoritarianism 316-18, 627 and Latin America 317, 375, 654-5, 692 Azerbaijan 2 9 2 - 3 , 444, 452, 759 Ba'ath socialist movement 542, 690 Bahrain 770 Balfour Declaration (1917) 263-4, 484, 825 Balkan wars (1912-13) 203-6 First 203-4 Second 204-6

863

INDEX

Balkans 102, 182, 184, 186, 194, 243, 846 Baltic states 317, 416, 440, 759 see also Estonia; Latvia; Lithuania Bandung meeting (1955) 501 Bangladesh aid to 597 creation of 499, 620 population 586t Barbarossa operation 417-18 Batista, F. 657 Battle of the Atlantic 415, 4 2 5 - 6 Battle of Britain 416 Bavaria 290 'Bay of Pigs' operation (1961) 658, 660 BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation) 133, 319 Becquerel, Henri 33 behaviourism 616-17 Belgium 785 and Congo 97, 100, 530, 531, 534-5 Bell, Andrew Graham 130 Bengal 228-30, 474 Bergen-Belsen concentration camp 428 Beria, Lavrenti 647 Berlin anti-Soviet riots in East (1953) 650 blockade and airlift (1948-9) 463-4 prosperity of West 653 Berlin Wall building of (1961) 653-4 collapse of (1989) 761, 762 Bessarabia 416 Bethmann-Hollweg, Chancellor 254

Bevin, Ernest 455 Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) 818, 819 biology 565 biotechnology 566 birth control 112, 635 see also contraception birth rates 112 Bismarck, Chancellor 54, 7 3 - 4 , 152, 160, 177, 178 blacks, in United States see blacks Boer War see South African War Bolivia 376-7, 656, 661, 662 Bolsheviks 150, 257, 259, 288-9, 292, 294-5, 4^2. Bosnia annexation of by AustriaHungary (1908) 184, 196-8, 199-200, 202 crisis in (1992-95) 799-801, 827 fighting between Muslims and Serbs (1991) 783 Bosnia-Herzegovina 783 Bosnian Serbs 184, 799, 800, 801, 802 Botha, P.W. 734-5 Botswana 737 Boxer rebellion (1900) 61, 175, 207, 212, 215, 216 Boy Scout movement 642 Brandt report (1980) 596, 602 Brandt, Willy 709 Brazil 75, 374, 376 authoritarian rule by soldiers 692 economy and GDP 588t, 694 natural resources 76 population growth 115, 586t and Second World War 654 Brest-Litovsk treaty (1918) 258, 283, 295

864

INDEX

empire 261, 262, 263; trade 252 and Greece 449, 450, 452, 4 5 3 - 4 , 464 and Hong Kong 793-4 and India see India: British rule inflation 714 invasion of Tibet (1904) 24, 101, 215 and Iran 311, 540 and Japan: alliance with (1902) 189, 191, 209, 211, 2 1 2 - 1 3 , 214, 236; ending of alliance

Bretton Woods conference (1944) 442, 590, 602 Brezhnev, Leonid 651-2, 753 death (1982) 748 doctrine 651-2, 7 5 3 - 4 Britain 400-401, 446, 7 1 3 - 1 5 , 789-90 and Africa 97, 100, 528-9 agriculture 120 Anglo-Russian convention (1907) 193 annexation of Cyprus (1914) 304 appeasem*nt policy towards Germany 397, 407 aristocracy 145 and Burma 101, 220, 441 and Depression 343 economy and GDP 4 5 3 - 4 , 588t,

3°7 5 359 and Latin America 373-4 life expectancy at birth 114 and Middle East 305-6 and monarchy 57, 154 and Moroccan crisis (1905) 192-3 and Moroccan crisis (1911) 202 nationalism 1 5 3 - 4 and Northern Ireland 715, 786 nuclear weapons 660 and oil 714 and Palestine 263, 305, 306, 345-6, 482, 485 political crisis (1911) 155 power of in nineteenth century 180 Second World War 415-16, 440-41: and Atlantic Charter 4 2 1 - 2 , 429, 466; and Battle of Britain 416; casualties 432; declaration of war on Germany 410; guarantees to Poland and Romania 407, 408; preparations 408 shift of power away from in aftermath of war 440-41 social reform 401

714 and Egypt see Egypt emigration from 43, 46 and Europe 714, 790: EEC 702, 707, 708, 714; ERM 807; Maastricht 805; and monetary union 811; view of integration 706 and Falklands war (1982) 789 falling behind other countries in wealth 713 first women magistrate appointed (1913) 174 and France 181, 329, 396-7: Anglo-French agreement (1904) 189-91 and Great War 242, 248: blockade 253; casualties suffered 253; conscription 250; debts to United States 280; declaration of war on Germany 242; and Ottoman

865

INDEX

Britain - cont. and South African War 108-9, 179-80, 187-8 and Soviet Union 293, 332 state intervention 155 strength of 177 and Thatcher 7 1 4 - 1 5 , 789-90 threat to naval supremacy by Germany 183-4, 2 ° 2 trade 50-51 widening of electorate 284, 319 and women's vote 631 British Broadcasting Corporation see BBC British Colonial Development and Welfare Fund 528 British Commonwealth of Nations 469 British empire 88-9, 101, 102 colonies 9 3 - 4 decline 85-6 Brüning, Chancellor 393 Brussels Treaty (1948) 696 Buddhism 17 Bulganin, Nikolai 647, 662 Bulgaria 53 alliance with Serbia (1912) 203 and Balkan war 204, 205 elections (1991) 762 and Great War 248 Burma 87 agriculture 120 and Britain 101, 220, 441 and independence (1948) 474n, 481 Japanese occupation of 424, 468, 471 military rule 474n Cambodia 494, 626, 678, 794 and France 2 2 1 , 507

GDP 588 and Pol Pot 61 ¿n Vietnam war extended to 675 Cameroons 526 Canada 55, 67, 9 3 - 4 , 95 cancer 568 CAP see Common Agricultural Policy capitalism 149-50 car industry 10, 127-8, 605-6 carbon dioxide, in atmosphere 582 Cardenas, President 376 Carranza, Venustiaso 372 Carter, President Jimmy 683-4, 685, 740 Castro, Fidel 657-8, 660-61 Catholicism see Roman Catholic Church cavity magnetron, invention of 560 CCP (Chinese Communist Party) 359 breakdown in relations with KMT 362-3, 385 conflict with KMT in civil war 358, 381, 382,475-6 cooperation with KMT 359-61, 382, 383, 475 and peasants 361-2, 381-2, 476 victory in civil war 477 Ceausescu, Nicolae 651, 652 cells 565 'centuries' 3 - 4 Ceylon 481 Chaco War (1932-35) 376-7 Challenger 579 Chamberlain, Neville 406, 407 Charles, Emperor 265 Chechnya 777 Cheka 295 Chen Tu-hsiu 348-9

866

INDEX

communists 477, 505; winning over of peasants to communism 361-2, 381, 476 communism 354-6 Communist Party see CCP and Confucianism 17, 347, 383, 640 contrast with India 730 and Cultural Revolution (1966-76) 719-2-0, 72-1, 72-3> 791 dang an system 625 demotion of intellectuals 720 development of revolutionary movements 216-17, 218 early cultural prestige and influence in east Asia 495 earthquakes (1971) 722 economic growth and social consequences 793 economic problems 794, 814 European imperialism in 59, 101, 215 famine 119 female infanticide 112, 116 fighting with India over Tibetan border 500, 510 foot-binding 13 formation of People's Republic of (1949) 477-8, 481 Great Leap Forward 506-7, 513, 514, 720, 723 and Great War 347, 349, 352 and Hong Kong 519, 793-4 'Hundred Days of Reform' (1898) 60-61 and Indo-China 507 and Indonesia 504 industry 506, 792-3 and Japan see Japan

Chernobyl disaster (1986) 578-9 Chiang Kai-shek 360, 362-3, 381, 477, 512, 640 Chile 376, 662, 818, 835n and Argentina 76 and Falklands war 789 growth in wealth 76 military coup (1973) and authoritarian rule 692-3 nitrates market 373 China 52, 54, 58-61, 214-19, 474-8, 495, 504-7, 577, 7 1 9 - 2 1 , 791-5, 814-16, 852 abolishment of imperial examination system (1905) 217-18 admission to United Nations (1971) 676, 723 agriculture and land reform 506, 794 austerity programme imposed (1989) 795-6 belief that emperor was ruler of the world 58-9 Boxer rebellion (1900) 61, 175, 207, 212, 215, 216 changes in after Mao's death 722-3 changes under Empress Tzu Hsi 216, 217-18 Civil War 358-63, 446, 447, 475-7, 5*% 72.0-2« 1 : breakdown of relations between KMT; and communists 362-3, 385; KMT/ communist conflict 358, 381, 382, 475-6; Long March 382; and Second World War 476; and Soviet Union 363, 477; and United States 477; victory by

867

INDEX

China - cont. and Korea 61, 210-11 and Korean War 488-9, 509 and Kosovo crisis 827 lack of reform by Manchu government 218 and Mao see Mao Tse-Tung and Marxism 355-6 and May 4th Movement 3 5 2 - 4 , 355» 796 modernization and liberalization under Deng Xiaoping 791-2, 794, 814 monarchy 58 and nuclear weapons 513 occupation of Tibet (1951) 509-10 and Pakistan 502, 794 peasants 349, 361-2, 381-2, 793 population growth 115, 116, 513, 586t, 793 problems faced by new communist regime 505-6 railways 127 re-emergence as world power 507-13, 519, 650, 853 resistance to western ideas by government in 1901 59-60 respect and endorsem*nt of authority 721 revolution (1911) 219, 2 2 1 , 347-9 and Russian imperialism 87, 88 schooling for girls 26 and Second World War 427, 475 and Soviet Union 5 1 1 - 1 3 , 650-51, 665, 796: clashes on border 511, 512, 795; invasion of Soviet territory by (1939) 383; origin of tensions between 511; Sino-Soviet treaty (1950)

509; support of KMT by 355, 360, 363, 452; territorial encroachment by Soviet Union into 512; visit by Gorbachev (1989) 796; withdrawal of Soviet economic and technical help (i960) 511 and Taiwan 815-16 and Tiananmen Square (1989) 565, 795-8 and 'unequal treaties' 359, 475 and United States 510, 825-6: bombing of Chinese embassy in Belgrade during Kosovo crisis 826-7; opening of full diplomatic relations (1979) 677; Sino-American agreement (1978) 723; visit by Nixon (1972) 676-7 and Vietnam 509, 677, 794 visit by Queen Elizabeth II 794 women in 633, 720 Chinese Communist Party see CCP Chou-en-Lai 457 Christian Democracy 700-701 Christian Democratic Union (Germany) 704 Christian missionaries 20, 2 4 - 5 , 99, 224 Christianity 169, 618, 621 at start of century 15 and Americas 44 and Darwin's theory of evolution 32.-3 important agency of bringing European civilization to rest of world 2 4 - 5 lack of political influence 165 spread to non-European countries 15, 24

868

INDEX

and World Council of Churches 621 see also Roman Catholic Church Churchill, Winston 452 and Europe 706 and India 365 and Second World War 415-16, 420, 421, 4^6n CIA (Central Intelligence Agency) 662 cinema 1 3 2 - 3 , 134, 319, 320 CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States) 774, 812-13 cities 7, 117, 580, 844 'civilized world' 1 7 - 2 1 Clemenceau, Georges 277-8 Clerk Maxwell, James 33 climatic change 582, 583, 843n Clinton, President Bill 802-3, 8 2 1 - 2 , 825, 826 impeachment (1999) 822 cloning 567 clothing industry 124-5 coal industry 48, 605 Cochin China 480, 481 Cold War 456,457-93» 575. 59°, 698 end of 739, 775, 808 Colombia 76, 105, 655, 694 Colonial Conference (1906) (London) 94 colonialism see imperialism Columbus, Christopher 573 Cominform 455-6, 465 Comintern 2 9 1 - 2 , 355, 400, 455 commerce 48-52 commodities, abundance of 575-6, 839 Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) 702-3, 809, 813

Common Market see EEC Commonwealth of Independent States see CIS communication 28, 126-30 communications technology 559-63,564 see also information technology Communism 291-3 and Arabs 307 decline in western Europe 652 downfall of in eastern Europe 760-62 failure of revolution in west 400 and revolution 287-9, 33 2 spread of in eastern Europe 451 and youth 643 Comoros Islands xvi companies, development of international 611 computers 561, 610 and biological advances 567 impact of 562 and Internet 563-4, 83611-3711 and miniaturization 607 and Moore's Law 563 'conditioned reflex' 616 Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) 712-13 Confucianism 17, 347, 383, 640 Congo (later named Zaire) 97, 100, 530, 531.738 civil war 534-5 Congress of Berlin (1878) 78 Congress of Paris (1856) 78 Congress of Vienna (1815) 78 Constantinople Straits 182, 197, 203, 235, 238, 261 constitutional governments 155-8 constitutions 848

INDEX

Curzon, Lord 225 Customs Unions 699, 701 Cyprus 88, 304 Czech Republic 779, 812 Czechoslovakia 273, 275, 284,

contraception 44, 116, 173 and men 636-7 and the Pill 634-6, 643 and Roman Catholic Church 623, 635-6 Coolidge, President Calvin 333n Corfu 277 Council of Europe 696, 699, 703 Council of Ministers 701, 787 Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (Comecon) 456 Court of Justice 701, 787 creóles 75, 93, 371 Crimean War 79, 88, 182 Crippen, Dr 130 Croatia 780, 782-3, j ^ , 800, 808 CSCE (Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe) 712-13 Cuba 656-60, 660-61 'Bay of Pigs' operation (1961) 658, 660 Castro's overthrow of Batista regime 657 independence from Spain (1898) 76, 104, 657 missile crisis 658-9, 660, 711,

317 arms deal with Nasser 544-5 communist coup (1948) 455, 460, 462 emergence of 262, 265 and EU 812 and Marshall Plan 455 opening of frontiers to East Germans 760 and Prague Spring (1968) 651 seizure of by Germany (1938/9) 406, 407 withdrawal of Soviet forces 761-2 Czechs 260, 261

741 relationship with United States 104, 106, 656-8, 660-61 social reform 660 Cubism 324 Cultural Revolution (1966-76) 719-20, 721, 723, 791 culture 320-21 Americanization of European 609 impact of increase in wealth on 608-10 roots of disintegration in western civilization 321

Daily Mail 132 d'Annunzio, Gabriele 314 Darwin, Charles 3 1 - 3 , 35, 565 Dayton agreement 801 DDT 569 de Gaulle, Charles 440 and Algerian war 548 elected president of Fifth Republic 548, 706 and Europe 707-8, 790, 808 resignation (1969) 708 in Second World War 415 de Klerk, F.W. 735-6 de Rivera, Primo 318 de Tocqueville, Alexis 445, 613 death rate 113-14 decolonization 86, 236, 697

870

INDEX

and Africa 521, 523, 525, 5 2 8 - 3 1 , 534 and Asia 468-9, 478-9, 481, 494 beginnings of 465-9 and Latin America 7 4 - 5 , 87, 655 deforestation 582 Delcassé, Paul 189-90 democracy 628, 836, 850 advances of after Great War 283-4 dissatisfaction with 284, 286 extension of 850-51 and nationalism 626-7 recession of 312, 316 triumph of in western Europe 753 Democratic Party (United States) 72, 334, 821 Deng Xiaoping 352n, 722, 791-2, 794, 796, 814-15 Denmark 805, 811 Depression (1930s) 339-45, 367, 379, 398 beginnings 340-41 decline in world trade 3 4 1 - 2 , 343 and Latin America 374, 375, 376 slowness of recovery from 343 stock market collapse (1929) 341 unemployment 2 4 1 - 2 , 341, 342, 343 see also individual countries détente 711, 739, 751 Diana, Princess, funeral 575 Diaz, General Porfiro 3 7 1 - 2 Dickens, Charles 166 disease progress in dealing with infectious 569 divorce 636

Djerassi, Dr Carl 634 DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid) $66 DNA fingerprinting 567 Doll's House, A (Ibsen) 27 domestic appliances 124, 173, 174 Dominican Republic 76, 106, 661-2 Dreadnought, HMS (battleship) 193 Dreyfus, Alfred 156 Dual Monarchy see AustriaHungary Dunlop, John Boyd i28n Dutch and Indonesia 94, 2 2 2 - 3 , 479> 502 Dyer, Brigadier 364 dynasticism 161-5 Earth Summit (1992) 583 East Berlin see Berlin East Germany 446, 463, 752, 808 building of Berlin Wall (1961) 653-4 collapse of Berlin Wall (1989) 761, 762 and communism 451 decline in technology 594 effect of western satellite television 564 foreign debt 594 opening up of Hungary and Czech frontiers to 760 outflow of refugees to West Germany 491, 653 relations with West Germany 594, 709-10, 762 riots and demonstrations (1989) 761 setting up of 465 settlement with Poland over Oder-Neisse line 704

871

INDEX

East India Company 224 East Timor 852 eastern Europe 592-5, 7 5 1 - 4 , 784 agrarian unrest 146, 317 agriculture 752 changes in 7 5 1 - 2 and dissidents 753 downfall of communism 760-62 economic contrast with western Europe 593-5 economic crisis 752 economic growth 593, 752 Jews in 785 problems faced after collapse of communism 784 revolutions 286-7 and Soviet Union 451, 592, 593, 629, 649, 751 youth 609-10 economy attempts to rectify after Great War 2 8 2 - 3 change in management of national 589 disorder in Europe after Great War 2 8 1 - 2 eastern Europe 592-5 effect of economic malaise in East Asian economies 816-17, 818 effect of Great War on international 279-80 effect of oil crisis 682-3 Europe's 'golden age' of economic growth 590-92 growing integration of world economies 629 growth 340, 587-9, 604 post Great War 279-80 recession (1990s) 807 recovery of in 1920s 327

state intervention 624 world contrasts 595-7 see also Depression ECSC (European Coal and Steel Community) 699-700 Ecumenism 621 education 8, 598, 599 Edward VII, King 10, 154 EEC (European Economic Community) 611, 701, 702, 703, 707 EFTA (European Free Trade Association) 702, 809 Egypt 543-7 assassination of President Sadat (1981) 687, 743 and Britain 190: ending of protectorate 307, 482, 483; garrison of Canal Zone by 307, 483, 543; hostility towards occupation forces 483; occupation and rule of 88-9, 2 3 3 - 4 , 307 drifting into isolation from other Arab states 683 and end of Ottoman Africa 231-4 financial intervention by Europeans 2 3 2 - 3 and Gulf War 768 and Islam 688 Islamist militant violence against western tourists 770 and Israel 545, 681, 683 and Nasser see Nasser, Gamal Abdel nationalism 2 3 1 - 2 opening of Suez Canal 51, 232 overthrow of monarchy (1952) 539-60

872

INDEX

population growth 542 revolution (1954) 543 and Second World War 483 and Six-Day War (1967) 680 and Soviet Union 680 and Suez crisis (1956) 545-6, 649 and Syria 546, 683 and United States 5 4 4 - 5 , 549 women in 637 and Yom Kippur war 681 Ehrlich, Paul 126 Einstein, Albert 34, 558 Eisenhower, President 447, 489, 549, 658, 666, 667, 669-70 El Alamein, battle of 425 El Salvador 662 electricity 1 2 3 - 4 , I 2 ^ 559 electromagnetism 33 electronics 561 Elizabeth I, Queen 618 Elizabeth II, Queen 794 emigration, European 28, 4 3 - 4 , 45-6, 68, 74, 89 empires see imperialism, European; individual empires employment entry into 601 and women 172, 602, 633 see also unemployment EMU (European Monetary Union) 805, 811 energy consumption worldwide (1998) 830-31 sources of 559, 581, 605 Engels, Friedrich 148 ENIAC 56m Enlightenment 37 entente 190-91, 202 environment

damage to 577-9, 581-2 new concerns 582-3, 842 and pollution 580, 583 Eritrea 526, 738 ERM (Exchange Rate Mechanism) 807 Estonia 266, 292, 759 and EU 812 independence of 283 land redistribution 287 Ethiopia 20, 537, 738 escapes European domination 24, 82, 97 GDP 588 invasion of by Italy (1935) 397-8, 526 life expectancy at birth 114 revolution and dethroning of Selassie (1974) 535 and Second World War 424, 526 'Euro' (currency) 8 n n Europe 141-75* 695-715, 813, 846-7, 848, 851, 855 achievements 813 after Maastricht 805-9 alliances and entanglements 177-82 appearance of security before Great War 186-9 cost and destruction of Second World War to 437 and Depression 139-40 disappearance of hegemony 846 division of by Yalta conference 440 effect of Great War on economy 279, 281-3 'golden age' of economic growth and reasons for 590-92

873

INDEX

Europe - cont. integration 708-9, 709-10, 787-9: Britain's view 706; divisions over 805-7; driving force behind 698; and ECSC 699-700; and France 707-8; and Maastricht Treaty (1991) 788-9, 805-6; monetary union and Single Currency 789, 805, 807, 809-11; obstacles to political 697; problems 787; seeds of 695-704; and Single European Act (1987) 788-9; Soviet threat as factor behind 698-9; steps towards economic 699; and Treaty of Rome (1957) 701-2, 703, 707 and Marshall Plan 455 and nationalism 1 5 2 - 5 new currents in politics of 312-18 population 42, 43t, 4 4 - 5 , 115, 585t post-1945 435-9 power and importance of 22, 37-8, 137, 1 4 1 - 2 pre-1914 tensions and strains 169-71 rebuilding of economies 591 ruling class and attacks against 144-7 security problems 778-80 and Soviet Union 445-6 and United States 68, 445-6 women in 1 7 1 - 4 and world economy 813 European Coal and Steel Community see ECSC European Commission 701, 787 resignation of (1999) 813-14

European Community (EC) 702, 787, 808 European Defence Community 701 European Economic Community see EEC European Free Trade Association see EFTA European Monetary System (EMS) 603, 788 European Parliament 702, 787, 788 European Postal Union 171 European Union (EU) 629-30, 805 cultural convergence 809 enlargement issue 808-9, 8 1 1 - 1 4 Europeans 17-18, 20, 2 1 , 1 4 1 - 4 emigration of 4 3 - 4 , 4 5 - 6 , 68, 74, 89 feelings of superiority over nonEuropeans 19, 20, 170, 171 and imperialism see imperialism, European living in poverty in nineteenth century 144 and religion 165-9, 833 evolution 32 Falklands war (1982) 789 family 598-9 famines 29, 119, 584 Far East 8 1 4 - 1 8 European empires in 220 and Great War 345 see also individual countries farming see agriculture fascio di'combattimento (union for struggle) 314 fascism 3 1 2 - 1 3 , 316, 317

874

INDEX

rise of in Italy 312-15 Federal Republic see West Germany feminism 27 fertility rate 113 fertilizers, chemical 118 financial markets, internationalization of 610 Finland 54 joins European Union 812 land reform 287 and Soviet Union 292 and women's vote 174 First World War see Great War fishing 807 Fleming, Alexander 126 FLN (Front de Liberation Nationale) 547, 548, 745 food growth in supply of 47, 117-20, 603 Ford, Henry 127, 605, 606 Ford, President Gerald 677, 678, 723 Formosa see Taiwan 'Fourteen Points' 255, 261, 263 France 158, 446 and Africa 88-9, 97, 99-100, 190, 521, 529-30 and Algeria 94, 483, 526-7, 530: conquest of (1830) 89; independence granted (1962) 540, 549, 744; war 521, 523, 540, 543-4, 547-9> 706-7 alliance with Russia 178, 179, 180-81

anti-clericalism 168 attempt to prohibit the wearing of headscarves by Muslim girls 637 and Britain 181, 329, 396-7:

875

Anglo-French agreement (1904) 189-91 and Communist Party 401, 440, 456, 700 creation (1871) 155-6 and de Gaulle see de Gaulle, Charles and Depression 341, 343 divisions within at turn of century 156-7 and Dreyfus affair 156 and Europe 707-8, 787, 807-8, 811 and European Defence Community 701 Fourth Republic 548, 706 Fifth Republic 548, 706 GDP 588t and Germany 807-8: concern over future threat of revived 328, 397, 450; Franco-German treaty (1963) 707; and Locarno treaty (1925) 329; and Moroccan crisis (1905) 191-2; and Moroccan crisis (1911) 2 0 1 - 2 ; occupation of the Rühr by (1923) 329, 388; overthrow of by Germany (1870) 181; and reunification 763 and Great War 2 4 1 - 2 , 253, 256, 263, 264 and imperialism 88-9, 102, 467 and Indo-China 101, 2 2 1 - 2 , 385, 480-81 Jews in 785 and Maastricht Treaty 805 and Middle East 305 and Morocco 89, 190, 544n and nationalism 55, 153 and NATO 708, 808

INDEX

GDP (Gross Domestic Product) 120-21, 1 2 1 - 2 , 587, 588t, 591 GDR see East Germany General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) (1947) 442, 590 genetic engineering 565, 566-7, 581, 841 genetics 565-6, 566-7 genocide, UN prevention of 629 George V, King visit to India (1911) 230 Georgia 2 9 2 - 3 , 773 germ theory 35 German empire 53, 54, 57-8, 102, 159-61 Germans deportation of from the east 438 Germany 45, 161, 162, 177, 205-6, 289-91, 387-9, 760-64 and Africa 97, 100 befriending of ex-communist neighbours 808-9 and Berlin blockade and airlift 463-4 challenge to Britain's naval supremacy 1 5 3 - 4 , I93~4> zoz and Constantinople Straits 238 defeat of Kohl in 1998 elections

France - cont. 'Popular Front' government 401 Second World War : and de Gaulle 415; declares war on Germany 410; invasion of by Germany (1940) and surrender 414; invasion of northern by Allies (D-Day) 426; resistance movement 419, 420 student riots (1968) 753 and Suez crisis 545-6 and Syria 305, 308, 482, 483 Third Republic 156, 157, 180, 221 and Tunisia 544n and Vietnam 507-8 and women's vote 631 Franco, General 405, 698 Franz Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria, assassination of (1914) 239, 241 Franz Joseph, Emperor 9n, 57n, 265 Free Trade doctrine 50-51 freedom 613-14 French Revolution 457 Freud, Sigmund 3 2 1 - 3 , 615-16 Freudianism 616-17 Front de Libération Nationale see FLN

810-11

and Depression 342, 343, 391 economic recovery after Great War 388 European concern over potential threat 327-8, 388-9 and France see France Great War 2 4 1 - 2 , 249, 250, 253, 256, 262, 289: and BrestLitovsk treaty 258, 283, 295; casualties suffered 253;

Gagarin, Yuri 571 Gambia 529 Gandhi, Indira 730-31 assassination (1984) 731, 732 Gandhi, Mahatma 109, 346, 364, 365, 470 assassination (1948) 473 Gandhi, Rajiv 731 Gaza Strip 542, 544

876

INDEX

declaration of war on France 242; declaration of war on Russia 242; deployment of submarines 254, 255; final offensive 264; German/Italian axis (1936) 406; and reparations 273, 281, 282, 291, 328, 330-31, 388; and Versailles Treaty see Versailles Treaty and Gulf War 768 increasing separation of Soviet zone 451 industry 327 introduction of currency reform in western occupation zone (1948) 462-3 and League of Nations 330, 405 and marriage law 632 military planning under Wilhelm II 178-9 and Moroccan crisis (1911) 201-2 and Moroccan crisis (1905) 192-3 and nationalism 55, 153 Nazi regime see Nazis 'New Course' foreign policy (1890s) 185 problems after reunification 807 problems with constitutional government 159-61 rearmament 405 reoccupation of the Rhineland (1936) 378, 405 reunification 762-4, 806-7, 808 Second World War: advances 418; annexation of Austria (1938) 406; attack on Poland 408-9, 410; attack on

Yugoslavia and Greece 417; brutality in treatment of occupied territories 419-20, 428; casualties 432; collaboration with 418-19; declaration of war on by Britain and France 410-11; declaration of war on United States 422, 424; invasion of France 414; invasion of Norway and Denmark 414; invasion of Soviet Union 416-18; offensive 414; pact with Soviet Union 409, 416; partitioning of into occupied zones 440, 464-5, 698; seizure of Czechoslovakia (1938/39) 406, 407; surrender 427; treatment of Poland 419 socialism in 149 and Soviet Union see Soviet Union Triple Alliance with Italy and Austria-Hungary 178 Weimar republic 289-91, 330: downfall 387-8, 389; risings against 290-91 withdrawal of Allied occupation 392 see also East Germany; West Germany Gestapo 402 Ghana 528-9 glasnost 749, 778 global warming 581, 843 globalization 610-12 'Glorious Endeavour' 223 GNP (Gross National Product) i2in gold standard 49-50, 341, 345

877

INDEX

Gorbachev, Mikhail 764 attempted coup against (1991) 77^-3 and German reunification 763 political and economic strategy 748-9 757-8, 777-8 resignation 774 and secession of Baltic states 759 visit to China (1989) 796 government see state (s) Government of India Act (1935) 365-6, 498 Great Britain see Britain Great Calcutta Killing (1946) 472 Great Leap Forward 506-7, 513, 514, 720, 723 'great powers', roots of idea 78 Great Trek (1835) 107 Great War (1914-18) 96, 175-6, 238-67, 323, 411 aerial combat 246 and Asia 345, 346 and assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand 239, 241 and Austria-Hungary 242, 260-61, 265 and Battle of Somme 249 beginning of 2 4 4 1 - 2 and Brest Litovsk treaty (1918) 258,283,295 and Britain see Britain and China 347, 349, 352 cost of 266-7 death toll and casualties 247, 249, 253, 266 declaration of war on Russia and France by Germany 242 declaration of war on Serbia byAustrians 241

878

effect on culture 320 effect of technical advances 246-7,252-3 effect on trade 252 emergence of new republics 266 end of 264-7 enthusiasm for 2 4 4 - 5 events leading up to 238-42 exploiting of nationalism by Allies 259-60 geographical spread and issues 248-9 and Germany see Germany granting of armistice to AustriaHungary 265 impact on European system of power 244 and India 346-7, 352 and Indo-Chinese 222 and Italy 248-9, 313 and Japan 248, 249, 347, 350, 351, 352, 357 launch of 'total' war 253 military operations 249 neutral countries 248 and Ottoman collapse 2 6 1 - 4 peace attempts 261 peace settlement 2 7 1 - 5 , 283, 286: absence of Soviet Union at conference 277-8; and Asia 3 5 2 - 4 ; and League of Nations 275-9; reasons for failure 278; treaties for protection of minorities 2 7 4 - 5 , 2-84; Versailles Treaty see Versailles Treaty relations between Russia and Allies 258-9 resources needed 250 and Russia see Russia

INDEX

seeking of new fronts 251 sickness and hunger 248 struggle at sea 246 submarine warfare 254, 255, 256 and United States 73, 249, 2 5 4 - 5 , 263, 332 and weapons 247, 249 Greece 825 and Britain 449, 450, 452, 4 5 3 - 4 , 464 civil war in 447, 450, 4 5 3 - 4 ending of civil war (1949) 464 and Great War 248 joins European Community (1981) 704, 788 and marriage law 632 and Second World War 417 and Treaty of Sèvres 308, 309 US aid to 454 war with Turks 184 Green political parties 578 greenhouse gases 582, 583 Gross Domestic Product see GDP Group of 77, 682 Guam 104 Guatemala 655 Guinea 530, 531 Gulf crisis (1998) 803-4, 804-5, 824 Gulf states 770-71 Gulf War (1990-91) 765-9 Hapsburg empire see AustriaHungary Haiti 76, 106 Hamid, Sultan Abdul 195 happiness, mythology of human 838-40 Harding, Warren G. 333 Hawaii 104

Heath, Edward 714 Helsinki agreement (1975) 712, 753 Hertz, Heinrich 33 Hindenburg, Field Marshal 393, 394 Hinduism (Hindus) 17, 495 conflict with Muslims in India 229-30, 365, 366, 471, 472, 473 Hiroshima, atom bomb 427-8, 431, 432, 448,558 Hitler, Adolf 390-93, 395, 404-5. 431 appointed as chancellor 393 becomes leader of Nazis 390-91 death 10, 427 dream of united Germany 406 early life and background 390 and Jews 391, 402 Mein Kampf 390-91 misinterpreted views of 402 and Munich 405, 406-7 and Mussolini 398, 404 reasons for popularity 395 and Second World War 416-17 HIV 568, 737 Ho Chi Minh 385, 480, 481 Holocaust 429, 430, 484, 754, 785 Honduras 377 war with El Salvador 662 Hong Kong 101, 519, 603, 724, 817 agreement between British and Chinese over terms of transfer (1984) 793-4 Hoover, President Herbert 333n, 367 Human Genome Project 566-7 human rights 14, 629, 835 'Hundred Days of Reform' (1898) 60

879

INDEX

Hungary emergence of independent 265, 266 and EU 812 joins NATO 779 opening of frontiers to East Germans 760 proclaimed as monarchy (1920) 283n revolution and crushing of by Soviet Union (1956) 546, 649, 650, 652 withdrawal of Soviet troops 761 Hussein, Saddam 685, 746, 765, 768-9, 803, 804 Hussein, sherif of Mecca 235, 2 6 2 - 3 , 305 ideas, history of 29-30, 5 5 3 - 4 , 555, 556 ideology contamination of international affairs 398-404 IMF (International Monetary Fund) 442, 590, 597, 714 Imperial Conference (1926) 469 imperialism, European 82-102, 207, 852-3 advantage of weapons 92 in Africa 82, 89-90, 96-100, 524, 526, 527-8 in Asia 101-2, 236, 494 benefits of 83, 85 colonial rebellions after Second World War 478 criticism of 83 dark side of 90-91 decline and breaking up of see decolonization expansion 89-90

and idealism 90 impact of 83, 85, 94-5 and Second World War 466, 468 treatment of native populations by white settlers 94-6 see also individual countries imperialism, United States 86, 102-6, 466-7 India 12, 2 2 8 - 3 1 , 363-6, 495, 497-501, 519, 729-33, 848 in 1990s 818-19 agriculture 587 attack on Golden Temple by army 732 and BJP 818, 819 British rule 87, 88, 220, 2 2 3 - 7 , 236, 347, 453, 498: attitude towards native rulers and aristocracy 226-7; commission (1927) into 364; and Government of India Act (1935); 365-6, 498; and independence (1947) 469-74, 497, 619, 729, 732; partition of Bengal 228-30; resentment and riots against 364, 365; separation of native Indians from British 226; setting up of own tariff protection 363-4; trade with 225; visit to by George V (1911) 230

880

and Congress 228-9, ^33> 7 3 1 constitution (1950) 498-9 contrast with China 730 cultivation of indigo 51 destruction of Ayodhya mosque by Hindu zealots (1992) 564 divisions between Hindus and Muslims 229-30, 365, 366, 471, 472, 473

INDEX

economic policies 8i8 effect of Great War on economy 279 effect of satellite transmission 564-5 family planning programme 116 famines 119, 432, 474, 584 fighting with China over northern borders 500, 510 Great Calcutta Killing 472 and Great War 346-7, 352 and Indira Gandhi 730-31, 732 industry 363 life expectancy at birth 114 Mutiny (1857) 2 2 4 - 5 , 22-7> 473 nationalism 466, 497, 819 and Pakistan: fighting over Kashmir issue 499-500, 502, 732; and nuclear test explosions (1998) 819-20 partition of into Pakistan and India (1947) 473, 494, 620, 732 poor development performance 730 population growth 474, 498, 586t, 587, 730 poverty 498, 730 problems faced after independence 4 7 3 - 4 , 498 'Quit India' campaign 470-71 railways 127 and religion 619 ruling of after independence 497-9 and Second World War 366, 469-70, 471 and Soviet Union 500, 502 and United States 502 Indian Census Report (1901) 207 'Indian Society' 386

Indo-China 2 2 1 - 2 , 385-6, 480-82, 494, 508 anti-colonial revolution 386 economy 385 and French 101, 2 2 1 - 2 , 385, 480-81 Japanese occupation (1941) 423, 468, 480 population 222 and Second World War 480 war against French 481 see also Cambodia; Laos; Vietnam Indonesia 2 2 2 - 3 , 386-7, 502-4, 519, 724, 852 Chinese community 494, 502-3 communism in 386, 479 and Depression 386-7 and Dutch 94, 2 2 2 - 3 , 479 > 5 ° 2 economy 386-7, 817 family planning programme 116 independence proclaimed and new state created 478-9 and Islam 223, 502, 852 massacre of communists (1965) 504 occupation by Japanese 424, 468, 479 population growth 586t, 587 riots (1998) 817 Sukarno's regime 503 and United States 503 industrialization 2 2 , 1 2 0 - 2 2 impact of 121 industry 327, 604-7 effect of Depression on 342 increased consumption of manufactured goods 605 and information technology 607 INF Treaty (1987) 750

881

INDEX

infanticide 112 information technology 131, 559-63, 836 and computers see computers demand for 562-3 impact on employment 600 impact on industry 607 and increase in flows of capital 604 introduction of electronics-based 562 and miniaturization 560-61, 573, 607 in nineteenth century 129-30 inter-continental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) 660 International Monetary Fund see IMF international organizations 628-9, 851-2 International Telecommunications Satellite Organization 851 Internet 563-4, 836n intifada 747, 823-4 IRA 686 Iran 3 1 1 - 1 2 , 639, 794 and Britain 311, 540 and Iraq 685: war with 689, 740, 7 4 2 - 3 , 746 and modernization 540 nationalization of oil industry 540 population growth 116 revolution (1978) 602, 683-5, 685-6, 687, 688, 739-40 and Reza Khan 3 1 1 - 1 2 , 620, 684, 686 and Second World War 424 Shah of 539, 740: overthrow of 684, 685

882

and Turkey 312 and United States 540, 684-5: hostage crisis 684-5, 685-6, 740, 741, 742; Iran-Contra affair (1987) 750 withdrawal of Soviet forces 452 see also Persia Iraq 542 assassination of king (1958) 546-7 attack on installations by Israel (1980) 765 Ba'ath regime in 685 bombing of by United States over failure of UN weapons inspections 803-4, 804-5 and Britain 305-6, 482, 483 and Gulf War 765-9 and Hussein 685, 746, 765, 768-9, 803, 804 and Iran 685: war with 689, 740, 7 4 2 - 3 , 746 joins League of Nations (1932) 306 and Second World War 424 UN weapons inspections 768, 769, 803 see also Mesopotamia Ireland and contraception 635 and ERM 807 and Home Rule 54, 153, 285 nationalism 55, 153 and Second World War 697n setting up of Irish Free State (1921) 285,715 see also Northern Ireland Islam 495, 541, 7 7 1 - 2 , 841, 853-4 and Arab world 543

INDEX

attitude towards women 26, 686 contrasts between countries 771-2 divisions within 690 and divorce 638 electoral successes 688 gathering of heads of Islamic states at Teheran (1997) 620 growing disorder 7 4 2 - 7 in international affairs 685-91,

attack on Iraq's installations (1980) 765 creation of (1948) 482, 485-6,

853-4 and Iran/Iraq war 689 and male dominance 638-9 and modernization 689 numbers of Muslims 854 and Pakistan 619, 733 and polygamy 638 spread of 16-17, 687-8 and terrorism 686, 687 weaknesses 689 see also Muslims Islamic empires 16-17, 64-6 Islamic fundamentalism 687-9, ^9°5 740 Ismail, Khedive 2 3 2 - 3 Israel 769 Arab/Israeli conflict 486, 5 4 1 - 2 , 544, 546, 740: criticism of and call for withdrawal from Arab lands 682, 747; invasion of Egypt (1956) 545; murder of Olympic Games team (1972) 686; peace conference (1991) 769; peace process 823-5; peace treaty with Egypt (1979) 683; and Six-Day War (1967) 680, 747; and Yom Kippur war (1973) 602, 681 assassination of prime minister (1995) 825

541 exodus of Arab refugees 486 and PLO: conflict with 683, 743, 824, 825; continuation of violence with after peace talks 824; and intifada 747, 823-4; invasion of southern Lebanon (1978) 683; peace negotiations with 823-4 and Soviet Union 485, 549 and United Nations 681 and United States 542, 549, 682, 825 Italian Communist Party 440, 456, 700 Italian empire 102, 467 Italians, emigration of 4 3 - 4 , 46 Italy 53, 177 attack on Tripoli (1911) 203, 231 dissatisfaction in (1901) 184-5 and divorce 636 emigration of Albanians to 801-2 and ERM 807 GDP 588t German-Italian axis (1936) 405 and Great War 248-9, 313 invasion of Ethiopia (1935) 397-8, 526 and Middle East 305 and Mussolini see Mussolini, Benito and nationalism 55, 153 political problems and unrest at turn of century 157-8 and polycentrism 652 rise of fascism 3 1 2 - 1 5 and Roman Catholic Church 168

883

INDEX

Italy - cont. and Second World War 414, 415, 417, 426, 446 seen as a great power 78 Triple Alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary 178, 185 and women's vote 631

725, 726-7, 728; reform after war 517 expansionist and imperialist drive 2 1 1 - 1 2 , 356-8, 384, 468 features of regime in 1901 62-3 floods 218 and Great War 248, 249, 347, 350, 351, 352, 357 industrial growth 357, 725 and Korea 81, 728: annexation of (1910) 214, 423; crushing of revolt (1919) 356; importance of 211, 212 and League of Nations 352 and Manchuria 351, 357, 378,

Japan 19, 23, 6 2 - 4 , 210-14, 350-51, 406, 515-20, 725-9» 853 admittance to United Nations (1956) 518, 727 agriculture 517 and Amur River Society 212 assertion of independence 81, 82 and Britain: alliance with (1902) 189, 209, 211, 2 1 2 - 1 3 , 214, 236; ending of alliance 307,

359 car industry 605-6, 725 and China: armed conflict (1928) 379; invasion of by (1932) 381; retains former German rights in Shantung 352; and 'the Twenty-one Demands' 351, 352; trade between 728; war against (1894-5) 60, 62, 81, 9on, 2 1 0 - 1 1 , 2i5n; war against (1937-45) 378, 382-4, 4 2 2 - 3 constitution (1947) 516-17 and contraception 635 costs and strains of economic growth 726 dislike of 'unequal treaties' 211 economy: in 1901 62; crisis (1932) 358; disorder in 1990s 816; effect of Great War on 279; effect of oil crisis on 728; GDP 588t, 725, 728; growth 518,

884

379, 359, 381, 423 and modernization 80-81, 215 monarchy 54, 58, 516 Perry's expedition to (1854) 81, 103 population 586t railways 127 reasons for success 725-6 reform in nineteenth century 62, 63 relations with Pacific countries 727-8 rearmament 727 resistance to communism 504 schooling for girls 26 and Second World War 4 2 2 - 4 , 430: attack on Pearl Harbor 4 2 3 - 4 ; and Battle of Midway 425; destruction of colonial empires of Far east 424; dropping of atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki 427-8, 431, 432, 488, 558; effect of defeat 515-16; surrender 428, 515; 'Tripartite

INDEX

Pact' with Germany and Italy (1940) 422 shipbuilding industry 725 treaties and alliances made 519 and United States 4 2 2 - 3 , 728-9: handing back of Okinawa by (1971) 729; occupation of after war 446, 515, 516-18,725 war with Russia (1904-5) 191, 200, 2 1 3 - 1 4 , 236, 351, 384, 423 and Washington agreements (1922) 359 and women's vote 631 Jews 15-16 and Arabs 539-43 in Eastern Europe 785 emigration of 46 establishment of Zionist Congress 235 and Hitler 391, 402 and Palestine 235, 263, 306, 483, 484 persecution of by Nazis 401-2, 407, 428-9, 484, 785 population 785 Jiang Zemin 815 Jinnah, M.A. 4 7 2 - 3 , 500, 733 John Paul II, Pope 623, 754 John XXIII, Pope 622 Johnson, President Lyndon 661, 668, 670-71, 673, 675 Jordan 305, 542, 547, 680 assassination of King Abdullah (1951) 543 and Gulf War 768 population growth 115-16 and Six-Day War (1967) 680 journalism 132 Juan Carlos, King 698n Judaism see Jews

Kashmir 499-500, 502, 732 Kemal, Mustafa (Atatiirk) 308-11, 312,811 Kennedy, President John 668 and 'Alliance for Progress' 661 assassination (1963) 670-71 and blacks 670 and Cuba 658,659 and moon programme 5 7 1 - 2 , 573 and Vietnam 508, 673 Kennedy, Robert 672 Kenya 529 Keynes, J.M. 344n Khmer Rouge 613n Khomeni, Ayatollah 684, 770 Khrushchev, Nikita 511, 647-8, 653, 658, 659, 662-3 Kijuro, Shidehara 516 King, Martin Luther 672 Kipling, Rudyard 90, 137 KMT (Kuomintang) 217, 348, 379 breakdown in relations with CCP 362-3, 385 conflict with CCP in civil war 358, 381, 382, 475-6 cooperation with CCP 359-61, 382, 383, 475 defeat by CCP in civil war 477 support of by Soviet Union 355, 360, 363, 452 and Taiwan 477, 510 Kohl, Chancellor Helmut 762, 763, 776, 806, 810-11 Korea 82, 816 annexation of by Japan (1910) 214, 423 and China 61, 210-11 crushing of revolt by Japanese (1919) 356

885

INDEX

Korea - cont. division along 38th Parallel 487 importance to Japan 2 1 1 , 212 see also North Korea; South Korea Korean War (1950) 487-9, 490, 504, 507, 518, 519, 650, 674 Kosovo 439, 492, 781-2, 802 crisis (1998/99) 802-3, 805, 826-8 Kredit-Anstalt bank 341 Kristallnacht 407 Kronstadt 294, 295 Kruger, Paul 107, 108 Kuomintang see KMT Kurds 305, 311, 627 Kurile Islands 515, 518, 729 Kuwait, invasion of by Iraq 765 Kyoto conference (1997) 583 Laos 2 2 1 , 494, 507, 588 Lateran treaties (1929) 315 Latin America 74-7, 370-77, 626, 654-6, 691-4, 818 authoritarian regimes 317, 375, 654-5, 692 decolonization 7 4 - 5 , 87, 655 and Depression 374, 375, 376 development in inequalities due to wealth 77 economy 370-71, 374~5> 692> 693, 694 emigration of Europeans to 43 and Great War 370, 373 growth in prosperity 76-7, 373, 374 industry 370 influence of Church 75 integration into world community 853

meeting between governments of (1969) 662 and Mercosur 611, 694 nationalism 662 and oil crisis (1970s) 693 population growth 43t, 585t, 691-2 post-independence 7 5 - 6 recovery of democratic government in 1990s 693-4 and Roman Catholic Church 74, 622

and Second World War 654 terrorist organizations 661 and United States 83: aid from 655-6; Alliance for Progress initiative; 661-2, 692; antiAmericanism 375, 661, 662; 'Good Neighbour' policy 377; and Monroe doctrine 'corollary' 105-6 and women's vote 631 see also individual countries Latvia 266, 283, 292, 759 Lausanne Treaty (1923) 309 League of Nations 2 7 5 - 9 , 284, 305, 376, 629, 849 and Chaco War 376 and Germany 330, 405 Iraq admitted (1932) 306 and Italy's invasion of Ethiopia 397-8 Japan's admittance 352 and Manchurian crisis 381, 397 reasons for failure 443 and Soviet Union 277 successes 277, 330 and United States 276 weaknesses 276-7

886

INDEX

Lebanon 234, 539 collapse into anarchy 743 and French 305, 482, 483 independence 483 invasion of southern by Israel (1978) 683 Lend-Lease (1941) 421, 441, 448, 449 Lenin, V. 236, 257, 258, 291, 294, 295, 296-7, 773 Leo XIII, Pope 168 Leopold, King (Belgium) 97, 100 Li Ta-chao 355 Liberal Democratic Party (Japan) 726 Liberia 82, 97 Libya 526, 746 bombing of by United States (1986) 750 independence (1951) 549 oil and gas production 525 and Qadaffi 7 4 3 - 4 replacement of king by Qadaffi 681 life expectancy 113, 114, 586, 587 life sciences 565-8 lifestyles, changes in 597-601, 836 literacy, increase and spread of 131, 152, 319 Lithuania 266, 283, 292, 408, 759 Soviet attack on Vilnius (1991) 759-60, 773 Lloyd George, David 277 Locarno Pact (1925) 329-30, 332, 389, 405 London 49, 610-11 London Conference 205 Long March 382 Los Angeles, race riots (1965) 671

Louisiana Purchase (1803) 67, 94, 454 Maastricht Treaty (1991) 788-9, 805-6 Macao 794 MacArthur, General Douglas 516, 727 McCarthy, Joseph 667-8, 672 Macedonia 184, 781, 782, 783, 803 and Balkan war 204 insurrection against Ottoman rule (1902) 182, 186, 194 McKinley, President William 9m assassination (1901) 9-10, 133 Madagascar 588 Madero, President Francisco 3 7 1 - 2 Magyars 183, 239, 284 Major, John 790 malaria 569 Malawi (was Nyasaland) 533 Malaya 101, 424, 482 Malaysia 115, 468, 494, 503, 724, 817 Malthus, Thomas 32, 42, 47, 112 Manchuria 216, 505, 509 crisis (1931) 379-81, 423 Japanese aggression in (1904) 213 Japanese aggression in (1931) 378 Japanese interests in 351, 357, 359 and Russia 181, 189, 512 Mandela, Nelson 737 release from prison (1990) 736 Mao Tse-tung 355, 504, 5 1 3 - 1 4 , 721 and Chinese civil war 382, 476, 477 and Cultural Revolution 719-20, 723

887

INDEX

Mao Tse-Tung - cont. death (1976) 722 and Great Leap Forward 506, 507, 513, 514 and peasantry 361-2, 506, 513 politics of 514 and rapprochement with United States 676-7 relations with party colleagues 514 and Stalin 511 writings 721 Maori 95 'March on Rome' 314-15 Marconi, Guglielmo 130, 319, 560 marriage law 632 Mars 5 7 3 - 4 Marshall Plan 455-6, 463, 490-91, 55>°> 591, 59i> 696, 698

Marx, Karl 142, 147, 148 Marxism 147-9, 323, 355-6, 360, 774. 847 Masaryk, Thomas 274 mass communications 319, 557 mass production 600, 606-7 material world, mastery of 840-43 'Mau-Mau' movement 529 May 4th Movement 3 5 2 - 4 , 355, 796 Mazzini 227 medical care, public provision of 568-9 medicine 90, 125-6, 568-70 advance of 126, 568 at turn of century 8, 125-6 Mein Kampf (Hitler) 390-91 Mendel, Gregor 565 Mendeleyev 35 mental illness 568 Mercosur 611, 694

Mesopotamia (later called Iraq) 234, 262, 263, 345 mestizos 75, 77 metals, production of new 125 Mexico 3 7 1 - 3 , 376 Diaz's regime 371 and oil 76, 373, 375 population growth 115 reforms under new regime 372-3 revolution (1911) 370, 3 7 1 - 2 and Second World War 654 and United States 94, 106, 822 Middle East 16, 304-5, 482-6, 679 French and British interest 305 lack of modernization and problems associated with 539, 770 and oil industry 540 peace process 823-5 population growth 771 and Soviet Union 485 see also individual countries Midway, battle of (1942) 425 migration see emigration Mill, John Stuart 227 Milosevic, Slobodan 826 minerals 48 miniaturization 560-61, 573, 607 missionaries, Christian 20, 2 4 - 5 , 91, 99, 224 modernism, notion of 324 Mohamed, Dr Mahathir i4n molecular biology 566 Molotov, Vyacheslav 647 monarchy 8-9, 56-8, 154-5, 161-2, 850 Mongolia 512 Monnet, Jean 699 Monroe Doctrine 74, 467 'corollary' to 106, 374, 629

888

INDEX

Montenegro 53, 784, 828 moon, first landing on (1969) 572-3 Moore's Law 563 Morocco 66, 544, 691 assertion of rights to Spanish enclaves 549n crisis (1905) 191-2 crisis (1911) 201-3 and France 89, 190, 544n and Germany 192-3 independence (1956) 540, 544n seen as an area of great potential for expansion 82 Morse, Samuel 130 mortality rates 113-14 Mountbatten, Lord 4 7 2 - 3 Mozambique 530, 531, 538, 588, 734, 736 multinationals 611 Munich agreement (1938) 405, 406-7 music 843 Muslims i4n, 486 anti-west 686 conflict with Hindus in India 229-30, 365, 366, 471, 472, 473 and divorce 638 number of 854 in Ottoman empire 16, 65 and the veil 638-9 see also Islam Mussolini, Benito 158, 397, 406,

Namibia 734, 735, 736 Nasser, Gamal Abdel 543, 544-5, 546, 680, 686 nationalism 12, 5 3 - 5 , 1 5 1 - 5 , 220 and democracy 626-7 and monarchy 57 in New Europe 784-7 rise in after Depression 345 success of 5 4 - 5 , 626, 848-9 NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) 698, 851 and Bosnian crisis 800-801 enlargement issue 779 formation (1949) 464, 696 and France 708, 808 and Kosovo crisis 827, 828 military power 489-90 transformation of after Soviet collapse 779 and United States 779 West Germany's admission (1955) 491, 701, 704 natural gas 559, 770 nature, versus nurture 554-5 Nazis (Nazism) 390-93, 428, 430 admiration of by foreigners 403-4 appeal of and rise in success 392-3 benefits and costs of regime 394-5 evils and brutality of 419-20, 428, 430, 431 growth in power 393-4 ideology 401-2 persecution of Jews 401-2, 407, 428-9, 484, 785 racialism of 392 reasons for success and popularity of regime 395-6 see also Hitler, Adolf

431 and Hitler 398, 404 overthrow of 426 rule of 314-15 and Second World War 414 Nagasaki, atom bomb 427-8, 431, 432, 448

889

INDEX

négritude 630 Nehru, Jawaharlal 495, 500, 510, 731 New Deal 368-9 New Economie Policy (NEP) 295-6 New York 610-11 New York Times 132 New Youth 348 New Zealand 26, 94, 95, 441, 519, 727-8 Newly Industrializing Countries see NICs newspapers 1 3 1 - 2 , 152, 320 Newton, Isaac 33, 34, 35 Nicaragua 106, 377, 750 Nicholas II, Tsar 54, 200, 257 NICs (Newly Industrializing Countries) 602-3, 611 Nietzsche, Friedrich 166-7 Nigeria 738 civil war 535 independence (i960) 529 and Islam 687-8, 854 oil and gas production 525 population 586t Nixon, President Richard 602, 662, 676, 828 election and re-election as president 675, 676 fall from office (1974) 677, 741 and Vietnam 675 visit to China and Moscow (1972) 676-7 North Atlantic Treaty Organization see NATO North Korea 816, 823, 848 see also Korea Northern Ireland 715, 785-7

Northern Rhodesia see Zambia Norway 57, 174 Novalis i5n nuclear physics 3 4 - 5 nuclear power 137, 556, 558-9, 581, 605 nuclear power plants 558 accidents at 578-9 nuclear waste 581, 842 nuclear weapons 460, 556, 558, 823 control of: agreement on restricting testing of 660; and INF Treaty (1987) 750; and Reykjavik summit (1986) 750; seeking of arms limitations (1970s) 711, 742; signing of test ban treaty (1963) 707; treaty on missile limitation (1972) 711 and Hiroshima and Nagasaki 427-8, 431, 432, 448, 558 and ICBM 660 India and Pakistan's test explosions (1998) 819-20 Nuremberg laws (1935) 402 nutrition 568-9 Nyasaland (now Malawi) 532 Nylon 124 OAU (Organization for African Unity) 536, 734, 737, 851 OECD (Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development) 703, 851 OEEC (Organization for European Economic Cooperation) 456, 703 oil 48, 306-7, 540, 770, 854 fall in prices (1990s) 769 impact of increase in prices in

890

INDEX

1970S 603-4, 682-3, 693, 728, 788 increase in discoveries of 679 increase in price (1970s) 600, 602, 682, 683, 690 Olympic Games murder of Israeli team members (1972) 686 Oman 5 4 2 - 3 , 638, 770, 772 Omdurman, battle of (1898) (Sudan) 92 OPEC 851 Organization for African Unity see OAU Organization for European Economic Cooperation see OEEC Organization of American States 659 Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development see OECD O'Shaughnessy, Arthur Edgar William 38n Ostpolitik 709-10, 762, 806 Ottoman empire 23, 5 2 - 3 , 64-6, 88, 152, 781 Arab revolt against rule of 251 characteristics 65-6 dangers arising from weakness and decline of 183-4 declaration of war on by Italy

(1911) 202 decline of in Africa 2 3 1 - 4 decline and collapse 80, 176, 231, 2 6 1 - 4 , 304, 309-10, 853 east of Suez 234-6 in Europe 54, 65 and European imperialism 102 parallel with Hapsburg empire ¿35

partition issue 188 and Young Turks 194-7, 2°3> 235, 261 Ottoman sultan 13, 64-5 ozone layer 582 Pacific Rim 603 pain 838 painting 324-5 Pakistan and Afghanistan 733, 743 breaking away of Bangladesh 499, 620 and China 794, 502 famine (1953) 474 female prime minister 639 and India: fighting with over Kashmir 499-500, 502, 732; and nuclear test explosions (1998) 819-20 and Islam 500-501, 619, 733 population 586t separation from India after independence 473, 494, 620, 732 treaty with Japan 519 Palestine 234, 483-4 and Britain 263, 305, 306, 345-6, 482, 485 and creation of Israel 485 establishment of national home for Jews 263, 483 and Great War 263 immigration of Jews to 235, 306, 484 partition proposal 484, 485 refugees 680 unrest between Arabs and Jews 306, 307-8, 484, 485 Palestine Liberation Organization see PLO

891

INDEX

Pan-African Congress 737 Panama canal, opening of (1914) 51, 105 Panhard 127 Paraguay 376-7* 694 Paris exhibition (1900) 209 pollution in 580 Paris Commune 156 Passchendaele, battle of 256 Pasteur, Louis 35, 125 Pavlov, LP. 616 Pax Britannica 96, 169 peace-keeping, problems of 799-805 Pearl Harbor 4 2 3 - 4 peasantry, global retreat of 608 penicillin 126, 555-6 pensions 599n, 600 People's Republic of China see China Perestroika 749, 757, 778 Perón, Juan 655 Perry, Commodore 81, 103 Persia 66, 82, 193, 251, 311, 312 see also Iran Pétain, Marshall 414 Peter the Great 37, 60, 512 Petit Parisien 132 Philippines 220 annexation and occupation of by United States 9m, 104, 214, 466-7 independence (1946) 466-7, 519 Japanese occupation 468 treaty with Japan 519 and women's suffrage 633 physics 3 3 - 5 , 556, 558 Pill 634-6, 643 Pinochet, General 835n

Pius VI, Pope 622-3 Pius X, Pope 168 Planck, Max 34, 35 plastics 124 PLO (Palestine Liberation Organization) addressing of UN General Assembly (1974) 681-2 conflict with Israel 683, 743, 824, 825 continuation of violence after peace talks 824 and Gulf War 768 and intifada 747, 823-4 peace negotiations with Israel 823-4 Pobedonostev, K.B. 169 Pol Pot 6i3n Poland 162, 261, 283-4, 292> 3I7> 396 anti-Soviet rioting (1956) 649, 650 election of Walesa as president (1990) 761 elections (1989) 756 and EU 812 Germany's attack on and treatment of occupied (1939) 408-9, 410, 419 and Great War 261, 262, 273 guarantees against aggression from Britain 407, 408 Jews in 785 joins NATO 779 land redistribution 287 peasants 752 revolution 754-6 and Roman Catholic Church 754 and Solidarity 754, 755, 756

892

INDEX

and Soviet Union 292, 416 steel industry 605 police 624 Polish Home Army 419 political parties, development of

151-2 pollution 580 conference on industrial (1997) 583 polygamy, recession of 637-8 poor 844-5 see also poverty population 4 2 - 3 , 1 1 1 - 1 5 attempts to control 1 1 2 - 1 3 , 116 by country 586t concern over rapid growth 42 division of into continents 585t and Europe 4 4 - 5 outcome of growth 586 rise in growth rate 39, 42, 1 1 1 - 1 2 , 114-15* 1 1 5 - 1 6 » 585, 618, 836 world conference on (1974) 112 populism 70-71 Portsmouth, Treaty of (1905) 214 Portugal 74, 177, 697 and Africa 97, 100, 523, 530, 531, 533 authoritarianism in 316, 318 and Great War 248 joins European Community (1986) 788 postal services 131 Potsdam conference (1945) 451 poverty 143, 144, 584, 586-7, 6oin, 603 power 558-9 see also electricity; nuclear power press see newspapers Progressivism 7 1 - 2 Prohibition 334, 368

prosperity see wealth prostitution 2 6 - 7 Prussia 78, 161-2 psychoanalysis 321, 616 psychology 615-17 public health 569 Puerto Rico 104 Qadaffi, Colonel 681, 7 4 3 - 4 Qatar 770 quantum physics 34, 35 Radar 560 radio 132, 133, 319, 560, 832 railways 13, 46, 120, 127 Ralegh, Sir Walter 829 Rapallo agreement (1922) 328-9, 331 Rayon 124 Reagan, Ronald 742, 747-8, 749-50 refrigerator 124 relativity, theory of 34 religion 165-9, 617-23, 630, 841 in 1901 15 decline in church going 325 decline of in Europe 166-7, 833 growth in people respecting authority of 618 impact of psychology on 617-18 and mass communication 134, 618 and violence 620 see also Christianity; Islam Republican Party (United States) 7 2 - 3 , 334, 367 resources 48 consumption of 576 running out of 581 Revisionists 150

893

INDEX

Reykjavik summit (1986) 750 Reza Khan (Shah of Shahs) 3 1 1 - 1 2 , 620, 684, 686 Rhodesia 97, 525, 5 3 2 - 3 , 538 Roman Catholic Church 167-8, 621-3 and contraception 623, 635-6 ecumenical Council 622 and education 168 growth of outside Europe 6 2 1 - 2 in Latin America 74, 622 Papacy 52, 313 and Poland 754 proclaiming of 1950 as Holy Year 621 reorientation of 622-3 Romania 184, 265 agricultural reforms 287 and Balkan war 204 and Great War 248, 251 independence (1878) 53 minorities in 275 peasant rising (1907) 146 revolution (1989) 762 and Soviet Union 651 and Transylvania 784 Romantics 3 2 3 - 4 Rome, Treaty of (1957) 701-2, 703, 707 Rontgen, W. C. 33 Roosevelt, President Franklin D. 367-8, 450 achievements 368, 369 and 'corollary' to Monroe Doctrine 105-6, 374 and Europe 369-70 and Indian independence 472 and Latin America 377 New Deal 368-9 and reform 72

and Second World War 421, 426, 441 Roosevelt, President Theodore 10 ruling class, European 145-6 Rushdie, Salman 619 Russia 102, 199-201, 281 advances in Far East 181-2, 189,

211 agrarian disorder in nineteenth century 146 agriculture 164, 200 alliance with France 178, 179, 180-81 Anglo-Russian convention (1907) 193 and Asia 354 and Austria-Hungary 177, 182: and Bosnia's annexation by Austria-Hungary (1908) 196-7, 198, 199-200; support of Serbia in tariff war with Austria-Hungary 198 backwardness 79 and Balkan Wars 203 at beginning of century 163-4 economic advance at beginning of century 163-4 famines 119, 295 and Great War 251, 256-7: absence from peace settlement conference 277-8; and BrestLitovsk treaty 258; declaration of war by Germany on 2 4 1 - 2 ; failure of Dardanelles campaign 302, 303 growth in strength 200 handicaps to growth 164 industry 13, 49, 79, 79-80, 164, 295 life expectancy 114

894

INDEX

population 164, 586t power of 79-80 railways 80, 127, 200, 211 revolution (1905) 14e, 256 revolution (1917) 256, 257-8, 301-2, 354 see also Bolsheviks ruling houses of 162-3 war with Japan (1904-5) 191, 200, 2 1 3 - 1 4 , 236, 351, 384, 423 weaknesses 200-201 see also Soviet Union Russia (post-Soviet) 86, 775-8, 853 and Chechen rebellion 777 crushing of parliament insurrection (1993) 776 devaluation of rouble (1998) 818 economic reform under Yeltsin 775 faltering of banks (1998) 778 intervention in Tajikstan (1992) 777 problems faced 775-6 see also Yeltsin, Boris Russian empire 87-8, 102, 152 Rutherford, Ernest 33, 34, 558 Rwanda 738, 834 SA {Sturmabteilung) 392, 394, 402 Saar 277 Sadat, President Anwar assassination of (1981) 687, 743 Salisbury, Lord 64, 66, 179 Salvarsan, discovery of 126 Samoa 103 Sarikat Islam 387 satellite television 564-5 Saudi Arabia abolition of slavery i9n emergence of (1932) 305 female education 639

and Gulf War 768 and Islam 771 oil 682, 770 population growth 116, 771 Schlieffen plan 241, 253 Schrödinger, Erwin 35 Schuman, Robert 699 science 30-35, 169, 5 5 3 - 4 , 555~8, 615, 841-3 blurring of fields of 557 change in thinking of the educated by 31 difficulty in understanding 35, 556, 557-8 distrust of 577-8 impact of 30, 135, 555-6, 567, 841-2 increase in awareness of importance of 558 increase in prestige of 135 and new technology 567 in nineteenth century 30-31, 3 1 - 4 , 35, 123 and Victorians 556-7 'Scramble for Africa' 96-100, 107 sea-levels, rise in 582 Second International 149, 150, 288 Second World War (1939-45) 243, 378, 410-32, 832 aftermath 435-9 Allied victories and advance 4*5-7 and Atlantic Charter (1941) 4 2 1 - 2 , 429, 466 atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki 427-8, 431, 432, 448, 558 attack on Poland by Germany 408-9, 410

895

INDEX

Second World War - cont. attack on Yugoslavia and Greece by Germany 417 Battle of the Atlantic 415, 42.5-6 Battle of Britain 416 Battle of El Alamein 425 Battle of Midway 425 and Blitzkrieg 411, 414 blockade 411, 414 and Britain see Britain collaborators 418-19 concentration camps 428 death toll 432, 437 death-knell of imperialism 466, 468 declaration of war on Germany by Britain and France 410-11 declaration of war on United States by Germany 422, 424 demographic changes as consequence of 437-8 destructiveness and damage caused by 4 3 1 - 2 , 435, 437 events leading up to 404-7 and France see France German advances 418 see also Germany Holocaust 429, 430, 484, 785 and India 366, 469-70, 471 invasion of France by Germany and surrender 414 invasion of Italy by Allies 426 invasion of northern France by Allies (D-Day) (1944) 426 invasion of Norway and Denmark by Germany 414 invasion of Soviet Union by Germany (Barbarossa) 416-18 Italy's entry into 415 see also Italy

and Japan see Japan joining of Italy with Germany 414 as a moral struggle 429-30 naval war 425 North African campaign 424, 425, 426 Pearl Harbor attack 4 2 3 - 4 resistance movements 420-21 surrender of Germany 427 surrender of Japan 428, 515 treatment of occupied countries by Germany 419-20, 428 and United States see United States use of radar 560 and Yalta conference (1945) 439-40 Security Council (UN) 4 4 3 - 4 Selassie, Haile 535, 536 Serbia 53, 239, 273, 629, 630, 783-4 alliance with Bulgaria (1912) 203 and Austria-Hungary 183, 198, 205, 238 and Balkan war 204, 205 and Bosnian crisis 799-800, 801 declaration of war on by Austrians 241 and Great War 248 and Kosovo 781-2, 802-3, 82-6, 828 service industries 605 Sèvres, Treaty of (1920) 273n, 308, 309 sexual behaviour 601 shipping routes 127 Siam 64, 66, 82, 468 see also Thailand Siberia 358 Sierra Leone 529

896

INDEX

silicon chip 560-61, 562, 607 Singapore 115, 424, 468, 519, 603, 724 Single European Act (1987) 788-9 single European currency 809-11 Sinn Fein 285, 786 Six-Day War (1967) 680, 747 slavery 13, 18-19, 53^ Slovakia 784-5 Slovenia 781, 782-3, 799, 808, 812 smallpox 582 Smuts, Jan Christiaan 209n Social Democratic Party (SPD) (Germany) 149, 150, 159, 704 social welfare, provision of 600 socialism 147-51 solar power ^$9 Solidarity 754, 755, 756 Somalia 526, 804 Somaliland 530 Somme, battle of (1916) 249 South Africa 86, 524, 525, 526, 5 3 1 - 2 , 734-8, 853 Afrikaner domination in politics 531-2 and Angola 533 apartheid 532, 734, 735 and Boer War see South African War changes under Botha 734-5 dismantling of apartheid by de Klerk 735-6 economic sanctions against 735 elections (1994) 737 establishment of Union (1910) 109 gold and diamond industry n o Great Trek 107 hostility of United Nations towards 734

leaves Commonwealth 530 political violence (1993) 736 release of Mandela (1990) 736 and Rhodesia 538 and Second World war 531 steps towards black majority rule 736-7 suppression of rebellion against crown (1914) 252 treatment of native populations by white settlers 95 South African war 106-10, 153, 179-80, 181, 187-8, 246, 247 South America see Latin America South East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) 490 South Korea 504, 603, 724, 728, 816 see also Korea Southern Rhodesia 527, 530, 5 3 2 - 3 sovereignty, state 629 Soviet Union 293-303, 396, 647-52, 662-5, 710-11 admiration of Stalin's regime by foreigners 403-4 and Afghanistan 685, 733, 741, 746, 748, 751 and Africa 526 agriculture 295: collectivization 298-9, 398-9; decline in output 299; failure of 663-4 and Albania 446, 492, 651 armaments expenditure 711 ascendancy and power of after Second World War 446-7 attempted coup (1991) against Gorbachev 7 7 2 - 3 and Brezhnev doctrine 651-2, 753-4 and Britain 293, 332

897

INDEX

Soviet Union - cont. changes and reforms under Gorbachev 748-9, 757-8 and China see China and Chinese Civil War 363, 477 civil war 294-5 and Comintern 2 9 1 - 2 , 455-6 and CSCE 7 1 2 - 1 3 and Cuba 658-9 and Czechoslovakia: Prague Spring (1968) 651; withdrawal of forces from 761-2 denouncement of Stalin's misdeeds by Khrushchev 649, 663 and Depression 343 difficulties faced 7 4 1 - 2 disintegration of 627, 756-60, 7 7 2 - 5 , 779, 850, 853 dissidence in 710 and East Germany 653, 704 and Berlin blockade and airlift 463-4 and eastern Europe 451, 592, 593, 629, 649, 751 economy 603, 663, 664, 758 education 664 and Germany: non-aggression treaty (1926) 331; opposition to a re-united Germany after the war 451, 452, 462; Rapallo agreement 328-9, 331; and reunification 763-4 health service 664 and Hungarian uprising (1956) 546, 650 and India 500, 502 industrialization 295-6, 298, 299-300, 398, 663 and Israel 485, 549

898

and Khrushchev 511, 647-8, 653, 658, 659, 662-3 and Korean War 487-9 and League of Nations 277 legacy of backwardness 664 life expectancy at birth 114 limits on freedom and rights of citizens 490, 665 and Marshall Plan 455 navy 733 New Economic Policy (NEP) 295-6 nuclear accidents 578-9 nuclear power stations 664 nuclear weapons 450, 660, 774n and peasants 294, 297, 298 and Poland 292, 416 promotion and support for revolution elsewhere 301 purges 399-40°, 4°3, 4 6 5 road to modernization 296 and Romania 651 ruthlessness of Bolshevik rule 293-4, 294-5 Second World War: battle on eastern front 425; casualties 432, 437; enters Poland 426; invasion of by Germany 416-18; mobilization 425; pact with Germany (1939) 409, 416; suffering caused by 449-50 secret police 295 seeking of diplomatic relations with other countries by Bolsheviks 329, 3 3 1 - 2 setting up of labour camps 299 and space programme 570, 571, 572, 574, 664-5 and Spanish Civil War 405, 408

INDEX

and Stalin see Stalin, Joseph and Suez crisis 649 Terror 399-400 territories occupied after war 447 and Turkish treaty (1921) 3¿9n and United Nations 443, 444, 452 and United States see United States and World Council of Churches 621

and Yugoslavia 446, 465, 492, 649-50 see also Russia space exploration 570-4, 577, 857-9 and American Space Shuttle 574 benefits of 573 cooperation between United States and Soviet Union 574 criticism of 573 first landing on the moon (1969) 571-3 first 'space walk' 572 launching of Sputnik I by Soviet Union 570, 652 rivalry between United States and Soviet Union 571, 574, 652-3 Soviet achievements 664-5 and unmanned satellites 574 Spain 74, 697-8 and Africa 98n authoritarianism in 316, 318 Basque terrorists 785 Civil War 378, 404-7, 408-9, 431,437 communism in 401 and Cuban independence 76, 104, 657 joins European Community (1986) 704, 788

and monarchy 698 political problems and unrest at turn of century 157, 158 and Second World War 697 'Tragic Week' of Barcelona (1909) 158 and United Nations 697 war with United States (1898) 96, 104, 105, 177, 318 and women's vote 631 Spanish Organic Law (1966) 623n SPD see Social Democratic Party Sputnik I 570, 652 Sputnik II 571 Sputnik V 571 Stalin, Joseph 302, 354, 485, 492 character 298 death 489, 647 denouncement of misdeeds by Khrushchev 649, 663 and Germany 452 and industrialization 298 and KMT 363 and Korean War 487 legacy of 489-90 and Mao 511 purges 399, 465 ruthlessness of 297-8 and Second World War 418 and Spanish Civil War 408 and Yalta conference 439 state(s) 5 2 - 6 , 623, 847-9 challenges to 628-31 intervention in economy 624 and nationalism 5 3 - 5 , 627 power of 624-5 and sovereignty 629 virtual monopoly of main instruments of physical control 624

899

INDEX

Syria 234 Ba'ath party takes power (1963) 680 and Egypt 546, 683 European cultural influences 234 and France 305, 308, 482, 483 and Gulf War 768 independence (1941) 483 paralysis in early 60s 546 and Second World War 424 and Six-Day War (1967) 680 and United States 549

state(s) - cont. and welfare 624 steam 123, 126 steel industry 604-5 Stolypin, Peter 164 assassination (1912) 200 Straits of Constantinople see Constantinople Straits student demonstrations (1968) ¿43~4> 753 submarines, deployment in Great War 254, 255, 256 Sudan Anglo-Egyptian conquest and proclamation of condominium (1898/9) 97, 233 battle of Omdurman (1898) 92 civil war 738, 746 and Islam 688, 745 military coup (1989)745-6 Suez Canal 190 crisis (1956) 544-6, 649 importance to Britain 262, 306, 307, 483, 543 opening of (1869) 51, 232 suffragettes 155, 174 Sukarno, Achmed 479, 503, 504,

Taft, President William 72, 377n, 822 Taiwan (formerly Formosa) I04n 728, 729, 793, 826 and China 815-16 expulsion from United Nations 676 GDP 603 and KMT 477, 510 and United States 510, 677 withdrawal of United States forces 723, 815 Tajikstan 777 Tanganyika 92, 97, 526, 529 Tannu Tuva 512 Tanzania 529, 588 taxation 51, 624 technology 31, 1 2 3 - 5 , *37> 555 effect of in Great War 246-7 and growth of imperialism 89-90 impact of new on women's lives

544 Sun Yat-sen 218, 2 2 1 , 351, 640, 721 background 217 and CCP 359 death (1925) 360 and KMT 217, 348 and presidency of 'United Provinces' 219 view of world 359-60 Surrealism 324 Sweden 57, 811, 812 Switzerland 174, 631 Syllabus of Errors 167

173 progress in 28 see also communications technology; information technology telecommunications 560

900

INDEX telegraph 130, 134 telephone 28, 130 television 133-4, 560, 562, 564-5 Teng-Hui, President Lee 815 terrorism 686-7, 770 test-tube baby 569 Thailand 519, 724, 817 see also Siam Thatcher, Margaret 7 1 4 - 1 5 , 789-90 Third World 501-502, 650 'Three Emperors League' 178 Tiananmen Square massacre (1989) 565, 795-8 Tibet 13, 193 invasion of by Britain (1904) 2 4 , 101, 215 occupation of by Chinese (1951) 509-10 'tiger economies' 724, 816 Times 132 Titanic disaster (1912) 130 Tito, Marshall 465, 490, 492, 502, 782 Tokyo 611 trade 50-51, 122, 604 effect on by Great War 280 free trade doctrine 50-51, 492 and globalization 611 growth in world 591, 611 liberalization of 610 systems of 492-3 and tariffs 591 'Tragic Week' of Barcelona (1909) 158 Transjordan see Jordan 'transnational advocacy networks' 630-31 Transylvania 284, 784 Triple Alliance (Germany/Austria-

Hungary/Italy) 178, 179,185 Trotsky, Leon 297, 298 Truman Doctrine 454-5 Truman, President H. F. 450 452, 487, 488, 666 Tsolikovsky, K. E. 570 Tsushima Straits, battle of (1904) 213 tuberculosis 569 Tunis 89 Tunisia 526, 540, 544, 638 Turkey 482, 825 abolition of polygamy (1926) 638 attack on Muslim theocracy 310-11 and EU 811, 812 and Great War 248, 251 and Iran 312 and Kemal 308-11, 312, 811 Kurdish nationalism 311 and Lausanne Treaty (1923) 309 and Sèvres Treaty (1920) 308 treaty with Soviet Union (1921) 329 United States aid to 454 war with Britain (1914) 231 Twenty-one Demands (1915) 351, 352 Tzu Hsi, Empress 60-1, 215, 216, 217-18 Uganda 529 Ukraine 420, 437, 578-9, 760 Ulster 620, 786 unemployment 591, 601, 602 and Depression 2 4 1 - 2 , 341, 342, 343 in nineteenth century 4 5 - 6 , 143-4 United Arab Republic 546

901

INDEX

United Kingdom see Britain United Nations (UN) 427, 429, 628, 832, 849 admission of China (1971) 676, 723 and Bosnian crisis 799-800, 827 establishment of 443 expulsion of Taiwan 676 first meeting of General Assembly (1946) 444 and human rights i4n, 629 importance of 444 and Israel 681 Japan joins (1956) 518, 727 and Korea 487, 488 organization and structure 443 and South Africa 734 and Soviet Union 443, 444, 452 and Soviet veto 452 and Spain 697 veto power of permanent members of Security Council

schools 669-70; 'ghetto' areas 671; problems in 1990s 820-21; rioting in Los Angeles (1965) 671 bombing of Iraq over failure of UN weapons inspections 803-4, 804-5 bombing of Libya (1986) 750 and Bosnian crisis 800 and China see China and Chinese civil war 476, 477 and Clinton see Clinton, President Bill and Cuba 104, 106, 656-8, 660-61: 'Bay of Pigs' operation 658, 660; missile crisis 658-9, 660, 711, 741 democracy 69-70 and Depression 342, 343, 367 dissipation of authority of presidency 8 2 1 - 2 and Dominican Republic 661-2 economy 679: abandonment of fixed-rate exchange or the dollar (1971) 602; effect of Great War on 279-80, 340; GDP 588t; growth 590, 820, 821; and Reagan 749 and Egypt 544~5> 549 emigration of Europeans to 43, 68 and Europe 68, 445-6 European investment 788 and feminism 636 and government intervention 666-7 and Great War 73, 249, 2 5 4 - 5 , 263, 332 growth in geographical extent 86,

443-4 United Nations Declaration (1942) 425n United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration see UNRRA United States 48, 50, 67-74, 102-6, 3 3 2 - 5 , 367-9, 666-71, 7 4 1 - 2 , 820-28 agriculture 70, 71, 118, 120 and American Civil War (1861-5) 54, 67, 246 annexation of Hawaii (1898) 104 anti-imperialism 466-7, 478 ascendancy and power of after war 446, 447-8 and blacks 73, 668-70, 671, 825: ending of segregation in

902

INDEX

growth of 'Hispanic' Americans 821 growth in nineteenth century 68-9 growth of power 666 and Gulf War 765 impact on European culture 609 and imperialism 86, 102-6, 466-7 and India 502 and Indonesia 503 industrial power 49, 69, 70, 448, 666 and Iran 540, 684-5: hostage crisis 684-5, 685-6, 740, 741, 742; Iran-Contra affair (1987) 750; Iranian revolution 684, 685 isolation policy 67-8, 278, 332-3 and Israel 542, 549, 682, 825 and Japan see Japan and Korean War 487-9, 490 and Kosovo crisis 826—7 and Latin America see Latin America and League of Nations 276 life expectancy at birth 114 limits on immigration 335 Louisiana Purchase (1803) 67, 94,

nuclear weapons 490, 660, 823 number of states belonging 851 and oil crisis 683 and Panama canal 105 and Philippines 9m, 104, 214, 466-7 population growth 6j, 586t, 666 populist challenge 70-71 and Progressivism 7 1 - 3 and Prohibition 334, 368 prosperity in 1920s 333, 340 and Reagan 742, 747-8, 749-50 role of government 625 Second World War: and Atlantic Charter 4 2 1 - 2 , 429, 466; attack on Pearl Harbor 4 2 3 - 4 ; battles in the Pacific 425; declaration of war on by Germany 422, 424; and industrial power 448; and Lend-Lease 421, 441, 448, 449 slow progress in social reform 71

and Somalia 804 and Soviet Union 4 4 4 - 5 , 460: deterioration of relations 450; new degree of cooperation between 7 1 1 - 1 2 ; origins of antagonism between 461-2; setting up of 'hot line' between 659-60 and space programme 570, 571-2.» 5 7 3 - 4 , 653 stock market crash (1929) 367 and Suez crisis 545 swing back to isolationism after Vietnam 678 and Taiwan 510, 677, 723, 815 and Truman Doctrine 4 5 4 - 5 and Vietnam 508

454 and McCarthyism 667-8, 672 and Marshall Plan 455-6, 463, 490-91, 590, 591, 592, 696, 698 and Mexico 94, 106, 822 and Middle East peace process 823-4, 8 2 5 and NATO 779 and New Deal 368-9 nuclear accidents 579

903

INDEX

United States - cont. and Vietnam War see Vietnam War war with Spain (1898) 96, 104, i°5> 177> 318 and women's vote 631 UNRRA (United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration) 437, 438, 448 Upper Silesia 277 urbanization, growth in 117 Uruguay 375, 692 USSR (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) see Soviet Union Ustasa 439, 782 vaccinations 569 Vanishing Adolescent, The (Firedenberg) 642 Venezuela 76, 105, 373, 655 Versailles Treaty (1919) 328, 330, 341 Hitler's denouncement of 390, 391 and League of Nations 276 resentment towards by Germany 291,388 seeking of revision of by Germany 328, 389 terms 2 7 3 - 4 violation of by Germany 405 Victoria, Queen 9, 108, 225 Viet Minh 386, 480, 481 Vietcong 508 Vietnam aftermath of war 677-8 American support of South Vietnam 508-9 and China 509, 677, 794 formation of new state of 480

and Indo-China war with French 481, 507 partition of into North and South 508 Vietnam War 672-6, 677, 678, 723, 729, 741 air attacks on North Vietnam and sending in of combat units to the South 673 impact of on United States 675-6 peace negotiations and ceasefire 675 protests against 643, 673-4 withdrawal of American troops by Nixon 675 Vietnamese National Party 385 Voting and women 26, 27, 174, 284, 631, 636 Walesa, Lech 7 5 4 - 5 , 756, 761 war crimes 835 warfare attempts to humanize in nineteenth century 165 wars attitude and views of in early twentieth century 187-8 Warsaw Pact 491, 492, 704, 779 wealth cultural consequences of increase in 608-10 and dissatisfaction 579-80 disparity in distribution of 588, 595-6, 846 growth in 45, 51, 117-20, 326-7, 576-7, 587-9, 836, 839, 840 weapons and Great War 247, 249 and imperialism 92 see also nuclear weapons

904

INDEX

welfare state 602, 625, 705 Wells, H. G., The War in the Air 209 West Berlin see Berlin West Germany admittance to NATO 491, 701, 704 currency reform 462-3 economic growth 491 and ECSC 700 emergence of 464-5 outflow of refugees from East Germany to 491, 653 relations with East Germany 594, 709-10, 762 and reunification 806 under Adenauer 491 unemployment 601 see also Germany Western European Union (WEU) 701

Wilhelm II, Kaiser 154, 160, 178, 185, 191 abdication (1918) 265 and Balkan wars 204 on parliamentarians 162 Wilson, President Woodrow 73, 263, 274, 277, 278, 333 election as president (1912) 72 and First World War 283 and Fourteen Points 255, 261, 263 and League of Nations 276 and Mexico 106 re-election (1916) 255 wind energy 559 Windscale (later called Sellafield) reactor fire (1957) 578 wireless transmission 130 see also radio

women 2 5 - 7 , 6 3 1 - 4 1 , 837 in 1901 2 5 - 6 effect of contraception on lives of 173 see also Pill and employment 172, 602, 633 in Europe 1 7 1 - 4 and feminism 636 impact of new technology and innovations on 173 inequalities of 632 influence of treatment by west on other countries 632-3 and marriage law 632 in non-western world 637-41 and polygamy 637-8 and voting 26, 27, 174, 284, 631, 636 Women's Movement 636, 640-41 Women's Rights Convention (1848) 26 World Bank 442, 590, 597 world civilization 844-8 World Council of Churches 621 World Health Organization 569 World Monetary and Economic Conference (1933) 344 World Trade Organization 826 World War I see Great War World War II see Second World War World Wide Web 563 Wright, Orville 129 Yalta conference (1945) 439, 450 Yeltsin, Boris 775, 777 and attempted coup (1991) 773 health 778 and Kosovo crisis 802-3 opposition to 776 personal style 776

905

INDEX

Yom Kippur war (1973) 602, 681, 682 Young Turks 194-7, 203, 235, 261 youth 609, 6 4 1 - 4 , 845 changes in awareness of 642 and communism 643 identification as lucrative market 642-3 new freedom of 641-2 Yuan Shih-kai 219, 348, 351 Yugoslavia 490, 705 attack on by Stalin 465 Croat-Serb antagonism 782 disintegration of 627, 780-84 divisions within 780-81 expulsion from Cominform 492, 649 founding of 262, 265, 780

murder of king by Croats (1936) 378 murder of Serbians by Croats in aftermath of war 438-9 and Second World War 417, 420

and Soviet Union 446, 465, 492, 649-50 Zaire (was Congo) 525, 530 Zambia (was Northern Rhodesia) 525, 532, 533 Zanzibar 529 Zapata, Emilio 371 Zeppelin, Ferdinand 128 Zhao Ziyang 795 Zimbabwe 538, 734 see also Rhodesia

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